
Class _n_ 
Book 






Copyright N?_ 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT. 




COL. J. H. WILSON. 



HISTORY 



OF THE 



101st Regiment 

Pennsylvania Veteran 
Volunteer Infantry 

1861-1865 



By JOHN A. REED, 

Private of Company H. 

(Appointed 2d Lieut., N.C. Union Vols., Dec. 1863) 

With Luther S. Dickey as Collaborator. 



CHICAGO 
L. S. DICKEY & CO. 

1910 



10 



COPYRIGHT 1910 by 
L. S. DICKEY & CO. 



Photo-engraving by 

ELECTRO ENGRAVING CO 

New York. 



©CI.A25&S 



WESTERN NEWSPAPER UNION 
CHICAGO 



'T'O the Sacred Memory of the 
Heroic Dead of the One hun- 
dred and first Regiment Penn- 
sylvania Veteran Volunteer 
Infantry, who have passed into 
the Great Beyond during and 
since the War of '61 to '65; 
to the Surviving Members; and 
to the Wives and Children, the 
Kindred and Friends of all, 
both living and dead, — this vol= 
ume is most affectionately 
and reverently dedicated. 



PREFACE. 



To compile the annals of the One hundred and first Regiment, Pennsyl- 
vania Veteran Volunteer Infantry, has been no easy task. During the almost 
a half century that has elapsed since the Regiment was mustered into the service, 
a large majority of the principal actors in the great drama enacted from 1861 
to 1865, has passed from the stage of action into the great beyond. 

Few regiments that went out from the State of Pennsylvania had so many 
of their original members, seal their devotion to the Union by giving their all 
— their lives, "the last full measure of devotion" — to preserve its integrity, and 
to the proposition that all men are created equal. Forty per cent of the men 
and boys who accompanied the standard of the 101st Regiment to the seat of 
war sleep in Southern graves. Twice have the company and regimental records 
been entirely lost in battle, first in front of Seven Pines, early in 1862, and two 
years later, at Plymouth, N. C. From the capitulation of the Plymouth garrison 
until the war was practically ended, most of the officers of the Regiment were 
prisoners of war, and when they gained their freedom it was impossible for them 
to revive the records in complete form from memory. Neither did they realize 
the importance of having this well done, in order that future generations might 
know the part this Regiment had played in preserving this nation, "a government 
of the people, by the people, and for the people." 

I would have been reluctant to have assumed the duties and responsibility 
of recording the activities of the Regiment had I not been able to avail myself 
of the painstaking research of Comrade L. S. Dickey, historian of the 103d 
Penna. Regiment. For several years Comrade Dickey has been devoting his 
spare time in searching the libraries of the principal cities of the country for all 
matter bearing on the events of the war in which his regiment and the 101st 
participated. He has carefully gone through the official records of the War De- 
partment and noted every reference to the action of the troops comprising the 
brigade in which the 101st was an integral part during its nearly four years of 
service. I have availed myself of all this research in preparing the Regimental 
narrative, and have amplified what I have written, from memory, from the 
diaries, letters and reminiscences furnished me by surviving comrades, and by 
giving the official reports, written immediately following the events as they 
occurred. These are incorporated in the narrative in proper sequence and are 
of themselves, a faithful general history of the events in which the Regiment 
participated. But beyond the Regimental narrative, three supplemental articles 
appear in this volume of great historical value, as appendices, prepared by Com- 
rade Dickey, viz : "Casey's Division at Seven Pines," "the Battle of Plymouth," 
and "Andersonville and Florence Military Prison Life." The compilation in 
each of these articles is so comprehensive as to make each authoritative and 
unassailable from a historical point of view, and no future historian can well 
afford to ignore these articles when writing on these subjects. The comrade? 



PREFACE. 

of Wessells' and Palmer's brigades of Casey's division of the original Fourth 
Corps, of the Army of the Potomac, are under lasting obligation to Comrade 
Dickey for his complete and unanswerable refutation of all the calumnies hurled 
against Casey's division, completely vindicating it for its action at the battle of 
Fair Oaks. Especially are the members of the ioist Regiment, their relatives 
and friends, indebted to him for preventing the ioist Regiment from being 
robbed of its most heroic work during the war ; defending the right flank of 
Casey's main line of battle, three-fourths of a mile in advance of Seven Pines, 
against the overwhelming assaults of the enemy. Had it not been for the pains- 
taking care in which Comrade Dickey made his research, this honor would have 
been given to troops who were not near this position. 

The labor and money I have spent in preparing this volume are a free will 
offering on my part. I have no expectation, hope, or desire for any pecuniary 
return or reward for what I have done to preserve to posterity the record of my 
Regiment. Fully aware of its imperfections, and the lack of proper recognition 
of many worthy comrades who played their full part in making an honorable 
record for the Regiment, I shall be satisfied if I receive proper appreciation 
from my surviving comrades, and the relatives and friends of those who have 
obeyed "taps" for the last time and are awaiting the sounding of great reveille, 
proclaiming the time when there shall be no more wars, and when the spirit of 
the humble Galilean shall prevail to the uttermost parts of the earth. 

Proud of the part I played in helping Abraham Lincoln maintain this 
Government, during the stirring and trying days of 1861-65, I feel happy in the 
consciousness that I have, in a measure, done something towards preserving the 
record of those with whom I was associated, and who enabled me to play my 
part, during the four most strenuous years of my life. Not preserving it merely 
to gratify the few living comrades and the children and friends of those who 
have passed beyond, but rather that future generations will honor their memory, 
and in doing so, be incited to faithfully maintain the principles on which this 
Republic was founded, and perpetuated through the privations and sacrifices of 
the comrades of the Civil War. 

As the final sheets of this volume were going to press the announcements 
were received that two gallant comrades, Lieut. Col. A. W. Taylor and Capt. C. W. 
May, have passed into the Great Beyond. Peace to their ashes! 

Pittsburg, Pa., January 20, 1910. John A. Rhed. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Page 

From the Organization of the Regiment to Yorktown 1 

(From August, 1861, to May 4, 1862.) 

CHAPTER II. 

From Williamsburg to Seven Pines 4 

(From May 4, 1862, to May 30, 1862.) 

CHAPTER III. 

Fair Oaks to White Oak Swamp 8 

(From May 31, 1862, to June 26, 1862.) 

CHAPTER IV. 

Seven Days' Battles to Harrison's Landing 11 

(From June 27, 1862, to August 15, 1862.) 

CHAPTER V. 
From the Peninsula to Suffolk-Blackwater, South West Creek, Kinston, White Hall, 

Goldsboro and New Bern 15 

(From August 16, 1862, to December 30, 1862.) 

CHAPTER VI. 

Hvde County Raid 22 

(From December 31, 1862, to March 31, 1863.) 

CHAPTER VII. 

Spinola Raid to Blounts Creek 25 

(From April 1, 1863, to April 10, 1863.) 

CHAPTER VIII. 

New Bern to Plymouth — Raids to Nichol's Mills, Williamston, Gardner's Bridge 29 

(From April 11, 1863, to July 8, 1863.) 

CHAPTER IX. 

Raid From Plymouth to Foster's Mills, Williamston — Lieut. Helm's Famous Capture... 34 

(From April 12, 1863, to April 16, 1864.) 

CHAPTER X. 

The Battle of Plymouth — The Capture of the Regiment 36 

(From April 17, 1864, to November 30, 1864.) 

CHAPTER XI. 

Paroled, Mustered Out and Final Discharge 38 

(From December 1, 1864, to July 13, 1865.) 

CHAPTER XII. 
Biograhpical Sketches — Col. Wilson — Col. Morris — Col. Sheafer — Lieut. Col. Taylor — 

Adjutant Longenecker 40 

CHAPTER XIII. 
Biographical Sketches — Capt. May — Capt. Sprague — Lieut. Brown 47 

CHAPTER XIV 
Biographical Sketches — Corporal Ludwick — Private McAlister — Private Jonas Walker — 

Private James Logan Alter — Private Henry H. Walker 49 

CHAPTER XV. 

Life in Confederate Prisons — Biographical Sketch — John A. Reed 54 

(From April 20, 1864, to December 10, 1864.) 



TADLE OF CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XVI. 
Escape From Florence Military Prison — Sergt. James Gilmore, Corp. John Sheaffer, 
Private George VV. Bnmbaugh, Jerome Sheaffer, of Co. A, and Private James 

Dim l.i i ' By Private Bumhaugh 59 

(From September 12, 1864, to November 14, 1864.) 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Diary of Marches of Wessell's Brigade. Published During the War. Author Unknown.. 63 

(From March 28, 1862, to December 31, 1863.) 

CHAPTER XVIII. 
The Marches of Wcssells' Brigade Told in Rhyme; Published During the War. By 

Private William Issard 71 

(From March 28, 1862, to April 10, 1863.) 

CHAPTER XIX. 
Dedication of the Monument at the National Cemetery at Andersonville, Ga., Erected by 

the State of Pennsylvania — Reminiscence of Sergt. Cyrus W. Webb, Company H.. 73 

CHAPTER XX. 
First Reunion of the 101st Regimental Association — Leechburg, Penna., September 10, 

1879 74 

CHAPTER XXI. 
Thirty-First Annual Reunion of the 101st and 103rd Regiments at Foxburg, Penna., 

September 16, 1909 81 

Regimental Roster 87 

APPENDICES. 

The Battle of Plymouth — Death of Lieut. Com. Flusser — Sinking of the Southfield — 
Capitulation of Gen. Wessells' Command — Biographical Sketches of Lieut. Com. 
Flusser, and Brig. Gen. Wessells 123 

Casey's Division at the Battle of Fair Oaks or Seven Pines — A Critical Analysis of the 
Official Reports and Dispatches Censuring Casey's Division for Discreditable Con- 
duct at the Battle of Fair Oaks or Seven Pines, May 31, 1862 145 

Life in Andersonville and Florence Confederate Military Prisons — Appeals Made for 
an Exchange of Prisoners — Why the Exchange Was Not Made — Confederate 
Official Reports of Suffering 254 



ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS. 



Col. Joseph H. Wilson Frontispiece ^ 

Col. David B. Morris 1 

Col. James Sheafer 4 

Lieut. Col. Alexander W. Taylor 8 

Adj utant J. H. Longenecker II 

Capt. William B. Sprague 15 

Capt. Geo. W. Bowers — 1st Lieut. Geo. L. Brown 22 

1st Lieut. George H. Fetterman 25 

Map of Early Coast Operations in North Carolina 29 

Map of Butler's Bridge and Vicinity 34 

Group — Capts. Bowers and Benner, Lieuts. Lee, Heppard and Kirk, Sergt. Keating, Sutler 

Schaum 36 

Privates George P. Craig, John Reed, Graham Coulter 38 

Group — Original Field Officers — Col. Wilson, Lieut. Col. Morris, Maj. Hoard, Adjt. 

Cooper 40 

Capt. Charles W. May 47 

Corp. Daniel Ludwick, Privates Duncan McAIister, J. Logan Alter 49 

Privates Jonas Walker, George W. Bumbaugh, H. H. Walker 50 

Private John A. Reed 54 

Pennsylvania Monument, National Cemetery, Andersonville 73 

Group at 31st Annual Reunion 81 

Map of Roanoke Island, N. C 113 

Brig. Gen. H. W. Wessells 123 

Map of Plymouth and Defenses 120 

Group of Confederate Officers — Plymouth Captors 130 

Maj. Gen. Silas Casey 145 

Map of Seven Pines — Century War Series, No. 1 158 

Map of Seven Pines — Century War Series, No. 2 166 

Map of Seven Pines, by Capt. Donaghy 1 74 

Burying the Dead at the Twin Houses 182 

The Twin Farm-Houses, Two Views 190 

Plan of Andersonville Prison 260 

National Cemetery, Andersonville, No. 1 264 

National Cemetery, Andersonville, No. 2 268 

Providence Spring, Andersonville National Cemetery 272 

Map of North Carolina Inside Back Cover 




I iflk PWI 



* 




/ 



COL. DAVID B. MORRIS. 



The One Hundred and First Pennsylvania 
Veteran Volunteer Infantry. 

A Chronological Narrative from the Organization of the Regiment Until 

it was Mustered Out. 



CHAPTER I. 

From the Organization of the Regiment to Yorktown. 

(From August 1861 to May 4, 1862.) 

The recruiting of the 101st Penna. Regiment began during the month 
of August, 1861. The members of the Regiment, as recruited, were brought 
together at Camp Fremont, which is now known as Oakland Square of the 
City of Pittsburg. Seven companies, or rather parts of seven, were gathered 
at this camp, having been recruited in Beaver, Butler, Lawrence and Allegheny 
counties, and from time to time sent forward to Harrisburg, Pa. 

On Sept. 17, 1861, a preliminary organization of the Regiment was made. 
Joseph H. Wilson, of Beaver County, was elected as colonel. He had formerly 
been commander of the old Military Companies of a part of western Pennsyl- 
vania as brigade general. David B. Morris was chosen lieutenant colonel. He 
had been captain of Co. A of the 13th Penn. Regiment in the three months 
service and also an old member of the famous Washington Infantry. The 
preliminary organization was completed as follows : Ebenezer B. Williams, an 
attorney of Pittsburgh, was appointed quartermaster, and Robert F. Cooper of 
Monongahela City, Washington County, was appointed adjutant. The respec- 
tive companies were recruited from different sections of the State by men who 
subsequently received commissions as captain and lieutenants. 

Capt. David M. Armor, 1st Lieut. James Sheafer and 2d Lieut. Edgar Lee 
recruited Company A. The members of this company were principally recruited 
in Allegheny County, from Pittsburgh and continguous townships, a few coming 
from Cumberland County with Lieut. Lee. 

Capt. Victor A. Elliott of Tioga County represented the extreme northern 
part of the state with Company B. This entire company was recruited in Tioga, 
and in the contiguous counties bordering on New York. 

Capt. William Lowrv, and his company, C, represented the extreme western 
part of the state. His company was recruited in Lawrence County, a few coming 
from contiguous counties bordering on Ohio. 

Capt. Alexander Compher, with Company D, represented the extreme 

Southern part of the state. This company was nearly all recruited in Bedford 

County, with a very few from the adjoining counties bordering on Maryland. 

Capt. James Chalfant, with the assistance of First Lieut. Lawrence T. 



2 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

Fettcrnian, recruited Company E, in and about Pittsburgh, nearly all of this 
company coming from Allegheny County. 

Capt. Charles W. May, recruited Company F, in Beaver County ; very few 
members of this company represented other counties. 

Capt. William B. Sprague, and ist Lieut. David W. Mullin, recruited Com- 
pany G, the former recruiting his men from Allegheny County, and the latter 
from Bedford County. 

Capt. Alexander W. Taylor, ist Lieut. William Mays, and 2d Lieut. James 

B. Kirk recruited Company II, from Beaver, Allegheny and Butler Counties, 
with a few stragglers from Virginia and Ohio. 

Capt. George W. Bowers, ist Lieut. John C. Fletcher, and 2d Lieut. George 
L. Brown recruited Company I from the Counties of Allegheny, Schuylkill 
and Northumberland, Capt. Bowers and Lieut. Fletcher bringing their recruits 
from Allegheny County, and Brown bringing his men from Northumberland 
and Schuylkill Counties. 

Capt. Henry Chritzman recruited the principal part of Company K in 
Adams County, many of them coming from the vicinity of Gettysburg. 

The early part of November, 1861, was spent by these ten companies 
in Camp Curtin at Harrisburg, in the duties of camp instruction, drilling, per- 
fecting their organization by the addition of privates and the selection of 
the non-commissioned and other officers. Joseph S. Hoard was elected as 
Major, and David G. Rush as Surgeon. There was much rivalry among 
the companies for better places in the line, but it was finally settled as above 
indicated, and they stood in order, from right to left, as follows : A, F, D, I, 

C, H, E, K, G. B. 

Some time in Dec, 1861, we were given our regimental number and 
henceforth became known as the 101st Pennsylvania Volunteers. We remained 
in Camp Curtin until February 27, 1862. Our flag was presented to us by Gov. 
Curtin on Feb. 26, our arms (Harper's Ferry muskets) and accouterments 
having been issued about Feb. 10th. We left Camp Curtin on Feb. 27 for 
Baltimore, where we remained one night at McKim Barracks. Many of us 
were in great trepidation, remembering the reception accorded our troops 
on April 19, 1861. We arrived at Washington, D. C, on March 1, stopping 
at the old Baltimore & Ohio depot, near the Capitol, where we were served 
with bread and hot coffee. Here we met some of the troops that were at 
Balls Bluff. They were smoked and brown and their tales of woe and their 
forlorn looks in general made us think of our fate so soon to come. 

We formed a line at the east front of the Capitol and marched clown 
Pennsylvania Avenue, company front in heavy marching order. Each man 
seemed to be trying to preserve all relics of the camp equipage. Each one 
bore a mule's load of knives, forks, spoons, frying pans, tin buckets, etc. How 
much of this load disappeared we will see later. We arrived at Meridian 
i'ill about noon, where, overlooking the City and into old Virginia, we saw 
Gen. Lee's house at Arlington. Oh! What a scene was spread before us! 
More than 100,000 troops were encamped within our view. The bray of one 
thousand mules, the neigh of the cavalry and artillery horses, the sound of 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 3 

the bugles, the play of the drum and fife, and the music of the numerous brass 
bands, were doubly inspiring to us boys of Pennsylvania, whose ages ranged 
from sixteen to twenty years. Here we went into camp under the Sibley 
tents, each tent sheltering about sixteen men. Our time was occupied with 
drilling, guard duty, target practice, dress parade, brigade and division reviews. 
We soon exchanged our Harper's Ferry muskets for Austrian rifles. Com- 
panies A and B received Hungarian rifles, which were heavier but of the 
same caliber. Here we were placed in a brigade composed of the 85th Penna., 
ioist Penna., 103d Penna. and 96th New York, under the command of Brig. 
Gen. W. H. Kiem, our brigade becoming the Second Brigade of Casey's 
division, which was the First Division of Keyes' corps. 

On March 13, 1862, Maj. Gen. Geo. B. MtClellan, commanding the 
Army of the Potomac, issued the following to his Chief of Staff : 

"Organize Gen. Casey's division for the field at once." 

Our division, in all about 15,000 men, left Meridian Hill on March 28, 
about 4 o'clock p. m., headed by the Marine Band. Cavalry, infantry and 
artillery marched gaily over the Long Bridge, arriving at Alexandria at 10 
p. m. Upon this march the mule loads were again in evidence. Many funny 
remarks were heard in the ranks on this our first march. Singing of war 
songs continued and general hilarity prevailed until fatigue forced order and 
quietude. 

We formed in an open field outside of Alexandria, where the division 
was massed in columns of divisions of companies in close order. At this we 
stacked arms, unslung knapsacks, and prepared to go to bed upon the ground, 
our first experience of this kind. The apparent or real want of room for 
sound repose soon brought on several fights, the results of which were visible 
the next morning in bruised faces and black eyes. About 10 A. M, on March 
29, the Penna. Reserves began to arrive in our camp in squads, looking for 
friends and relatives, the writer having cousins in the 9th and nth Reserves. 
We pitched our tents on the hill above Alexandria, and during the afternoon 
and night a light snow fell. 

On Sunday, March 30, we broke camp and marched down through 
Alexandria, where the division was embarking for Newport News. The ioist 
was aboard a transport when it began to sink, and the left wing of the Regi- 
ment was taken ashore and lay on the landing until March 31, when it again 
embarked and arrived at Ft. Monroe April 1. about 8 A. M. The right wing 
having been landed at Newport News, the left wing remained in Camp Hamil- 
ton until April 2, when we took up the march for Newport News, distant 
eight miles. The sun came out as we passed through the town of Hampton, 
which had been burned, and its rays reflected from the brick walls and ruins 
made it exceedingly hot. We soon reached timber and halted in the shade 
for a rest, and then came the rub. Knapsacks were unslung, stock was 
taken of their contents and the cargo reduced to lowest terms, by throwing 
away everything but the indispensable. Many little trinkets had to go. This 
process was repeated again a few miles farther on, many things before con- 



4 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

sidered indispensable becoming valueless, and by this process each man got 
his load down to fair marching weight. We arrived at our camp in the 
late afternoon and found our whole division camped in sight. We remained 
here until April 16, when we took up our march for Yorktown, our corps 
being the extreme left of McClellan's army, Couch's division being our left. 
Here we camped, Winfield Scott being the name of the camp. We were in 
dog or fly tents, two men to a tent and in the midst of a miserable tract of 
boggy swampy pine timber of very small growth. Here we did camp and picket 
duty, but very little drill, as there was no ground fit for that purpose. Dress 
parade was held each afternoon. Our picket experience was thrilling. The 
writer will never forget his first night's experience. We could see the enemy 
all through the day across an open field. When night came, every stump in 
the field seemed to be a moving rebel soldier, that the morning light revealed 
again in their true character of stumps, so that there was much alarm for 
little cause and no one hurt. Reserve picket by the entire Regiment was also 
a new experience. Here we built log huts and prepared for a long stay. 
Many of our comrades became sick and some deaths occurred. Some were 
discharged, not being fit for service. 

CHAPTER II. 

From Williamsburg to Seven Pines. 

(From May 4. 1802, to May 30. 1862.) 

On Sunday, May 4, after inspection, we were surprised by an order to 
take one day's rations, overcoats and blankets, and make a quick march to the 
front. About 10:30 A. M. the news came to us that Yorktown was evacuated, 
but on we went, marching through the abandoned rebel fortifications which had 
been made by the slaves. Here we found some of the rebel camp frying pans 
that were yet warm, so close were we upon their heels. Here the whole army 
was in motion, column upon column marching in parallel lines upon different 
roads, all singing. "On to Richmond,'' "John Brown's Body," and other patriotic 
songs. We went into bivouac at dusk with light hearts, but almost empty 
haversacks, having only a cracker or two for breakfast, but full of the feeling 
that plenty would follow us and Richmond would soon be ours. It began 
raining in the night and continued until the morning of the 5th, which dawned 
upon a sorry looking lot of volunteers. We had no tents, our overcoats and 
blankets were soaked, and it was hard to get even an opportunity to boil our 
coffee to warm the scanty rations we had to eat. In this condition we were 
making the best of it, when the guns of Williamsburg sounded suddenly 
the alarm that the battle was begun. The order, "Fall in! Double quick- 
march !" sounded in our ears and then began some of the real business of war. 
The roads were cut up by the tramp of those who had preceded us, and filled 
with artillery, ammunition wagons, baggage and ambulance teams, all fighting 
for first place. Troops took to the fields and woods and moved forward as 
fast as possible toward the scene of conflict. Our brigade was massed and 
passed across a field in regimental front. It was here that we received our 





\1 


•.^S: ■' 


s 




COL. JAMES SHEAFER. 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 5 

baptism of fire in the shape of heavy shell which came from Fort Magruder. 
The fort had perfect range of this field and was obscured from our view by strips 
of heavy timber. We stood with the shells bursting over our heads and the 
pieces flying in every direction, shaking from cold and fear, and unable to fire 
a gun or make a move in self defense. It was a situation well calculated to 
demoralize the bravest men, but thank God, our lines stood firm with not a 
single break, which was to me a wonderful exhibition of the victory of in- 
telligence and grit over physical fear. The musketry on our right was truly 
terrible. Directly in front of us in the timber the I02d Penna. and the 55th N. Y. 
were hotly engaged with the enemy in front of Fort Magruder, the fire from 
which did great havoc among our men. Soon the 101st was moved off by left 
flank into the timber in the rear and in support of a six-gun battery, but at 
no time were we in a position to fire a gun, those in command seeming to 
have lost sight of us. However, not able to fire upon the enemy, we were in 
a most trying position, as five of our men were wounded by the enemy's fire. 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, page 450.) 

The fighting ceased with darkness and we were left in this position 
until 11 P. M., when our adjutant found Gen. Keim and secured an order to 
bring us out into the open field. No fires were permitted ; our clothing was 
soaked from the rain which had fallen all day ; we had eaten no food since 
our morning crackers and coffee and we suffered terribly from the cold. By 
10 A. M. on May 6, the sun came out very warm and relief came to us in the 
shape of coffee, sugar and crackers, which were brought on the backs of 
mules. Until that time we had never realized the sweetness of hard tack and 
coffee. During the day our dead were buried. The writer will never forget 
the sight of four of the I02d Penna. being sewed in their blankets and buried 
in a trench side by side, to the accompaniment of prayer by the chaplain, the 
firing of muskets over the grave and the sounding of taps by the bugler. Late 
in the evening we marched over to the bank of the York river, where we lay 
until the next morning. Then we moved over to the site of the field of battle 
where it had raged most fiercely, and stacked our arms in front of Fort Magruder, 
and were permitted to roam over the battle ground. The Confederate dead 
still lay unburied. Dead men, dead horses and mules lay everywhere, and 
under the hot sun the stench was awful. 

Nearly fifty years having elapsed since the events narrated here occurred, 
and the data before the writer being fragmentary and somewhat conflicting, 
the story of the Regiment must be largely told by the official reports written 
when the occurrences were fresh in the minds c*f the writers. The action of 
the Regiment in the battle of Williamsburg is concisely told in the reports 
of the brigade and division commanders, which follow : 

Headquarters, Keim's Brigade, 
Casey's Division, Williamsburg, Va., May 8, 1862. 

Captain : Owing to severe indisposition, I followed my brigade slowly, it being in 
temporary command of Col. Howell on May 5th. When I arrived the 85th Regiment Penna. 
Vols, was in front; then the 103rd Regiment Penna. Vols., Maj. Gazzam commanding; next 
the 101st Regiment Penna. Vols., Col. Wilson. The 96th Regiment New York Vols., Lieut. 
Col. Gray commanding, had been ordered by Gen. Sumner to protect the 8th New York 
battery, and afterwards the regular battery of Robertson. The brigade advanced to the 



6 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

support of Gen. Palmer's brigade. The 85th Regiment Penna. Vols., Col. Howell, was in 
advance of Gen. Palmer's brigade over the fence into the woods under a brisk fire of the 
enemy. At that time, when the fire was hot and heaviest, Gen. Keyes rode up and addressed 
my brigade a few spirit-stirring remarks, who heartily cheered the general and resumed the 
work of destruction with more zeal. 

Gen. Palmer being called off, I assumed command of the 92nd (Col. Anderson's), 
and the 93rd (Lieut. Col. Butler's), Regiments New York Vols. I ordered Col. Howell to 
the front to relieve the 93rd Regiment Penna. Vols., who immediately encountered a sweep- 
ing fire, which was returned with spirit and effect. The 101st Regiment Penna. Vols., Col. 
Wilson, I ordered to the left of the clearing across the road as a reserve. The 103rd 
Regiment Penna. Vols., Maj. Gazzam commanding, was also ordered to the front, to support 
Gen. Peck. I was assigned the command of the left, Gen. Peck the center, and Gen. Devens 
the right. About 5 :30 the musketry fire had nearly ceased, the battery in front keeping up 
its fire until dark, two hours afterward. Taking into consideration that the men had only 
one day's rations since Sunday morning, no overcoats, woolen or gum blankets, they evinced 
a spirit of endurance and heroic courage worthy of veterans, and the men and officers are 
entitled to praise for their arduous and successful efforts. The troops remained under 
arms all night, rainy and unpleasant. I was with Gen. Peck and Couch during the 
night. Sounds were heard of cutting wood, and commands were given to "forward march," 
which induced a belief that the enemy were about evacuating. At daybreak I ordered a 
company of Col. Howell's regiment to reconnoitre toward the fort. Everything appeared 
quiet when some cavalry from Williamsburg rode downward into the fort, so they with- 
drew. After the cavalry left the fort the effort was renewed and we were steadily advancing 
when Gen. Heintzelman rode up and ordered my men back. He entered the deserted fort» 
first which my brigade had aided materially to conquer. My staff officers, Capt. N. Lt 
Jeffries, Assistant Adjutant General, and Lieut. Stewart, Jr., Aide-de-Camp, rendered me 
efficient aid. 

The state of my health must be the apology for this imperfect report. * * * 

Respectfully submitted : 
Captain Henry W. Smith, Wm. H. Keim, 

Assistant Adjutant General, Casey's Division, Brigadier-General Commanding 

(O. R, Series I, Vol. XI, part 1, page 561.) 

Headquarters, Casey's Division, Near Williamsburg, May 8, 1862. 

Captain : I have the honor to report that on Sunday, the 4th inst., I received notice 
from the general commanding the Eourth Corps that the enemy were supposed to be 
evacuating the line on our front. I immediately ordered my division under arms, with one 
day's rations in their haversacks. I advanced to the front, the First Brigade, Gen. Naglee, 
in advance. I advanced with care at first, but soon ascertained that the enemy had evacuated 
the forts in my front, into which I immediately directed my division to move. The rebels 
had buried a number of torpedoes in the road leading to their works, one of which exploded 
and killed one and wounded six men of the 52nd Penna. Vols. * * * 

It was raining hard at the time and the men were without shelter tents or blankets. 
About one o'clock P. M., I was ordered by Gen. Keyes to advance to the front and while 
making my preparations so to do I was directed by Gen. Sumner to move to the support of 
Gen. Hooker, on the left. I immediately formed my division and moved off with the First 
Brigade leading and gave directions for the other brigades to follow. After proceeding 
three miles I was overtaken by an express, directing me to obey the first order from Gen. 
Keyes. I immediately countermarched and returned as quickly as possible. 

In the meantime the troops of my division in my rear, with the exception of the 104th 
Penna. Vols., had been sent to the front, as I ascertained by the order of Gen. Keyes. Soon 
after arriving in front, Gen. McCIellan came up and directed me to proceed with my division 
to sustain Gen. Hancock on the right, who was reported to be in a very precarious situation. 

The Second and Third Brigades of my division had been placed toward the left of 
the line previous to my arrival, but at what point I was unable to ascertain. * * * 

The Second and Third Brigades, as will be seen by the inclosed reports of their 
commandmants, did good service on the left, and I have good reason to believe that the 
opportune arrival of the First Brigade saved Gen. Hancock from a probable severe disaster. 
The officers and men of the division behaved in a very creditable manner, and I know from 
personal observation that the First Brigade under Gen. Naglee was formed as a sustaining 
force in a prompt and skillful manner. The staff officers of my division performed their 
duties promptly and satisfactorily. 

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Silas Casey, 
Brig. Gen. Commanding Third Division 4th Army Corps. 
Capt. C. C. Suydam, 

Asst. Adjt. Gen'l 4th Army Corps. 
(O. R. Series I, Vol. XI, part 1, page 557.) 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 7 

Headquarters Fourth Army Corps, 
New Kent Court House, Va., May 14, 1862. 

"During an hour and a half Peck's brigade, * * * continued to stand its ground 
alone against the furious onslaught of the enemy, inflicting great loss upon the rebels, and 
suffering comparatively little itself, owing to Gen. Peck's admirable disposition of his forces. 
Towards night he was re-enforced by the 7th Mass., * * * 2d R. I. * * * and three 
regiments, the 85th Penna., Col. Howell, 101st Penna., Col. Wilson, and 103d Penna., Maj. 
Gazzam, of Keim's brigade, all from Casey's division. Gen. Peck speaks well of the services 
of those regiments, and when the ammunition of his own men was exhausted he relieved 
them with six of these fresh regiments, who held the position during the night, Gen. Devens 
commanding on the left and Gen. Keim upon the right." 

"The battle of Williamsburg has demonstrated the effect of organization, military 
discipline, and instruction upon the Army of the Potomac. The troops met the enemy with 
perfect steadiness, and delivered their fire with an effect which the prisoners captured 
describe as most deadly. But the courage and skill of the troops are much less to be won- 
dered at than the good temper and fortitude with which they have borne hardships — 
exposure to mud, rain, and hunger — during the battle, before and after it. These qualities, 
according to Napoleon, are more essential to the character of a soldier than courage itself." 
Brig. Gen. S. Williams, E. D. Keyes, 

Adjt. Gen. Army of the Potomac. Brig. Gen. Commanding Fourth Corps. 

(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part 1, pp. 513-516.) 

Brig. Gen. John J. Peck, commanding a brigade of Couch's division, 

complimented the Regiment in the following terms : 

"Col. J. H. Wilson (101st Penna.) and Maj. Gazzam, of the 103d Penna. Vols., were 
very efficient, and only needed a renewal of the action to exhibit their soldiership." (O. R. 
Ser. I, Vol. XI, part 1, p. 522.) 

On May 7, we marched through the famous old town of Williams- 
burg, and went into camp twelve miles near Richmond, where we remained 
until the afternoon of May 9, when we moved two or three miles farther 
westward. From this on we moved by easy stages and without any particular 
incident until we reached the Chickahominy River, near Bottom's Bridge, 
where we halted and began to dig rifle pits. A day or two later, May 2^, we 
crossed the Chickahominy, and from this time on, for more than a week, no 
men in any army performed more arduous service, under worse condition than 
was the lot of the troops comprising Casey's division. Approaches from the 
bridges had to be made passable for artillery and commissary supplies, corduroy 
roads built in different directions, woods slashed into abatis, rifle-pits, breast- 
works and redoubts constructed and a picket line several miles in extent main- 
tained in close proximity to the enemy. Frequent rains kept the ground 
covered with water and the men who were not sick and who were kept on 
duty, with slight intermission, were compelled to wade through mud and 
swamps, and wells not being accessible, surface water was used for drinking 
and cooking purposes. Under such conditions the ranks of the Regiment be- 
came very much depleted, insomuch that scarcely one-half of the men were 
fit for duty ; the officers suffering fully as much as the enlisted men. 

Casey's division being in the advance moved forward by degrees, digging 

rifle pits and slashing timber at every stopping place.. Brig. Gen. W. H. Keim 

had been ill previously to the battle of Williamsburg, and the exposure incident 

to the battle caused a relapse, from which he died at Harrisburg, on May 18. 

An order was issued May 24, by Gen. McClellan, assigning Brig. Gen. Henry 

W. Wessells to the command of the brigade, as follows : 

Headquarters Army of the Potomac, 

Camp Near Cold Harbor, May 24, 1862. 
Special Orders No. 156. * * * VI. Brig. Gen. H. W. Wessells, when relieved by 



8 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

Brig. Gen. Abercrombie, will report to Brig. Gen. Silas Casey for the command of the 
brigade of his division lately commanded by Brig. Gen. William H. Keim. * * * 
By command Maj. Gen. McClellan. 

S. Williams, 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part 3, p. 191.) Assistant Adjutant General. 

During the interim, from the time Gen. Keim left the brigade until Gen. 
Wessells assumed command, Col. J. B. Howell of the 85th Penna. commanded 
the brigade. Early in the morning of May 29 the brigade was advanced nearly 
three-fourths of a mile in advance of its fortified position at Seven Pines, 
bringing its camp almost within six miles of Richmond. The pickets having 
been attacked about daylight on the 29th, the Regiment stood in line of battle 
anticipating a general attack. Co. B being on picket, lost one man, killed — 
private John J. Beach. 

CHAPTER III. 

Fair Oaks to White Oak Swamp. 

(From May 31, 1862, to June 26, 1862.) 

Again, on May 30, about noon, the pickets in our immediate front were 
again driven in and we were kept in line of battle all afternoon, prepared for 
a general attack. Late that afternoon, while the troops comprising Casey's 
division were yet in line of battle in front of the rifle pits that had been thrown 
up on either side of the Williamsburg and Richmond wagon road, a thunder- 
storm broke forth, deluging the country thereabouts. It is doubtful if a greater 
rainfall occurred within a given time during the entire four years of the war 
than fell for several hours — from five o'clock till midnight, May 30, 1862. 
The country adjacent to the camps of Casey's division was literally covered 
with water at daylight, May 31, and the newly dug rifle pits were at some 
places more than full. Notwithstanding this condition of the grounds, large 
details were made to slash timber in front and to work on the redoubt in 
front of our camps. During the morning we received news that caused pro- 
found and general sorrow throughout the Regiment — the news that Col. Joseph 
H. Wilson had died the day before. Col. Wilson was universally esteemed by 
both officers and men, and the news had a most depressing effect on all. The 
fact that in less than a month we had lost by disease the commanding officer 
of our brigade and of our Regiment, certainly is evidence that conditions were 
such as to impair the health of the enlisted men who were almost continuously 
on duty. The miasma of the Peninsula had so depleted the ranks of the 
regiments comprising Casey's division, as shown by the daily returns, that on 
May 23 the commanding general of the Army of the Potomac asked for "An 
explanation in detail of the extraordinary falling off in effective strength of 
Casey's division since March 20, 1862." In reply to this request Gen. Casey 
sent the following communication : 

Headquarters Casey's Division, 

At Seven Pines, May 28, 1862. 

Captain : In accordance with the directions of the general commanding the Fourth 

Corps de Armee, I shall proceed to give a few reasons for what, in my opinion is the cause 

of the great loss of men in my division since its organization in Washington. * * * 

Not being permitted to take any transportation from Alexandria down the river, on en- 




LIEUT. COL. A. W. TAYLOR. 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 9 

camping about two miles from Newport News I found myself without any means to trans- 
port supplies for the men; that duty, for several days, was performed by the men. After 
waiting about two weeks I managed by great efforts to obtain an insufficient supply of 
transportation, the animals having been evidently culled over several times. 

In advancing to Williamsburg the roads were in such bad condition that I found 
it exceedingly difficult to keep the troops from starvation. From the orders which I 
received most of my division was separated from their knapsacks and shelter tents for 
several days. The exposure to the miasma of the Peninsula was a great source of sickness. 
* * * In short, I attribute one-half of the loss to the following causes: 

1. The imperfect brigade organization. 

2. Eight of the legiments being entirely new at the time of taking the field. 

3. The incompetency and inefficiency of some of the medical, field and company 
officers, and insufficiency of medical supplies. 

4. Mismanagement in logistics. 

The other half of the loss I attribute to sickness from unavoidable causes. * » * 

Silas Casey, 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part III, pp. 107-198.) Brigadier General. 

Shortly after noon, when the men were mostly engaged preparing or 
eating their dinner, on May 31, they were startled by the rapid firing of three 
cannon, the missiles flying over and beyond our camp. These shots were soon 
followed by musketry firing on the picket line south of the Williamsburg 
road, in the same vicinity where the enemy had made his attack the two 
previous days. The 103d Penna. Regiment was hurriedly sent out to support 
the pickets and orders were issued for our Regiment to "fall in," under com- 
mand of Lieut. Col. D. B. Morris. The Regiment was placed on the extreme 
right, the right wing of the Regiment extending into the woods, the left wing 
being over 100 yards north of the Williamsburg road, and in rear of the line 
of rifle pits. The 85th Penna. Regiment occupied the space between our left 
and Casey's redoubt, which was, perhaps, 75 yards south of the road. A few 
minutes after the 103d Penna. Regiment passed out of sight in the woods 
in front the musketry fire became heavy in that direction, indicating that the 
attack was a formidable one. In the meantime, Gen. Casey, as if in anticipa- 
tion of a heavy attack on his center, sent a battery of four ten-pounders three 
or four hundred yards in advance, planting it north of the Williamsburg road 
and contiguous to it, supporting it by several regiments of infantry, on both 
its flanks. As soon as the pickets and the supporting regiment had retired 
from the woods, the advanced battery opened a rapid fire on the enemv as 
he made his appearance at the edge of the woods north of the road. This 
was supplemented by the fire of two other batteries, in and near the redoubt, 
making in all 16 guns that were belching death and destruction into the ranks 
of the enemy. One battery of Casey's artillery was in position in the rear of 
our Regiment to defend the right flank. For more than an hour we stood 
in line receiving the enemy's fire, but not permitted to return the fire because 
of the position of our troops in front. After the battery in advance had been 
driven back with the loss of one gun, it came our turn to do execution, and 
the heavy loss of the enemy in our front is the best evidence that the work was 
well done. Had our right and left flanks been sufficiently reinforced, not- 
withstanding the overwhelming numbers of the enemy, it is doubtful whether 
the enemy would have succeeded in reaching our lines. The most authorita- 
tive work on the casualties in the battles of the Civil War, "Fox's Regimental 



10 MIST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

Losses," is the authority that two regiments, 4th North Carolina and 6th Ala- 
bama, charging in front of Wessell's brigade at Seven Pines, had a greater 
numerical loss than was sustained by any other Confederate regiments in any 
other battle of the war, save one, the 26th North Carolina, at Gettysburg. As 
the battle of Seven "Pines or Fair Oaks is treated exhaustively as an appendix 
article in this volume, we will only quote a few words from the commanding 
general of the brigade as to the action of the 101st Regiment. He savs : 

"The 101st Penna. Vols., Lieut. Col. Morris, was placed on the right of the Richmond 
road, perpendicular to it, the right flank of the battalion extending into the woods and in 
rear of the newly constructed pits. * * * The enemy was seen to emerge from 
the woods in front and advance toward the 101st. The enemy's fire was directed with 
great precision and effect on this regiment, which, however, stood fast and returned the 
lire with coolness and rapidity. Hoping the 101st would be able to maintain its position 
I crossed to the road in the rear of the 85th. (Penna), which was now occupying the rifle- 
pits, amid a terrific fire from the front, and which was constantly and effectually returned. 
The Wth New York Vols., which up to this time had gallantly maintained its position, 
was forced to fall back to the line on the left of the rifle-pits, where it again opened fire 
and continued with great effect until again forced back by a terrific fire from the front 
and flank, enfilading completely the rifle pits occupied by the 80th and 101st. Lieut. Col. 
Morris, 101st, in order to protect his right, which was assailed by a terrific fire from thai 
flank, caused the right wing of his battalion to change front to that direction and for some 
time succeeded in holding the enemy in check, until he fell severely wounded and was 
borne from the field, when the regiment, asailed by overwhelming numbers, was forced to 
fall back. * * * The right wing of the 101st, after retiring, deployed to the left, and 
passing the left wing opened its fire, and for some time maintained its position but was 
at length compelled to fall back." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part 1, pp. 926-827.) 

Capt. P. C. Regan, commanding the ~th New York Independent Battery, 

which was in position in rear of the 101st Regiment, in his report says: 

"Our own troops were in our immediate front in the undergrowth of pines, which 
compelled us to reserve our fire for fear of killing our own men, and we were compelled 
to remain under a galling fire, which wounded one man and killed and wounded several of 
my horses, without the satisfaction of replying." (O. R. Ser. I. Vol. XI, part 1, p. 918.) 

Even Gen. Heintzelman. who went out of his way to brutally asperse 
the dead of Casey's division, paid a compliment to the 101st Regiment. In 
the paragraph of his official report, immediately following the one in which 
he charged the dead of Casey's divisions with being cowards, he says : 

"The 101 st Pennsylvania * * * fought well." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. 
NI, part 1, p. 816.) 

As the Regiment fell back under a heavy fire from the front and both 
flanks the alignment was completely broken and the men of our Regiment 
intermingled with those of others, and the balance of the fighting by our men 
was done in detachments and squads at points of vantage, and many a Con- 
federate "passed in his checks" from the fire of small groups of Casey's men. 
whose regiments had been routed but who had been rallied here and there to 
make a stand by some courageous officer. The Confederate dead in front of 
Casey's camp were not all that "bit the dust" from the fire of Casey's men. 
Late that afternoon our officers succeeded in rallying between two and three 
hundred of the Regiment, about three miles in rear of the position we held 
in the morning. Here we remained until June 3, when, with the entire brigade 
we moved near White Oak Swamp, occupying the same ground that a brigade 
of Hooker's division had formerly occupied. Our own position was again 
the extreme left of McClellan's army and our brigade and Regiment the extreme 




ADJT. J. H. LONGENECKER. 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 11 

left. By order of Gen. McClellan, issued on June 7, Casey's division was con- 
solidated into two brigades, Brig. Gen. H. M. Naglee commanding one and 
Brig. Gen. H. W. Wessells the other. By this consolidation, the entire 3d Brigade 
was merged with the 2d, making our brigade eight regiments strong; viz.: 81st, 
85th, Q2d, 98th, New York; 85th, 101st, and 103d Penna. 

On June 24, Gen. John J. Peck succeeded Gen. Casey in command of 
the division, an indication, at least so regarded by the men, that the command- 
ing general of the army held Gen. Casey culpable for the rout of his division 
on May 31. We remained here until June 28, engaged in slashing timber, 
picket duty, blockading the roads on our left and getting new outfits, as all 
our clothing and knapsacks were lost at Fair Oaks. Much sickness prevailed 
among our men. Typhoid fever raged among us and struck down some of 
our strongest members, some of whom never recovered. Our ranks were re- 
duced, while in this camp, to about 35 men to a company. When the raid of 
J. E. B. Stuart's cavalry passed around our left we made a quick march 
toward the James River, but arrived too late to cut him off. He had passed 
in safety into Richmond. The tracks of his cavalry and the wheels of his light 
guns were plainly seen by us as we returned to camp. 

CHAPTER IV. 
Seven Days' Battles to Harrison's Landing, Va. 
(From June 27, 1862, to August 15, 1862.) 
The Seven Days Battles began on June 26. On the night of the 28th 
large details of our men, the writer being among them, were called up at 
midnight, and with saws, axes, mules and chains proceeded to open up the 
roads we had so recently barricaded. On the morning of the 29th the extreme 
right of the army who fought on the 26th and 27th began to pass us, moving 
toward the James River. Troops in motion seemed to appear upon all sides 
and on all roads. At 2 P. M., on June 29, we broke camp and moved toward 
the James, going into bivouac, about two miles from our old camp at White 
Oak Swamp, to the right of the main road along which the main body of 
troops were moving. At this point we met the 62d Penna., who had lost 
their commander, Col. Sam. Black, on the 27th. and they were very sad and 
very weary and worn. On Sunday morning, June 30, a forlorn hope was 
made up of eight companies, two from the 85th, two from the 101st, two from 
the 103d Penna., and two from the 96th N. Y., one company of the 3d Penna., 
cavalry, and two guns of a light battery, and under the command of Capt. 
William Fielding from the 103d Penna., started for the Chickahominy. The 
balance of the Regiment proceeded to the James River with the balance 
of the army and were not engaged in any battle. This contingent took a road 
at White Oak Swamp, going south, and found part of the 96th N. Y., Company 
I of the 101st Penna., and some other separate companies holding the Long 
Bridge, having been detached on the evening of the 29th. Our small column 
unslung knapsacks at once near the little church at White Oaks and started 
on double quick. It is not necessary to say that we have not seen our knap- 
sacks since. We marched steadily all day, not stopping for dinner, and at 



12 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

dark reached our destination at Jones' Ford on the Chickahominy. Co. H of 
the ioist holding Christian Ford, a private crossing with only 31 men and two 
officers, first and second lieutenants, present. The enemy's cavalry was heard 
on the other side of the river. This small force held these two crossings until 
dark of the 30th, firing all day with little satisfaction, losing two killed and 
a few wounded, and at dark the column fell back to Long Bridge, where the 
other contingent still held possession with the enemy in force on the other 
side. Our army trains were saved and the army had passed, so we were left 
to dig out or go to Richmond the next day. Our combined force -was about 
000 men, which included two companies of the 3d Penna. Cavalry, four guns 
of a battery and the infantry of 16 or 18 companies. A council was held 
and the matter discussed. It was decided to leave one company as a 
sacrifice. The junior captain and his company were left, with a light gun. 
At 3 A. M., July 1, the remainder of the force moved down the Charles City 
road, and at about 9 A. M. joined McClellan's army, which was lying in the 
rear of Malvern Hill. This was the greatest sight of my young life. Not 
yet seventeen, I beheld possibly 150 brass cannon with cavalry and infantry 
galore. Find a regiment? We were lucky to find the location of a division. 
But we finally found our Regiment and took our places in line, which was a! 
sort of resurrection for us. During the day the battle of Malvern Hill was 
fought, which ended in the defeat of Lee's forces. We lay in a wheat field 
during the battle, with the screaming shells from our gun boats and an occa- 
sional one from the enemy's guns flying over our heads, but were not under 
musketry fire nor did we fire a gun from the opening to the close of the day 
and the battle. 

The army moved off to Harrison's Landing. A heavy rain during the 
night, combined with the continuous rattle of the wheels of cannon and wagons 
of all descriptions, made sleep impossible. We were without overcoats or 
blankets, having left all at White Oak Swamp when ordered forward on double 
quick. Companies C, H' and I were the contribution of the ioist to that 
forlorn hope. On the morning of July 2, we found the army all gone. A few 
of the enemy showed up, but made no advance, and our brigade, commanded 
by H. W. Wessells of Casey's division. Keyes' corps, with a few cavalry and 
part of a battery, covered the retreat into Harrison's Landing. During that 
night and the next day until dark, our Regiment, with the 103d on our right, 
stood picket as a regiment deployed about six paces apart. On the night of 
the 3d we got to our position about 9 P. M., where we remained until August 16th. 

The report of the commanding officer of the brigade, gives in detail 
the action of the Regiment from the time it left its position on the north side 
of White Oak Swamp until it took position at Harrison's Landing. This report 
and extracts from the reports of the corps and division commanders and a 
congratulatory order from the latter read to the Regiment July 14. will give 
some idea of the quality of the service the Regiment rendered during the 
retreat of the Army of the Potomac : 

Second Brigade, Peck's Division, 
Camp Near Harrison's Landing, Va., July 12, 1862. 
Sir: In compliance with instructions of yesterday I have the honor to report the 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 13 

movements of this brigade since the 24th ultimo, at which date it was encamped at Poplar 
Hill, and composed of the 85th, 92d, and 96th New York Vols., the 85th, 101st, and 103d 
Penna. Vols., with the 81st and 98th New York Vols, temporarily attached. Having pre- 
pared that camp for defense at the crossings of White Oak Swamp by extensive slashings 
and rifle pits the brigade moved from its position across the White Oak Swamp on the 
28th of June, and bivouacked same day on the Charles City road near the place known as 
the 'Blacksmith's Shop.' 

On the following day, at sundown, the movement in this direction was resumed on 
a cross-road, accompannied by Regan's and Morgan's batteries, arriving early on the 
morning of the 30th at the farther side of the large opening near Haxall's Landing, and 
in the evening of that day crossed the open plain or field and encamped on this side of the 
clearing. 

On the day following the brigade changed position, being placed in line of battle 
and for defense near the road to Harrison's Landing and on the high ground at this 
extremity of the large plain referred to, on which were parked the several wagon trains 
of the army. The march of the several corps of the army, with their artillery and wagon 
trains, was commenced during the night, and all passed the point occupied by this brigade 
at about 10 o'clock on the morning of July 2, the rear being handsomely covered thus far 
by Averell's cavalry and Buchanan's brigade of regular troops. 

Averell's command then moved forward, my own brigade shortly following, and the 
85th New York Vols, was detailed as a rear guard for the wagons. As it had now rained 
for some hours the condition of the road (cut up by such a multitude of wheels), began 
to be difficult, and the movement was very slow. At a mile and a half I passed Naglee's 
brigade, of the same division, which in turn fell in rear. Having halted my brigade in the 
field near this camp it was passed by Naglee's brigade, he moving to the side of the creek, 
now forming a portion of the front of our present position. The crossing was here very 
difficult, but one wagon passing at a time, and the number had accumulated to near a 
thousand. The rear guard was followed up by a force of the enemy, consisting of cavalry, 
infantry, and two pieces of artillery. Some skirmishing ensued, without loss, except two men 
missing from the 85th, and the infantry, supported by Gregg's cavalry, retired to the vicinity 
of the wagon train. Miller's battery, of four brass pieces, joined the brigade before the 
commencement of the march. 

It being found impracticable to cross the wagons that night I was directed to remain 
as a guard, and at once placed the several regiments in the best position for defense, under 
the immediate supervision of the commanding officer of the division. Two shots were 
fired into the plain from the enemy's field guns, but were silenced by a few rounds from 
one of the gunboats. The rain continued most of the night and several hundred wagons 
remained on the following morning. Additional bridges were finally constructed and the 
movement was considerably accelerated, so that by about 6 o'clock P. M., all the wagons had 
passed. During the day I was re-enforced by the 104th Penna. Vols, and 56th New York 
Vols. Gregg's cavalry remained until the last and performed most efficient service, and 
to the colonel himself I am indebted for active assistance during the arduous and trying 
labor attending on this movement. 

The train of wagons having crossed, was followed by Miller's battery, with the 
56th and 81st New York Vols., all taking position in line on this side of the creek indicated 
by Gen. Peck, who was indefatigable in his personal exertions to preserve order and 
provide security in this delicate movement. The 92d New York Vols, and 104th Penna. 
Vols, then crossed, and were placed in position like the others. They in turn were fol- 
lowed by the 85th and 101st Penna. Vols, at a suitable interval, the 98th New York Vols, 
in their rear. 

The 103d Penna. Vols, and 9Gth New York Vols, also crossed in turn, the 85th New 
York Vols, being left as a rear guard. The outposts still remained in position, a cavalry 
company being stationed on the road and at the opening of the woods in rear of the camp. 
It was now about 10 o'clock P. M.; the pickets were carefully withdrawn, and the rear guard 
completed the crossing without the slightest accident at about 11 o'clock, and the whole 
brigade in line of battle facing the rear. 

On the following morning the camp was marked out, and the brigade proceeded to 
strengthen its position by the construction of rifle pits, slashing timber with epaulements for 
artillery, and is now ready to receive the enemy. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

H. W. WESSELLS, 

Capt. W. H. Morris, Brigadier-General Volunteers, Commanding. 

Asst. Adjt.-Gen. Peck's Division. 

(O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part 2, pages 220-21.) 

From the official report of Gen. Keyes commanding the 4th Corps : 

The troops composing the rear guard were arranged as follows : Wessells' brigade, 
with Miller's and one section of McCarthy's batteries, all under immediate command of 



14 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

Brig. Gen. Peck, commanding division, were formed in line of battle, faced to the rear, on 
the hill overlooking Haxall's vast farm and in the woods across the roads coming in from 
the direction of White Oak Swamp. Upon all these roads cavalry scouts were kept in 
constant motion. Half a mile below Peck's position Col. Farnsworth's regiment, the 8th 
Illinois Cavalry, was drawn up in line of battle, faced also to the rear, and still a mile farther 
on Naglee's brigade and several batteries under Maj. West were formed in line of battle on 
the brow of a ridge. All these arrangements were made before daylight, and the extremities 
of the lines of battle concealed in the woods or by the inequalities of the ground, so as to 
confuse the enemy in regard to our numbers. The 8th Penna. Cavalry, under Col. Gregg, 
was ordered to accompany me, to act as circumstances might dictate. The columns of in- 
fantry moved in the fields parallel to the double line of wagons in the main road. The men 
were kept in the ranks, and the ranks and teams closed up, so that the army never presented 
a more formidable appearance nor had it before been so much massed and in so good a 
situation to repel an attack, which was threatened, but not made, during the march of our 
columns. * * * Brig. Gen. Wessells with his brigade, assisted by Miller's battery and a 
party of Gregg's cavalry, remained to guard the wagons and to defend them against the 
enemy, approaching with cavalry and artillery. After firing a few shells the enemy left upon 
being saluted with a few 100-pounders from the gun boats. I do not think more vehicles or 
more public property was abandoned on the march from Turkey Bridge than would have 
been left in the same state of the roads if the army had been moving toward the enemy 
instead of away from him; and when it is understood that all the carriages and teams be- 
longing to the army stretched out in one line would extend not far from 40 miles, the energy 
and caution necessary for their safe withdrawal from the presence of an enemy vastly supe- 
rior in numbers will be appreciated (O. R. Ser. I, Vol XI, part II, pp. 194-195.) 

From the report of Gen. Peck commanding the division: 

At 1 :30 A. M. I was in my saddle, aiding Gen. Wessells in forming his line of battle 
on the heights a short distance this side of the headquarters of Gen. McClellan. * * * 
Naglee's brigade was formed about a mile in the rear in a commanding position. * * * 
About 12 o'clock M. Col. Averell passed by with his fine command, bringing up everything 
from the direction of Turkey Creek in excellent order and time. As every command, 
ambulance, wagon and straggler had gone by the rear guard, I directed Gen. Wessells to 
draw in his pickets and detachments, and move on and take up a new position in rear of 
Gen. Naglee. About 5 o'clock P. M. it was evident that, owing to the terrible condition of 
the roads, the whole country being flooded with water, which had poured down upon the 
clay soil uninterruptedly since early in the morning, the train could not reach its destination 
that night, and without protection would fall in the hands of the enemy, rapidly advancing. 
I placed Wessells' brigade in position on the other side of Kimmager's [or Kimminger's?] 
Creek, with Miller's battery and seven small companies of cavalry. The brigade of Naglee, 
he being unwell, was placed in supporting distance this side of the creek. Soon after the 
enemy opened with artillery upon the train for the purpose of creating confusion and stam- 
peding the animals. Two additional regiments were sent to reinforce Gen. Wessells. Judi- 
cious dispositions were made by him, and every step taken to keep the train of wagons 
moving through the night across the creek. 

At daylight on the 3d the crossings of the stream were well nigh impassable, the rain 
having continued throughout the night. * * * The enemy's pickets were around us and 
his advance column not far distant, doubtless held in check by the fire of the gunboats. The 
work proceeded slowly but surely through the day, and at 7 o'clock P. M. on the 3d I had 
the proud satisfaction of reporting, for the information of the headquarters. Army of the 
Potomac, that the last vehicle had passed the creek. The opinion is ventured that the his- 
tory of military operations affords no instance where a train of like magnitude and value 
was moved so great a distance in the presence of the enemy, and in face of so many mate- 
rial obstacles, with so trifling a loss. * * * 

Gen. Wessells has labored most faithfully night and day since I joined the division 
and displayed the greatest interest in the service under very critical circumstances. In the 
midst of difficulties and dangers his judgment seemed most reliable." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. 
XI, part II, pp. 218-219.) 

Congratulatory order issued by the division commander : 

Headquarters Peck's Division. July 14, 1862. 
General Orders No. 7 : The general commanding the division returns his warmest 
thanks to the officers and men of his command for the cheerful and intelligent manner in 
which they discharged their numerous duties, and for the zeal and fidelity which they dis- 
played during the recent critical operations of the army. You, when intrusted with the gen- 
eral defense of the Chickahominy below the railway, with the guarding of the immense 
fords, and the destruction of all the bridges in the face of Jackson's columns, White Oak 




CAPT. WILLIAM B. SPRAGUE. 
(Company G.) 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 15 

Swamp, crossing Uie left flank of the Army, was placed under your protection, together with 
the road to James River through the Swamp, which you were ordered to hold at all hazard. 
Reinforced by Palmer's brigade of Couch's division you commenced the grand flank move- 
ment on the morning of the '28th of June, crossing the Whit*-0«ik Swamp, and taking a 
position some 4 miles in the direction of Richmond, covering the junction of the Charles 
City, New Market, Quaker and other important roads. This advanced and hazardous point 
you held, with Couch's division, in spite of Wise's charge, during two long and trying days, 
when in conjunction with the commands of Couch and Porter you took the advance to James 
River. 

The last great movement began at 1 o'clock a. m. on the 2d of July, and ended at 7 p. m. 
on the 3d by your arrival at Harrison's Point, as the rear guard, with the immense train of 
the Army, in safety, in spite of the elements and the enemy. All these duties were most 
honorable and responsible, and the division general trusts that the commanding general will 
be pleased to inscribe upon your banners the following names: Chickahominy Swamps, Rail- 
road Bridge, Bottom's Bridge, Long Bridge, Jones' Ford, Charles City Cross Roads and 
Harrison Point. * * * 

By order of Brig. Gen. Peck. Wm. H. Morris. Capt. and A. A. G. 

CHAPTER V. 

From the Peninsula to Suffolk-Blackwater, South West Creek, Kinston, 
White Hall, Goldsdoro and New Bern. 

(From August 16, 1862, to December 30, 1862.) 

We lay at Harrison's Landing for six weeks, engaged in drilling, in 
picket duty, in the reading of newspapers, and wondering when the army 
would move again. Our colonel was dead, our lieutenant colonel wounded, our 
major away on sick leave, and the Regiment was in command of C. W. May, 
the captain of Co. F, an officer entirely competent for the position. We moved 
out from Harrison's Landing, Aug. 16th, and marched by easy stages back 
to Ft. Monroe. The crossing of that part of McClellan's army that made the 
march down the Peninsula, over the pontoon bridge that spanned the Chicka- 
hominy, was a grand and beautiful sight. This was the longest pontoon bridge 
constructed during the civil war. We passed over the battlefield of Williams- 
burg, where we discovered that many bullets hit the trees from 10 to 20 feet 
above the ground, showing with what little precision the shooting was done. 
Later during the war this lack of precision was not so noticeable. We 
marched by easy stages for several days, finally reaching Camp Hamilton near 
Ft. Monroe about Aug. 25, where we remained until Oct. 1, being detached 
from the army of the Potomac. This was to our great sorrow, and we think 
also to our great detriment. Here we remained some time doing general camp 
duty and some drilling, and it was one of the most easy and comfortable 
periods of our entire service. The weather was fine, and watermelons were 
plenty and very cheap, so we enjoyed them in company with the Contraband. 

On Oct. 2, we took transport to Norfolk, thence by flat cars to Suffolk, 
Va., where we remained until Dec. 5. Our time there was passed in digging 
trenches, building breastworks, slashing timber, drilling, general camp duty, 
varied by four raids to Blackwater, 22 miles distant, and a light skirmish on 
each occasion. The first of these occurred the first week of October, the 
expedition leaving Suffolk about 8 P. M., returning to camp about 6 P. M., 
Oct. 4. The second left camp at 3 P. M., Oct. 31, and returned to quarters 
about midnight. Nov. 1. The third left about noon, Nov. 17, and returned to 
camp on the 10. The final trip to Blackwater was made on Dec. 1, the expedi- 



16 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

tion returning to camp about i o'clock P. M., Dec. 3. Plenty of applejack, 
chickens, honey, sweet potatoes and peanuts were discovered and enjoyed on 
these marches to the Blackwater. Then we built good winter quarters and 
were well housed. The wounded and the sick returned to us. D. B. Morris 
came back as colonel, D. M. Armour as lieutenant colonel and A. W. Taylor as 
major. Capt. C. W. May, of Co. F, who commanded the regiment from 
June 1 till November, resigned and went home. Major Hoard resigned while 
we were at Camp Hamilton, in the latter part of September. Col. Morris was 
taken from us by detached duty, leaving Lieut. Col. D. M. Armour in com- 
mand. On Dec. 5, we suddenly broke camp and, in light marching order, our 
regiment and brigade moved south out of the state, entering North Carolina 
near Gatesville. Here we took transport on the Chowan River for New Bern, 
N. C. We arrived here on Dec. 10 and joined the forces of Maj. Gen. Foster, 
one of the heroes of Fort Sumpter. On Dec. 11, Gen. Foster, with about 
12,000 troops composed of infantry, and the 3d regiment N. Y. Cavalry and 
sixty pieces of light artillery, moved from New Bern following the Neuse 
River. About 16 miles from New Bern we encountered the enemy and for 
two days skirmishing was frequent between our advance and their rear guard. 
On the third day out our lieutenant colonel was hurt by accident and sent back, 
Maj. A. W. Taylor assuming command of the Regiment on the 14th. We 
participated in a sharp engagement with the enemy at Kinston on the Neuse, 
where our forces lost many in killed and wounded, including Col. Gray of the 
g6th N. Y. The 103d Penna. suffered severely, but the 101st did not lose 
a man. We supported a splendid six-gun battery and were under an ugly 
fire from the enemy's guns in a position where we could not fire a gun, but 
remained behind the battery, where we were forced to continue mute and 
exposed to the fire from the guns of the enemy. Our battery was a Dahlgren 
rifle and did fine work, but our position was an exposed one, and if the enemy 
had charged the battery, upon us would have fallen the work of defense of the 
position. However, the fight ended without any casualties to our Regiment, 
and the behavior of men and officers was noble under the perilous conditions. 
On the 15th we moved up the Neuse River, and on the 16th we had an artil- 
lery duel at Whitehall, destroying a prospective gunboat, or ram, which was 
under construction at that point. 

At Goldsboro, on the 17th, we had a lively artillery fight, very little being 
done by the infantry. We destroyed the railroad bridge at this point and 
then faced about, returning to New Bern, where we arrived on the 21st. 

The object and result of this expedition is fully explained in the official 
reports of the commanding officers of the Regiment, brigade and of the de- 
partment. They are given in their entirety : 

Hdqrs. 101st Penna. Vols., New Bern, N. C, Dec. 24, 1862. 

Captain : As commander of the 101st Regiment, Penna. Vols., during the engagement 
near Kinston, on Sunday, the 14th inst.. I have the honor to submit the following as my 
report : 

When the firing commenced in the morning, by order of the general the 101st Regi- 
ment was drawn up in line of battle on the right of the road near the wood. We remained in 
this position until ordered by the general forward and to the right of the road in the rear of 
the 96th New York. Soon after, by order of Col. Heckman, we were moved forward and to 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 17 

the left to the support of a battery of the 3d New York Artillery. We remained with this 
battery until the close of the engagement. During the entire engagement the conduct of the 
regiment was all that could have been desired. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

A. W. TAYLOR, 
Capt. Andrew Stewart, Major 101st Penna. Vols. 

Assistant Adjutant General. (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XVIII.p, 103.) 

Headquarters Third Brigade, Peck's Division. 
New Bern, N. C, December 22, 1862. 

Major: I have the honor to report that pursuant to instructions from Maj.-Gen. Peck 
I left Camp Suffolk, Va., on the 5th instant with my brigade, composed of the 85th, 92d and 
90th New York and 85th, 101st and 103d Penna. Vols., under orders to proceed to New Ferry, 
on the Chowan, near Gatesville, there to report to the commanding officer of the Department 
of North Carolina. My command arrived at the point designated on the 0th instant, where it 
was met by Maj.-Gen. Foster with transports for the brigade. The troops embarked on the 
following day, arriving at this station on the 9th. An expedition having been planned and 
organized to move in the direction of Goldsborough the column was put in motion on the 
morning of the 11th, the advance taken by Heckman's 9th New Jersey Vols., followed by my 
own brigade, to which was attached Morrison's battery, 3d New York Artillery. 

No serious obstacles were interposed by the enemy until arriving at Southwest Branch, 
fi miles from the town of Kinston, where it was found the main road crossing the creek was 
well watched and strongly guarded both by artillery and infantry. A skillful feint having 
been made toward this point, the main body moved by an upper road, crossing the creek 
about half a mile below on a mill-dam. The bridge was found to be partially destroyed and 
the enemy covering it with two guns and a force of infantry. 

This position was at once reconnoitered by the 9th New Jersey Vols, with their usual 
intrepidity, and a crossing was effected by the mill, threatening the enemy's right. At the 
same time, by direction of the commanding general, I detached the 85th Penna. Vols., Col. 
Howell, with orders to force a passage below the bridge, by felling trees or fording, and 
engage him on the right. This difficult duty was handsomely performed. Howell's skirmish- 
ers, led by Capts. Hooker and Phillips, pushed boldly through the swamp, engaged the 
enemy's battery under a shower of grape, and by a well directed fire of musketry drove the 
cannoneers from the ground, and Heckman's advance appearing simultaneously from the 
left the enemy fled, leaving one of his guns in our possession. The brigade in the meantime 
crossed at the null, and being joined by the 23d Mass. Vols, moved forward about three 
miles and bivouacked for the night, the 9th New Jersey Vols, with Morrison's battery taking 
up a position about one mile in advance. 

On the following day (Dec. 14) the line of march was resumed at an early hour and 
in the usual order. Heckman's skirmishers were soon engaged with the enemy's outposts, 
and to support him I directed the 85th Penna. Vols, to move through the wood on the left of 
the road with a view to act against the enemy's right. A section of Morrison's battery was 
also ordered forward, supported by the 103d Penna. Vols., Lieut. -Col. Maxwell, with direc- 
tions to take a suitable position and open fire. 

The 85th New York, Lieut. -Col. Wellman, was then thrown forward and to the right 
of the road, with instructions to engage the enemy on the flank and press him vigorously 
toward the left. This regiment was soon followed by the 101st Penna. Vols., Maj. Taylor, 
and the 9tith New York Vols., Col. Gray, with similar orders. In the meantime, being in- 
formed that a portion of the 9th New Jersey Vols, were failing in ammunition, I directed the 
92d New York Vols., Col. Hunt, to move down the road to relieve or support Col. Heckman, 
as circumstances might require. All these movements were executed by the several regi- 
ments with alacrity and precision, deserving the highest praise. My whole brigade was now 
in position before the enemy's line; the firing was heavy and almost incessant; the wounded 
were being rapidly brought to the rear, and the enemy, concealed by the wood and posted 
behind an almost impasssable swamp, maintained his position with stubborn obstinacy. At 
that time, and on my application to the major-general commanding, I was reinforced in suc- 
cession by the 17th, 23d, and 45th Mass. Vols. These fine regiments took their positions with 
the coolness and precision of veterans, and the whole line was then directed to advance and 
push the enemy at every point. The major-general commanding having arrived on the 
ground made further disposition of the troops and conducted the affair to a rapid and suc- 
cessful termination. 

Under my orders to advance, the whole brigade, supported on the left by other regi- 
ments, moved gradually forward, converging toward the enemy's line of retreat, driving him 
from the church and throwing him back toward the bridge, over which the main body es- 
caped, leaving several hundred prisoners in our hands. 

The retreat of the enemy was closely followed by the 85th and 103d Penna. Vols, on 
the left (the latter suffering severely in crossing the open field), while the 90th and 85th 
New York and 101st Penna. Vols, charged from the right ; the 92d moved along the road in 



18 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

support of the battery. The bridge was fired in several places by the enemy and exposed to 
a destructive fire of artillery and musketry from the opposite bank, but every regiment, in- 
cluding those from other brigades, seemed to vie with each other in emulation, and pressed 
forward with unflinching determination. 

That gallant officer, Col. Gray, 90th New York Vols., with his face to the foe and the 
colors of his regiment first on the bridge, fell mortally wounded in the hour of victory. 

The flames were extinguished without serious injury to the bridge, and my brigade 
being reformed on the opposite bank of the river continued its march through the village of 
Kinston and bivouacked for the night on the Goldsborough road. 

The steadiness of the troops during this short conflict gave me full confidence of 
success, and the conduct both of officers and men, with rare exceptions, merits the highest 
praise. For special acts of gallantry and good conduct I have the honor to refer you to the 
reports of regimental commanders herewith enclosed. Capt. Stewart, assistant adjutant 
general ; Capts. Webster and Hall, brigade quartermaster and commissary, and my aides, 
Lieuts. Beegle and Foot, rendered most important service. My orders were conveyed by these 
officers to every part of the field in the thickest of the fight with the most gratifying coolness 
and intelligence. Acting Brigade Surgeon Rush also deserves the highest commendation for 
the prompt and efficient manner in which the onerous duties of his department were con- 
ducted. 

A list of casualties accompanies this report. 

My brigade, having recrossed the Neuse, accompanied the expedition towards Golds- 
borough, and its object having been fully accomplished by the destruction of the railway and 
bridge, the whole command returned to this station, arriving at New Bern on the 21st in- 
stant. 

Respectfully your obedient servant, H w wFSSFT I S 

Maj. Southard Hoffman, Brigadier-General of Volunteers, Commanding. 

Assistant Adjutant General, Dept. of North Carolina. 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XVIII, pages 95-96-97.) 

Hdqrs. Dept. of North Carolina, New Bern, N. C, December 27, 1862. 

General : Referring to my letters of December 10, 14 and 20, I have the honor to 
report that I left this town at 8 a. m. of the 11th with the following forces: 

Gen. Wessell's brigade of Gen. Peck's division (kindly loaned to me), Col. Amory's 
brigade, Col. Stevenson's brigade, Col. Lee's brigade — in all about 10.000 infantry; six bat- 
teries 3d New York Artillery, 30 guns; Belger's battery 1st Rhode Island Artillery, 6 guns; 
section of 24th New York Independent Battery, 2 guns; section of 23d New York Indepen- 
dent Battery, 2 guns — total, 40 guns ; the 3d New York Cavalry, about 640 men. 

We marched the first day on the main Kinston road about 14 miles, when, finding the 
road obstructed by felled trees for half a mile and over, I bivouacked for the night, and had 
the obstructions removed during the night by the pioneers. 

1 pushed on the next morning at daylight. My cavalry advance encountered the enemy 
when about four miles from the bivouac of the previous night, and after a sharp but brief 
skirmish the enemy were routed with some loss. On arriving at the Vine Swamp road I 
ordered Capt. Hall, with three companies of cavalry, to push on up the main Kinston road 
as a demonstration, while the main column proceeded by the Vine Swamp road to the left, 
thereby avoiding the obstructions and the enemy on the main road. Capt. Hall encountered 
the enemy in some force, but after a severe fight whipped them, taking eighteen prisoners and 
killing a numbr. The march of the main column was somewhat delayed by the bridge over 
Beaver Creek being destroyed. This was rebuilt and I pushed on, leaving a regiment (51st 
Mass.) and a section of artillery (23d New York) at the bridge to hold it and to protect the 
intersection of the main road and the road I was on, to support Capt. Hall, and to prevent 
any force driving him back and occupying the cross roads in the rear. The main column 
pushed on about four miles and bivouacked for the night. There was some cavalry skirmish- 
ing during the day. 

On Saturday, the 13th, we again started, leaving the second main road, the one I was 
on, to the right, and leaving at this intersection the 46th Mass. and one section of artillery 
(24th New York) to hold the position, and feint on the second main road. We reached 
Southwest Creek, the bridge over which was destroyed, and the enemy posted on the oppo- 
site bank, some 400 strong, with three pieces of artillery. The creek was not fordable, and 
ran at the foot of a deep ravine, making a very bad position for us. I ordered a battery in 
as good a position as could be obtained, and under their fire the 9th New Jersey, which had 
the advance, pushed gallantly across the creek by swimming, by fragments of the bridge and 
by a mill-dam, and formed on the opposite bank. At the same time the 85th Penna., of Gen. 
Wessells' brigade, forced a passage by the felling of trees and fording about half a mile 
below the bridge, and engaged (he enemy's left, who thereupon retired and dserted his 
breastworks. I bad ordered the 23d Mass., of Col. Amory's brigade, to cross at the mill to 
support the 9th New Jersey, and also crossed the remainder of Gen. Wessell's brigade. Col. 
Heckman, with the 9th New Jersey, advanced and was fired upon, when about one mile from 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 19 

the creek, with canister and musketry. The regiment charged at double quick, drove the 
enemy, took some prisoners, and captured a six pounder gun, caisson, etc., complete. 
Gen. Wessells bivouacked on the farther side of the creek with the 9th in the advance. The 
balance of the command, with the artillery, remained on this side of the creek. The 9th 
New Jersey; Co. K, 3d New York Cavalry, and Morrison's battery, 3d New York Artillery, 
had quite a skirmish with the enemy, but drove him and encamped for the night. From the 
south side of the creek I sent a company of cavalry to strike and proceed up the Kinston 
road, No. 2 (I was on No. 3). The company proceeded up the road toward Kinston, and 
found the enemy posted by a bridge, which was prepared to be destroyed. The company 
charged them, and they retired with some loss, destroying the bridge. The enemy's force at 
this place was estimated at one regiment and four pieces of artillery. Maj. Garrard, with 
three companies of cavalry and one gun of Allis' section of artillery, proceeded on a 
reconnaissance on a road leading to White Hall. After following this road about 10 miles, 
and having met with no opposition, they rejoined the main column. 

Sunday, the 14th instant, I advanced the column, and when about 1 mile from 
Kinston encountered the enemy in strong force. They were posted in strong position in 
the wood, taking advantage of the ground, which formed a natural breastwork. Their posi- 
tion was secured on their right by a deep swamp and their left was partially protected 
by the river. The 9th New Jersey was deployed as skirmishers, and Gen. Wessells' brigade, 
with Morrison's battery, 3d New York Artillery, was ordered to advance to the right and 
left of the road, the battery being sent to our extreme right supported by one of Gen. 
Wessells' regiments. Col. Amory's brigade was then advanced, the 17th Mass. Vols, being 
sent to support Col. Heckman on the right, and two regiments (23d and 45th Mass.) advanced 
up the road. My artillery (three batteries) I posted in a large field on the right of the 
road and about three-fourths of a mile in rear of our line of attack, the only position they 
could be placed in. I then ordered Col. Stevenson's brigade, with Belger's Rhode Island 
battery, forward. The 24th Mass. supported this battery, and the 5th Rhode Island, 10th 
Conn., and 44th Mass. were ordered forward, the two former on the left of the road and the 
latter on the right, to support the regiments, therein pushing the enemy and turning that 
flank. 

The 10th Conn, advanced steadily to the extreme front, relieving two of Wessells' 
brigade, which were short of ammunition, and after receiving a terrible fire for some twenty 
minutes made a most gallant charge in conjunction with the 96th Regiment New York Vols. 
of Gen. Wessells' brigade, which, with the advance already made (slowly, but surely) of the 
entire line, forced the enemy to retreat precipitately for the bridge over the Neuse, wWch 
they crossed, firing the bridge, which had been prepared for that purpose. Several regiments 
were so close, however, that about 400 prisoners were taken from the enemy. A line was 
formed to the river, and the fire extinguished before great damage was done. 

The 9th New Jersey and 17th Mass. Regiments and Gen. Wessells' brigade were at 
once crossed, pushed into the town, and halted. I ordered the bridge to be at once repaired 
for the crossing of cavalry and artillery. 

Gen. Evans retired about two miles from town with his command and formed line 
of battle. I sent a flag of truce to inquire whether he proposed to surrender. He declined. 
I immediately prepared to attack him, but knowing that he had three light batteries and 
one section to start with, was unwilling to sacrifice my men, and waited for my artillery 
to cross. I ordered Batteries E and I, 3d New York Artillery, to shell the enemy with 
their 20-pounder Parrotts (four in number) from the opposite bank, and crossed Col. 
Amory's brigade with all dispatch ; but before I could attack the enemy they had retired, 
and it being by this time night I was unable to pursue ; moreover, my object was accomplished. 

The troops bivouacked in the field beyond the town that night; a provost guard was 
established for the protection of the town and all necessary precautions were taken. I sent 
Capt. Cole, Co. K, 3d Regiment New York Cavalry, down the east bank of the Neuse to 
a work commanding the river. He reported it deserted, with six guns in position, and the 
work to be of great strength. I sent the company back with teams to bring up the guns and 
blow up the magazine. Capt. Cole being unable to remove the two heavy guns, one 8-inch 
columbiad and one 32-pounder, destroyed them, and brought back four field pieces complete. 
These, with two others deserted by the enemy, and the one taken by the 9th New Jersey, 
I sent to New Bern, under escort of Capt. Cole's company, (K) 3d New York Cavalry. 

The next morning, the 15th, I recrossed the river and took the river road for Golds- 
borough. I left a strong guard of cavalry in the town, under Maj. FitzSimmons, to make 
a demonstration on the Goldsborough road on that side of the river. Col. Ledlie, 3d New 
York Artillery, remained to destroy commissary and quartermaster's stores and burn the 
bridge. Maj. FitzSimmons advanced some 9 miles in the direction of Goldsborough, when, 
hearing the whistle of a locomotive, he fired three shots in the direction of the sound, upon 
which the train immediately returned in the direction of Goldsborough. Col. Ledlie, before 
leaving Kinston, destroyed a locomotive, a railroad monitor, &c. 

I advanced without opposition to within 3% miles of White Hall, where I halted for 
the night. I sent Maj. Garrard with three companies of cavalry to make a reconnaissance 



20 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

to White Hall. He found one regiment and four guns on our side of the bridge over the 
Neuse, but they quickly retreated as he approached, tiring the bridge effectually. 

The next morning (16th) I ordered Maj. Garrard, with five companies, 3d New 
York Cavalry and one section of artillery, 23d New York, to proceed to Mount Olive, a 
station on the Wilmington & Weldon Railroad, 14 miles below Goldsborough. In passing 
White Hall en route for Mount Olive his command was fired upon from the opposite side 
of the river. He placed his guns in position and returned the fire until the main column 
arrived, when he limbered up and proceeded toward Mount Olive, which point he reached 
without opposition. Here he destroyed the railroad track for about a mile. He then 
proceeded along the line of the railroad for four miles and destroyed the bridge over Goshen 
Swamp. The track between Mount Olive and the Goshen Swamp Bridge was torn up and 
burned in five places. 

The column having arrived at White Hall and finding the bridge burned and the 
enemy in some force, with infantry and artillery on the other side, and this being the direct 
road to Goldsborough, 1 determined to make a strong feint, as if to rebuild and cross. The 
Hth New Jersey and Col. Amory's brigade were sent forward and posted on the bank of the 
river to engage the enemy. I then ordered up several batteries and posted them on a hill 
overlooking the enemy's intrenchments. They opened on and silenced, after an hour's firing, 
the enemy's guns. The enemy still maintained their admirable position with sharpshooters, 
but deeming my object accomplished I moved my command forward toward Goldsborough, 
leaving sharpshooters in rear to continue the light. We bivouacked that night 8 miles from 
Goldsborough, encountering no further opposition. 

On the morning of the 17th I advanced on Goldsborough. I ordered Maj. Fitz-Sim- 
mons, with two companies of cavalry, to make a feint in the direction of Dudley Station and 
Everettsville. They scattered a small force of the enemy there in every direction, burned 
two trestlework culverts, destroyed a train of four railroad cars, water-station, depot, &c, 
as well as some small arms, which they were not able to carry off, and captured a flag of 
the enemy. They then returned by a short cut to the main column. I also ordered Maj. 
Garrard, with four companies of cavalry and one section of artillery, to make a feint in 
the direction of a bridge over the Neuse, on our right, called Thompson's bridge. He found 
the enemy in force, supposed to be one regiment of infantry and four pieces of artillery, 
and the bridge already burned. I then directed, in order to make the feint more complete, 
and to further distract the enemy, one regiment (43d Mass.) and Angel's battery, 3d New 
York Artillery, to the support of the cavalry and engage the enemy, which they did, silencing, 
after an hour's brisk engagement, the enemy's fire. 

Col. Lee's brigade was in advance of the main column and came upon the enemy in 
small force on the edge of the wood lining the railroad track. Riggs' battery, 3d New York 
Artillery, was placed in position and opened on them, when the enemy retired. The 9th 
New Jersey and 17th Mass. were ordered to strike the railroad track and follow it up direct 
to the bridge, which they were to burn. Three regiments of Col. Lee's brigade were ordered 
to their support (the 25th, 27th, and 3d Mass.) ; the remaining regiment was thrown on 
the left to protect our flank in that quarter. Gen. Wessells' brigade was advanced and formed 
on the hill overlooking the track, &c. ; three regiments were thrown to the left and the 
remaining regiments in lines, to be available at any point. My artillery was brought forward 
and placed in position, firing to the front and left, principally at the bridge. The enemy 
replied with artillery from the other side of the river. Col. Heckman advanced steadily 
up the track, fighting the enemy's infantry posted at the bridge and receiving a fire from 
the artillery in a monitor-car on the track of the bridge. After two hours he reached the 
bridge, and under a heavy fire Lieut. Graham, 23d New York Battery, acting as aide-de- 
camp to Col. Heckman, fired the bridge. All who had previously attempted it were picked 
off, and Lieut. B. N. Mann, 17th Mass., who accompanied him, was wounded. 

I brought all my artillery to bear to prevent any effort to save the bridge, and, when 
the fire was doing its work, ordered a countermarch for New Bern, leaving Col. Lee to form 
the rear guard. Col. Lee was forming his brigade to leave the field, deeming the fight over, 
when three regimental colors were seen across the railroad track, the men protected by the 
embankment on which the track was laid. Col. Lee placed Morrison's battery in position 
and recalled his regiment in line. The enemy advanced with cheers across the railroad, 
steadily in line, upon Col. Lee's brigade. Morrison's battery opened on the advancing line 
with spherical case and with good effect, but they advanced steadily until within 300 yards 
of the battery, when, unable to stand the fearful loss they were sustaining from the battery, 
they broke and retreated. Their retreat was unexpectedly covered by a masked battery in 
the woods on our left. Belger's Rhode Island battery, which had been brought back, opened 
in reply to the battery and on two regiments which came in view, supporting their guns. 
Riggs' battery, 3d New York Artillery, was placed on an eminence on our left and in line 
with the enemy, thus bringing a cross-fire to bear. They were thereby forced to retire, as 
was also a regiment in the woods on our right. 

Col. Lee, having orders not to attempt any further move, again formed his brigade 
and batteries and proceeded to join the column, which I had halted on hearing the firing 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 21 

from Col. Lee. This was a bold attempt of the enemy to entrap and secure Col. Lee's 
brigade and Morrison's battery. Owing to the efficiency of Col. Lee and Morrison's battery 
it was a disastrous failure. With a strong cavalry rear guard I then started on my return 
by the direct road, took and transported my sick and wounded men from White Hall and 
Kinsion, carrying them all safely to this point. 

On the 13th a fleet of small boats left New Bern, under Commander Murray, U. S. 
Navy, to attack the works on the river at Kinston, but owing to the lowness of the water 
in the river only one small boat, the Allison, under Col. Manchester, Marine Artillery, was 
brought into action. The works being too strong she, after a gallant resistance, was obliged 
to retire, having, however, effected a good purpose by mystifying Gen. Evans as to where 
the attack was to come from, and induced him to retain several regiments on the Kinston 
side of the Neuse, thus diminishing the force opposed to us. 

In conclusion, I take great pleasure in reporting on the conduct of the officers and 
men under my command. It was most excellent, and maintained fully their high reputation. 

Gen. Wessells' brigade, of Gen. Peck's division, behaved like veterans, and reflected, 
by their drill, discipline, and steadiness under fire, the qualities of their commanding officer. 

Col. Heckman, of the 9th New Jersey, was, with his admirable regiment, always in 
advance, and displayed the greatest courage and efficiency. The 10th Regiment Conn. Vols., 
under Lieut.-Col. Leggett (as they always have done), behaved in the most gallant and 
dashing manner, making a charge under a fire in which in twenty minutes killed and 
wounded 90 men out of 340. Col. Potter, of the 1st North Carolina Vols., acted on my 
staff, and was of the greatest aid and assistance to me by his coolness and observation. 

I must particularly mention the conduct of Lieut. George W. Graham, 23d New York 
Battery, acting as aide to Col. Heckman. Throughout the entire march he was conspicuous 
for his venturesome courage, and at Goldsborough, in company with Lieut. B. N. Mann, 
17th Mass. Vols., advanced and fired the bridge under the fire of the enemy's infantry and 
artillery. He only escaped capture by jumping from the bridge down the bank. Lieut. Mann 
was wounded. The artillery force, under Col. Ledlie, was well placed and well served, and 
the commanding officer and the batteries without exception, did most excellent service. The 
3d New York Cavalry, though not acting as a regiment, were in all cases prompt, brave, and 
efficient, as shown in the body of my report. Much credit is due to Mr. H. W. Wilson, 
engineer, who, in charge of the pioneers and a force of contrabands, did most excellent 
service in building bridges, repairing roads, etc. I inclose to Gen. E. A. Hitchcock, the lists 
of paroled prisoners, numbering 496. I herewith inclose lists of the killed, wounded, and 
missing, showing an aggregate of 90 killed, 478 wounded, and 9 missing. Among the killed 
I must mourn Col. Gray, of the 96th New York Regiment. He was killed at the head of 
his regiment at the Kinston bridge. Though but a few days in this department, he had 
already won the high esteem of all here. In the charge of the 10th Conn, they lost Capt. 
H. A. Wells and Lieuts. W. W. Perkins, T. D. Hill, and J. C. Coding, all good and excellent 
officers, who died doing a gallant duty. For many details of distinguished services of 
individual officers I beg to refer to the brigade and regimental reports herewith enclosed. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

J. G. FOSTER, 
Maj.-Gen. H. W. Halleck, Major-General, Commanding Department. 

Gencral-in-chief, U. S. Army, Washington, D. C. 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XVIII, pages 53-59.) 

The following orders were issued by the commanding general of the 

department, which were read to the Regiment at dress parade: 

Headquarters, Dept. of North Carolina, New Bern, December 26, 1862. 
General Orders, No. 81. 

The commanding general desires to thank the troops under his command for the 
new proof of their courage and steadiness afforded by the recent expedition. The veteran 
brigade of Gen. Wessell's and the troops of this department alike did their duty as soldiers 
well. By order of Maj.-Gen. J. G. Foster. 

SOUTHARD HOFFMAN, Assistant Adjutant-General. 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XVIII, page 59.) 

General Orders, No. 18. 

Hdqrs. Eighteenth Army Corps, New Bern, January 15, 1863. 

In consideration of and as a reward for their brave deeds at Kinston, White Hall, 
and Goldsborough, the commanding general directs that the regiments and batteries which 
accompanied the expedition to Goldsborough inscribe upon their banners those three 
victories : 

Kinston, December 14, 1862, 

White Hall, December 16, 1862, 

Goldsborough, December 17, 1862. 



22 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

The commanding general hopes that all future fields will be so fought that the record 
of them may he kept by inscription on the banners of the regiments engaged. 
By command of Maj. Gen. J. G. Foster: 

SOUTHARD HOFFMAN, Assistant Adjutant-General. 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XVIII, page 60.) 

CHAPTER VT. 

I Iyde County Raid. 
(From December 31, 1862, to March 31, 1863.) 

On Dec. 31, 1862, Gen. Wessells was in command of the First Division, 
1 8th Army Corps, consisting of two brigades, as follows: First Brigade, com- 
manded by Brig. Gen. Lewis C. Hunt, comprising the following regiments, 
85th, 92d and 96th New York, and 85th, 101st and 103d Penna. Second 
Brigade, commanded by Col. Thomas G. Stevenson, comprising the 10th Conn., 
24th and 44th Mass. and 5th Rhode Island. 

About Jan. 1, 1863, the Regiment moved south of the Trent River and 
went into camp, about a mile from New Bern. Our knapsacks and other 
baggage, which had been left at Suffolk, came to us in scows by way of the 
Dismal Swamp Canal. Col. Morris having recovered from the wound he re- 
ceived at the battle of Seven Pines, returned and assumed command of the 
Regiment. Gen. Wessells having been placed in command of the division, 
the command of the brigade was assumed by Brig. Gen. Lewis C. Hunt, late 
colonel of the 92d New York. 

On March 7, the Regiment started on an expedition along with the 
103d Penna. Regiment, Co. F, 3d New York Cavalry, and one gun of the 3d 
New York Artillery, the entire body under the command of Col. Morris. This 
expedition -was known as the famous Hyde County raid, the parallel of which 
the writer thinks, was never equalled in the history of the war. It would take 
the pen of a Dickens to properly describe the scenes and incidents of this 
march. 

Hyde county is perhaps one of the most fertile regions in the state of 
North Carolina, and being along the eastern coast was practically isolated 
from the seat of war. The barns of this section were filled with corn and 
other products necessary to the support of an army, and frequent raids were 
made by our cavalry for forage supplies. A company of home guards were 
organized by men who had evaded the Confederate conscription. Instead of 
being a protection to the citizens they were a menace to both those loyal to 
the Union and to the Confederacy. By an ambuscade this company of guer- 
rillas killed three men and six horses outright, and wounded two officers and 
12 men of Co. F, 3d New York Cavalry. On receiving report of this affair. 
Col. Morris, with the 101st and 103d Penna. Regiments, dispatched to the 
county, accompanied by the company that had been ambushed. The official 
reports of the officers in command of both expeditions will give a faint idea 
of conditions that obtained during these raids : 

Report of Capt. Colin Richardson, 3d New York Cavalry. 

New Bern. N. C, March 6, 1863. 
Colonel: I have the honor to report that I left this place Sunday, March 1. at 5 




CAPT. GEO. W. BOWERS. 
(Company I.) 



1ST LIEUT. GRO. L. BROWN 
(Co. I.) 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 23 

P. M., on board the steamer Escort with my company ( F, 3d New York Cavalry) and the 
first howitzer of the battery attached to the same regiment, also Co. G, 1st North Carolina 
Vols., and proceeded to Rose Bay Bridge, not, however, without a great deal of delay for the 
want of a pilot, as there was no one on either of the two boats who was sufficiently 
acquainted with the place. I then ordered Capt. Brinkerhoff to make a reconnaissance with 
his boat, North State, who after a delay of four hours reported that he had found the 
bridge. I ordered the scow alongside and disembarked the infantry and howitzer and a 
portion of the cavalry, placing Lieut. Joy in command until my arrival. On arriving with 
the balance and having resumed the command I ordered a small guard on board the North 
State, with orders to the captain of the same to destroy the bridge; I in the meantime 
proceeded along the north side of the lake for a distance of about 5 miles. With much 
difficulty and delay we marched, the crossings of the road having been torn up by the negroes, 
under the orders of one Henry Cradle (whom I have brought back a prisoner) and having 
a protection from Gov. Stanley. I encamped for the night at the cross roads. 

Next morning at day break 1 resumed my march, encountering and driving in the 
enemy's pickets. About three miles from Fairfield we drove more of the enemy, and on 
arriving at the place 1 found it nearly deserted. 1 passed on about 2 miles further, when 
I discovered a boat on the lake; hailed it, but no attention was paid to the hail. I ordered 
I ii ut. Burke to throw a shell across the bow of the boat, which brought it to shore. I found 
in the boat two men without protections, whom 1 ordered out of the boat, and placed in 
it a squad of infantry under charge of a non-commissioned officer, to sail around to Lake 
Landing with orders to save the bridge if possible. I then moved on and encamped for the 
night 9 miles from Lake landing. 

The next morning, (Wednesday) I resumed the march. After moving about fj miles 
I was fired upon by guerrillas from some houses on the right of the road. Our men drove 
them from the houses into the woods. 1 then deployed the infantry to the right and threw 
out cavalry skirmishers in front and rear and covered the infantry with the howitzer, 
shelling the woods and dispersing the enemy in all directions. Having rallied my command, 
I moved on toward Lake Landing, leaving Lieut. Morse, with a party of cavalry, to burn 
their headquarters. I proceeded without further interruption until arriving at the bridge, 
which 1 found destroyed. I ordered the fences to be torn down and used to rebuild the 
bridge. 1 then moved on and drove in mounted pickets during the whole march from Lake 
Landing to within about 11% miles of Swan Quarter, when 1 was attacked from the swanpon 
the right of the road in front and rear by about 80 guerrillas and ordered to surrender. A deep 
canal about 8 feet wide ran between me and the attacking party. As my vedettes were 
passing, the guerrillas fired one shot. Lieut. Benson immediately charged with the first 
platoon of cavalry and received a volley, killing three of my men and wounding the lieu- 
tenant and several others. Six horses were killed and many wounded. I ordered the 
infantry to deploy into the woods as skirmishers, not, however, without some difficulty, and 
ordered Lieut. Burke to unlimber his piece and give the enemy a few rounds of canister, 
supported by the second platoon of cavalry. Here Lieut. Burke was wounded in the face, 
breast and hand. The remainder of the enemy were dispersed and fled, having sustained a 
loss of many of their number, among whom was their captain killed and a lieutenant taken 
prisoner. After having my killed and wounded taken care of and placed in wagons and 
carts which 1 had captured, I moved on to Swan Quarter, and having learned that a force 
of 250 or 300 guerrillas was lying in ambush about 3 miles from Swan Quarter, on the road 
to Rose Bay, and deeming ii inexpedient to encounter it with my weakened force, I 
dispatched Corporal Kent, Co. F, 3d New York Cavalry, and 3 men to sail in a small boat to 
the Gunboat North State, ordering Capt. Brinkerhoff to steam around to Swan Quarter 
Landing. The next morning, he having arrived, 1 embarked on board the steamer Escort, 
which had accompanied the gunboat. 1 arrived here at 4 p. m. today. 

I beg leave to make honorable mention of Luther H. Farnsworth, Co. I, 5th Mass. 
Vols., who accompanied the infantry. He was cool and courageous, jumping through the 
canal and taking the extreme right, leading the platoon of infantry into the fight; also 
Lieut. Morse, of the 3d New York Cavalry, who was of great service in the rear, returning 
the fire of the enemy with effect and holding them in check. 

My loss is as follows: Killed, 3; wounded, 2 lieutenants (Benson and Burke), 
and 12 men of my company and 1 of the First North Caroline Volunteers. One sergeant 
of my company has since died of his wounds." I am, sir, respectfully yours. 

COLIN RICHARDSON, 
Capt. Company F, 3d New York Cav. Comdg. Expedition. 
Lieut. Col. Southard Hoffman, Assistant Adjutant-General. 
(O. R. Ser. 1, Vol. XVIII, pages 157-158.) 

Report of Col. David B. Morris, 101st Perm. Inf'y. 

lldqrs mist Rcgt. Pa. Vols., New Bern, N. C, March 17, 1863. 
Sir: I have the honor to submit the following as my report of the expedition under 
my command around Lake Mattamuskcct, Hyde County, North Carolina 



24 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

In obedience to instructions from corps headquarters of March 7, I embarked the 
troops under my command, viz., 101st and 103d Regiments Penna. Vols., Co. F, 3d New York 
Cavalry, and one piece and caisson 3d New York Artillery, on the afternoon of Tth instant, 
on board the Northerner and Escort. Accompanied by the North State and two scows, we 
proceeded to Swan Quarter, Hyde County, arriving at T o'clock, A. M., 8th instant, and the 
gunboat Allison at once proceeded to Rose Bay Bridge to prevent its reconstruction. After 
eight or ten hours' delay, caused by the captain of the steamer Northerner failing to go 
nearer than about 13 miles to the landing, we commenced debarking the troops in the after- 
noon of the 8th instant. Seven companies of infantry and one platoon of cavalry, with 
howitzer, under command of Lieut. Col. Armor, 101st Penna. Vols., were debarked and 
marched to Swan Quarter, 1V4 miles from the landing, arriving about 5 o'clock P. M. The 
remainder of the troops debarked at 11 o'clock on the morning of the 9th and proceeded to 
Swan Quarter. Acting on the advice of Capt. Richardson, 3d New York Cavalry, we then 
advanced in two columns, one in a southwest direction, under command of Col. Morris, the 
other in a northwest direction, under command of Lieut. Col. Armor, forming a junction at 
Mason's house at the earthwork, distant about 8 miles from Swan Quarter where we 
bivouacked for the night, after posting our picket. During the night our picket captured 1 
man (.Thomas Voliva), attempting to fire upon the picket. 

We resumed the line of march at 6 :30 A. M„ 10th instant, proceeding around the 
lake from north to east, marching 25 miles, and bivouacked for the night on Spencer's farm. 
At 6 o'clock A. M., 11th instant, resumed the march; arrived at Swan Quarter, about 6 
o'clock P. M., having marched 30 miles. During the 10th and 11th it rained almost inces- 
santly, consequently the roads were very bad. No armed force at any point was to be seen. 
A few stragglers, whose names were on the guerrilla muster-roll, were captured and brought 
to New Bern. A few others, supposed to belong to the company, were also brought with us 
— 11 in all. They are now in the hands of the provost-marshall at New Bern. About 60 
citizens were made prisoners, but released at Swan Quarter upon taking the oath of allegi- 
ance. From the best information that could be obtained the band of guerrillas in this county 
were scattered about in small parties of from 6 to 8, through the almost impassable swamps. 
Quite a number of horses, oxen, and carts were captured, but the greater part were 
abandoned, not deeming them of sufficient value to warrant the delay of transportation and 
expense of subsistence. On the morning of the 12th instant Capt. Richardson, with 300 men 
and all available transportation, was sent out seven miles, to the farm of Judge Donald, for 
the purpose of bringing in a quantity of cotton, corn, and bacon. 

The following is an approximate list of all the property turned over to the proper 
authorities: Seventeen horses; 13 buggies; 1 yoke oxen; 1 schooner. Snow Squall, of 
Washington, of about 35 tons burden; 8 cart-loads cotton (small portion unginned) not 
baled ; about 1,500 pounds bacon ; about 400 bushels corn ; about 40 slaves, who followed us 
to the landing. We embarked on the loth instant and arrived at New Bern on 14th instant. 
The only buildings burned by my order were the outbuildings of a farmhouse near Fair- 
field, in which we found a rebel officer's coat, ammunition, &c. I regret to state that a small 
mill at Swan Quarter was fired and burned, and also a barn filled with corn adjoining 
Spencer's farm was burned by an unknown party; also a number of stacks of fodder on 
the farm of Judge Donald was burned without my order. 

I would also call attention to a lack of proper discipline among the line officers of 
the 103d Regiment Penna. Vols. They seem to have little or no control over their com- 
mands, and lack energy to enforce proper discipline. To this there are some exceptions. 
The 101st Regiment Penna. Vols, also lacks discipline, which I attribute to my long absence 
from it, but which in the course of time I will bring about again. As an instance of 
insubordination in the 103d Penna. Vols., while embarking on board the Northerner from 
the steamer Escort the officers and men, contrary to repeated orders, rushed forward before 
the boat could be made fast to such an extent as to endanger life and to render it impossible 
for the officers of the boat to manage her. Having repeated the order for the men to 
remain in their places and await orders, and all to no effect, I seized a gun and fired down 
the side of the boat for the purpose of deterring the men, but with no intention of injuring 
any one. At the moment of firing a man rushed forward and was slightly injured. My 
thanks are due the officers of the Escort, North State, Lockwood, and Allison for their 
valuable assistance. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

D. B. MORRIS, 
Colonel, Commanding Expedition. 
Lieut. Col. Southard Hoffman, Assistant Adjutant-General. 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XVIII, page 181.) 

The attention of the provisional Union Governor of North Carolina hav- 




LIEUT. GEORGE H. FETTERMAN. 
(Co. E.) 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 25 

ing been called to the excesses committed on this raid, he sent the following 
communication to Gen. Foster : 

New Bern, March 28, 1863. 
Maj.-Gen. Foster, Commanding, &c. : 

General: I deeply regret to be compelled, in the last hours of my stay here, to 
distress you by complaints of the outrages of our forces in the last expedition to Hyde 
County. In numerous instances, well authenticated, they entered and robbed the houses of 
loyal men, destroyed furniture, insulted women, and treated with scorn the protections 
which by your advice I had given them. Can I give to people whose loyalty is not and 
never has been questioned any assurance that you can see them protected? As matters now 
stand the loyal men and women, aged and infirm, outside of our lines are the most un- 
fortunate and oppressed in our country; both sides pillage and rob them. I know you 
have uniformly rebuked these atrocities, but your words have been treated like my pro- 
tections. I invoke for the people referred to such interposition as your sense of duty and 
humanity will suggest. 

With high respect and regard, yours, &c, 

ED. STANLEY, 
(Indorsement.) March 29, 1863. 

Referred to Colonel Morris for report. 

J. G. FOSTER, 



(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XVIII, p. 182.) 



Major-Genera!. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Spinola Raid to Blounts Creek. 

(From April i, 1863, to April 10, 1863.) 

Nothing of interest transpired after our return from Hyde Co., until 
April, when the enemy besieged Washington, N. C, situated near the head of 
Pamlico Sound, on the Pamlico River, about 35 miles north of New Bern. 
Gen. Foster had gone there to take a look at the defenses and the enemy 
blockaded the river, compelling him to remain. Our Regiment, with other 
troops, boarded the steamer Northerner on April 4, and the following day 
arrived near the enemy's fortifications below Washington. Gen. Prince, who 
was in command, did not think it advisable to attack the enemy and, receiving 
orders from Gen. Foster by a messenger who ran the blockade to send a force 
across the country from New Bern, we were ordered to return without debark- 
ing. Gen. Wessells being absent and Gen. Prince being taken ill, the command 
of this expedition was entrusted to Brig. Gen. F. B. Spinola. As this expedi- 
tion was the most complete fiasco in which the Regiment participated during 
the war, and as Gen. Spinola was universally censured by men of our Regiment, 
his official report of the affair is given in full. It is to his credit that he en- 
deavored to shirk the responsibility of the command, because he realized his 
incompetency. And realizing this, it is to his further credit that, after making 
a feint of an attack on the enemy's position, he retraced his steps as rapidly 
as was done. Extracts from the reports of Gens. Palmer and Prince on the 
water expedition, and the full report of Gen. Spinola on the land expedition, 
follow : 

New Bern, Sunday, April 5. 1863, 4. P. M. 
Maj. Gen. J. G. Foster: * * * In addition to the troops of Spinola's brigade 
already up near the Hill's Point Battery the Northerner yesterday took two regiments, the 
5th Mass., and 101st Penn. You must bear in mind that ever since you left here we have 
had the most terrific weather; the wind has either blown the water all out of the river or it 
has been blowing such a gale that most of our transportation could not do anything. Our 



26 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

vessels have been either aground or windbound. Such a time has never been known here 
since we took the place. * * * I. N. PALMER. 

(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XVIII, page 584.) 

llilqrs. 5th Division, 18th Army Corps, New Bern, N. C, April 13, 1863. 
I left [New Bern] next morning (4th inst.) for the Pamlico and arrived at Blounts 
Bay at 8 P. M. * * * TheNortherner arrived [April 5,] with the following troop3 on 
board: The 101st Penna., Col. Morris, 350 strong; the 5th Mass., Col. Pierson, 500 strong 
* * * . At 6 o'clock on the morning of the 6th I left for New Bern, having given orders 
to each transport that was to accompany me * * * . At evening I arrived at New 
Bern. On the 7th I appointed Maj. Frankle chief of staff for an expedition which I expected 
to conduct * * * During the day I was quite ill and constantly retching * * *. 

Early on the 8th I awoke with a blinding headache and sickness, and sent an officer of 
my Staff with the organization and order of march at once to Gen. Falmer, with the mes- 
sage that I was too ill to attend to any duty. * * * 

HENRY PRINCE, Brig-Gen. Vols. 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XVIII, page 224.) 

Headquarters Spinola's Brigade, Washington, N. C, May 15, 1863. 
Colonel : In obedience to orders received from Headquarters 18th Army Corps, 
directing that my brigade should be at Foster's Wharf at 2 A. M., on April 8, for the 
purpose of crossing the Neuse River, I have the honor to submit the following report : 

The brigade reached the place designated a quarter of an hour before the time 
specified, and in two hours were all over the river. They bivouacked near the old rebel 
fort on the road leading to the New Hope School House. At between 1 and 2 o'clock on the 
morning of April 8, I called upon Brig.-Gen. Henry Prince at his headquarters to ascertain 
if there were any specific instructions to be issued in regard to the expedition and to learn 
what time he had fixed on for the column to commence moving. I believe that Gen. Prince 
was to command the expedition, as he had been ordered by Gen. Foster to proceed with it 
to the relief of the garrison at Washington, N. C, which was then invested by the enemy. 
I found Gen. Prince in a state of mind denoting that he was very much exercised in regard 
to the propriety of making the contemplated march, and he freely expressed his opinion to 
me that the expedition could not succeed, that it must be a very great failure, for he did not 
believe that any of those who accompanied it would return, as we would all be captured, 
and that it was like making the rebels a present of all the artillery. 

Gen. Prince at this interview also invited me to volunteer to take the command of 
the expedition, which 1 declined in the most positive and unmistakable language. I was 
entirely willing to take my chance with others of either falling upon the field or being taken 
prisoner, but my own good sense promptly told me that the size of the expedition and the 
importance of its trust forbade one of my limited military experience from assuming its 
command, except under positive orders from my superior officers, and then, in obedience 
to a willing heart, I could only promise to do the best I could to accomplish the object of 
the expedition. At about 10 A. M. on April 8, a messenger called at my room and told 
me that Gen. Palmer desired to see me at once. I immediately proceeded to his head- 
quarters, when he informed me that the command of the expedition would fall upon me. 
This was the first intimation I had received that this important trust would be placed under 
my charge. 1 expressed my astonishment at it. and told Gen. Palmer that I could not 
assume the command unless I received a written order to that effect, which he assured me 
I should have before starting. 1 have deemed it due to truth and the interest of the service 
that these facts should be stated in this report, as they form a link in the history of the 
efforts made to relieve the invested garrison. I then crossed the river, and shortly after 
reaching the other side was handed the following order : 

Fort Anderson, Neuse River, April 8, 1863 
Brig. Gen. F. B. Spinola, 

U. S. Volunteers, New Bern, N. C. 
General: The forces for the relief of Washington are hereby placed under your 
command, and a list of them is furnished to you. Gen. Foster, commanding this depart- 
ment, has given positive instructions that all the available force at New Bern shall march 
to Washington to his relief You will perceive that this order has been implicitly obeyed 
so far as placing the troops at your disposition is concerned. You have informed me that 
you have read the orders sent to Gen. Prince by Gen. Foster. As these are the only 
instructions I have seen I can only direct you to bear in mind the letter of Gen. Foster 
and exercise your best judgment in carrying out his views. The sole object of the expedi- 
tion is to get the troops into Washington, now invested by the enemy, and I feel confident 
that everything that can be done will he effected. Please to keep me informed of the state 
of affairs as you proceed. Look well to the roads leading into your rout from the direction 
of Kinston. Should you he obliged to build a bridge at Swift Creek it should be protected, 
for the supplies for your command may not be able to start until tomorrow. I will not 
anticipate a failure to get through, but should you be obliged to return (.for I shall send 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 27 

for you if this place is attacked by any force that I think will be able to overcome the 
force left here) let the return movement be conducted with order and great care.' 
I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant. 

I. N. PALMER, Brigadier-General, Commanding. 

On the receipt of which I directed the column to be ready to move at 3 o'clock that 
afternoon. I organized the several regiments comprising the command into three brigades, 
of five regiments each, and assigned to each brigade its proper portion of artillery, and 
also gave the cavalry the necessary instructions to govern them on the march. 

The First Brigade was put under the command of Col. Amory, of the 17th Mass. 
Vols., and comprised the following infantry and artillery: The 17th Mass. Vols., two 32- 
pounder howitzers, 43d Mass. Vols., 101st Penna. Vols., 96th New York Vols., 3d Mass. 
Vols., and Belger's battery. 

The Second Brigade was commanded by Col. Lee, and consisted of the following 
named infantry and artillerv : The 85th New York Vols., 103d Penna. Vols., Riggs' Battery, 
5th Mass Vols., 8th Mass. Vols., and the 132d New York Vols. 

The Third Brigade was under the command of Col. Bierer, and included the follow- 
ing regiments of infantry and pieces of artillery: Two pieces of artillery, 175th Penna. 
Militia, 158th New York Vols., 171st Penna. Militia, 158th Penna. Militia, and 5th Rhode 
Island Vols. 

The following official statement, purporting to show the true strength of the com- 
mand, was also furnished me by Gen. Palmer, on the day the expedition was to leave, and it 
is the one referred to in Gen. Palmer's order: 

Official Statement of Troops that Can Be Furnished Brig. Gen. H. Prince, U. S. Vols., 
Commanding Expedition April 8, 1863. 
Eightv-fifth New York Inf'y. 445 men; 103d Penna. Infy, 471; 5th Mass Inf'y, 593; 
8th Mass. Inf'y, 271; 158th New York Inf'y, 245; 132d New York Inf'y, 555; 3d Mass. Inf'v, 
674; 17th Mass. Inf'y, 591: 43d Mass. Inf'y, 701; 101st Penna. Inf'y 395; 96th New York 
Inf'y, 278; 171st Penna. Inf'y, 600; 158th Penna. Inf'y, 600; 175th Penna. Inf'y, 600; 5th 
Rhode Island Inf'y, 388; total infantry, 7,407 men. 

Artillery, 16 guns; cavalry, two squadrons, 400 men; by command of Brig. Gen. I. N. 
Palmer, commanding. 

J. A. JUDSON, Captain and Assistant Adjutant-General. 

It is evident that this statement was prepared with the understanding that Gen. 
Prince was to command. It represents the strength of the expedition to be 7,807, exclusive 
of the artillery, which was 316, as shown by a field report made at the time of starting, 
which would make the whole force 8,123; while the field report received from each brigade, 
together with the artillery and cavalry, half an hour before starting, showed the whole 
force to be but 6,465 instead of 8,123, a difference of 1,658 less than that shown by the 
official statement. The column moved promptly at 3 o'clock, and reached Little Swift Creek 
at 8 o'clock the same evening, having marched between 14 and 15 miles. The advance guard 
met the enemy's picket about 7 miles from Fort Anderson. They retreated without returning 
fire Half an hour later three heavy guns were heard in the direction of Swift Creek 
Village, which I took for alarm guns of the enemy. From information of a character that 
seemed entirely reliable I learned that six regiments of infantry (about 6,000 men), under 
command of Gen. Pettigrow, and one regiment of cavalry, under command of Col. Clai- 
borne, numbering about 1, men, were encamped at Walter Ruff's farm, on the road 

leading to Washington and Hill's Point, where it trosses Blount's Creek. From various 
sources I learned that the enemy were also in large force at Swift Creek Village and 
occupied both sides of the bridge, as well as the roads leading to Kinston and Greenville, 
but I could not learn their exact strength, except that they occupied five or six different 
camps. The fact that the enemy were in force at the cross roads in front of Washington 
was also confirmed by both contrabands and prisoners in a manner that left no doubt in 
my mind that the strength of the enemy on the south side of Pamlico River and vicinity 
and all of which were within supporting distance of each other, could not have been less 
than 12,000 or 15,000 men, although it was fixed by all the information received at a much 
greater number. With these facts before me, and after a consultation with the brigade 
commanders together with the chief officer of artillery, who were unanimous in their 
expressions of opinion that the column had better return to New Bern, as in their judgment 
an absolute failure would be the result of the expedition if we proceeded by this route, 
I therefore concluded not to go by the way of Swift Creek Village. 

The infantry of the enemy at this place was strongly intrenched and had thrown 
up earthworks for their artillery which commanded all the direct approaches to the village, 
although from the evidence received their strength in the village proper was not as great 
as mine, and if I had attacked them there and driven them out of the place they could 
have retreated toward the cross roads in front of Washington and joined the forces 
located at that point. Still, to have pursued this course and pushed on toward Washington 
by this route would have exposed my left flank to the assault of the enemy, who were 
encamped in considerable force on the roads leading toward Kinston and Greenville, where 



28 101ST PENNSYLVANIA Klt,IMI\l 

Pettigrew would certainly have crossed Blount's Creek and attacked my rear, for I hail no 
way of protecting it except by ili\ nHuvi mj Force and it was not large enough to admit 
oi that being done, particular^ so as I would have been compelled to have me1 at the cross 
toads and in my trout a force very much larger than my own and well intrenched, 

I hus hemmed in on three sides by an active foe, with an impenetrable swamp on 

my right, it would have left me hut a small chance of success and no opportunity whatever 
of falling hack in the evenl of a repulse at the cross-roads, the consequence of which would 
have been either the annihilation of my command or its capture, to avoid which I decided 
to try and reach Washington by the way of Blount's Creek road, and if possible drive the 
enemy hack, so as to reach Mills Point and capture that battery and thus raise the blockade. 

In making tins march 1 could completely cover my rear and Ranks by removing the budges 

across Little Swift Creek and blockading the roads over which 1 was lo pass before reaching 
the main road leading to Blount's (."reek, all of which 1 did. although 1 could not have pro- 
deled my rear and Ranks by the same means if 1 had taken the Swift Creek road, as it 
would have cut oil my only means of retreat in the event of a repulse, as well as to have 
completely destroyed all communication with New Bern, which 1 was directed to protect 
and keep open for the accommodation of the wagon ami ammunition train, which could 
not start until one day after the main body of the troops. 

1 t uither deem it of interest that the following communication, received from Gen. 
rainier while on the march, should be introduced in this report, as it is confirmatory of 
niv own information in regard to the strength and position of the enemy: 

New Bern, N. C, April 9, 1868, 8 A. M. 
Brig. Gen, b". B. Spinola, United States Volunteers: 

General: Yours, written at 11 P, M yesterday. 1 have received. An hour before I 
received your letter 1 heard from Captain McCann. commanding the gunboats on the river 
near the blockade, the same information concerning the force and position of the enemy. 
Your suggestions as to the mode of relief for Washington, taking all things into considera- 
tion, appear to be go.nl 1 cannot trammel you with orders Your own good judgment 
must dictate your course. Your suggestion concerning the transportation and the wagons 
to be forwarded shall be adopted. Very respectfully yours, 

I. N. I'M MER, Brigadier General, Commanding, 

On the morning of April 9, I moved back from Little Swift Creek toward the New 
Hope School House, which 1 leached at !' o'clock, halted the column, fed the artillery horses 
(the forage having just reached me at this point), and at 10 o'clock started for Blount's 
Creek, a distance of 11 miles, which place 1 reached at about II o'clock in the afternoon. 
\ller marching '-' miles we met and exchanged lire with the enemy's pickets, which was 
continued until we reached the cross roads 1 mile from Ruff's Mill, which is located near 
the head of the creek, 1 here halted the column for about fifteen minutes while I made 
a reconnaissance of the approaches to the bridge which led over the creek. I here found 
the enemy in force and strongly intrenched. I moved forward Col. Amory's brigade, with 

two 82 pounder howitzers under the command of Lieut Folk, and the 12 pounder Napoleon 
battery under command of Capt Belger, The approaches to the creek by the main road 
were through a dense wood with marsh on the left, the ground to the right being a little 
higher bin heavily timbered, while the edge of the stream could not be reached owing to 
its swampy nature, together with the growth of heavy timber and underbrush which 
rendered it impassable, so that it was impossible to reach the creek below the bridge except 

\s we approached, the enemy opened tire on the column from the opposite bank of 
toward its mouth, a distance of 5 or ti miles, and there it could not be crossed without the 
aid ot pontoon bridges or tlats decked over, neither of which 1 had been provided with, 
the creek and the engagement was immediately commenced by a company of the ltd New 
York Cavalry. Capt. Fond, which was dismounted and deployed as skirmishers, with a 
mountain howitzer under command of Lieut. Burke, the howitzer and cavalry being under 
the direction of Maj. Canard, ltd New York Cavalry. The advance line of skirmishers 
was also engaged at the same time with the cavalry and howitzer companies. The enemy 
on the opposite bank of the creek, which is not fordable and crossed only by a bridge which 
they bad rendered impassable by tearing off the planking, were concealed on the higher 
ground occupied by them. 1 accordingly had the skirmishers, the howitzer, and cavalry 
companies withdrawn, and opened fire with canister from the two It'.' pounder howitzers, 
to which 1 soon added four pieces of Belger's Rattery, the enemy replying in the same 
manner with grape, canister, and shell. The engagement continued for an hour and three- 
quarters in this way. 

Having silenced the enemy guns and dismounted one of them, ami finding it utterly 
impossible under the circumstances to cross the creek, I ordered the infantry to fall back 
and the artillery gradually withdrawn, with a squadron of cavalry in their rear. No 
property of any description was left behind. The return march was made without the least 
confusion or interruption of any kind and without any molestation from the enemy. The 
column proceeded as far as the New Hope School House and bivouacked for the night, 
and returned to New Bern the next day. 




Hamilton 
William Stan 











MAP OF EARLY COAST OPERATIONS IN NORTH CAROLINA. 

The above map embraces nearly all the points Wessells brigade covered in reconnoissances 
during the last three years of the war. With but two or three exceptions every town indicated 
en this map was visited by detachments from Gen. Wessells command. It is reproduced here 
by courtesy of the Century Company. 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 29 

The casualties of officers and men were 11 wounded, none killed, which was very 
slight considering the nature of the engagement. Capt. Belger was wounded in the leg, the 
ball passing through his thigh and killing his horse under him; in the 17th Mass. Volunteers, 
Lieut. Roberts and 7 men ; in the artillery, 2 men besides Capt. Belger. It is impossible to 
ascertain the loss of the enemy. Several prisoners were taken. As our fire was well 
sustained, it doubtless did good execution. The 17th Mass. Vols, and the 43d Mass. Militia 
were the only part of my infantry engaged, and the conduct of both officers and men was 
all that could be desired, as was also that of the artillery and cavalry engaged. 

I take great pleasure in stating that the conduct of Col. Amory, commanding brigade; 
Lieut. Col. Lewis, of the cavalry; Lieut. Col. Fellows, commanding 17th Mass., together 
with Capt. Belger, of the artillery, during the march and engagement, was not only cool 
and brave but of the most creditable character, particularly while under fire ; as was also 
that of Maj. Garrard, of the 3d New York Cavalry; Maj. Frankle. of the 17th Mass. Vols., 
and Maj. Stone, of the 3d New York Artillery, the last named officers having been tem- 
porarily detailed on my staff. 

I am, Colonel, with respect, your obedient servant, 

F. B. SPINOLA. Brigadier-General. 
Lieut. -Col. Southard Hoffman, Assistant Adjutant General, 18th Army Corps. 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XVIII, pages 247 to 252.) 

CHAPTER VIII. 

New Bern to Plymouth — Raids to Nicholas Mills, Williamston, Gardner's 

Bridge. 

From April n, 1863, to July 8, 1863.) 

Following the failure of the Spinola expedition, Gen. Foster made a 
hazardous escape from Washington. He boarded the Escort, a small steamer, 
and ran the blockade, the steamer being simply riddled with shot passing the 
enemy's batteries. As soon as he reached New Bern, orders were issued to 
renew the march on Washington, but evidently the enemy knew that now 
there would be no "foolishness," and the expedition was permitted to go to 
Washington without any interference. The troops returned to New Bern via 
steamers, on April 25, where the Regiment remained until May 2, when we 
boarded a steamer for Plymouth, N. C., 68 miles north of New Bern, 8 miles 
from the head of Albermarle Sound, on the Roanoke River. The 101st was 
posted on the eastern part of the town and completed some earthworks already 
started. Our service while at Plymouth consisted of regular routine camp 
duty, camp guard, picket duty, building fortifications, and making frequent 
small raids into the country adjacent to Plymouth, and up the various rivers 
tributary to the Albemarle Sound, such as the Roanoke, Chowan, Elizabeth, 
Alligator, etc. 

While in none of these raids was there anything more than a light skir- 
mish, yet at all times, especially when small detachments had gone a long dis- 
tance into the enemy's country, the danger of being intercepted by a large 
force made them very interesting, and at times quite thrilling. 

June 23, 1863, Gen. Martin, commanding Confederate forces contiguous 
to the Roanoke, stated, in a communication, that a Confederate paroled prisoner, 
living near Plymouth, had visited Plymouth the previous Sunday to get per- 
mission from Gen. Wessells to return to his regiment ; that he saw the general 
and got the permit. He reported the number of the garrison at about 2,500 men. 
(O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVII, part III, p. 937.) Abstract from return of the 



30 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

department headquarters for July 31, 1863, gave the aggregate present in the 
Sub-District of the Albermarle as 1,800. 

July 3, 1863. Gen. Wessells, in a communication with headquarters, Dept. 
of North Carolina, informed the department that the enemy outnumbered him 
on the Roanoke, especially in cavalry. In this communication he said that 
he was suffering with a severe attack of rheumatism, being hardly able to walk, 
and not able to ride. (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVII, part III, p. 513.) 

Co. A was detached from the Regiment on June 27 and sent to Roanoke 
Island, N. C. Capt. Sheafer being absent, the command of the company 
devolved upon First Lieut. Edgar Lee, and in the latter's absence on Lieut. 
Geissenhainer. Capt. Sheafer returned to his company on July 24, when he 
assumed command of the entire force on Roanoke Island. 

Brig. Gen. R. B. Garnett. in a communication to Maj. Gen. D. H. Hill, 

commanding the Confederate forces in North Carolina, under date April 13, 

1863, says : 

Three Yankee prisoners were brought up this morning by the cavalry from Bath. 
These men deserted from the troops at New Bern and went over to Hyde County, where 
they delivered themselves to two of Capt. Swindell's men. One is an orderly sergeant, and 
seems to be an intelligent man. He reports 10,000 troops at New Bern under the command 
of Palmer ; says many of these troops are disaffected and those who are to be discharged 
in May will not serve longer. I have sent the deserters to Greenville subject to your further 
orders. They are very anxious that their names should not appear in the papers as deserters 
for fear it may bring punishment upon them when they return and work to their prejudice 
at their homes. I therefore hope you will give the necessary instructions should you order 
them to Richmond. P. S. : The deserters are from the 101st Penna. 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XVIII, page 984.) 

Among the first expeditions sent from Plymouth after our arrival there, 
was made on May 17, which boarded the gunboats Commodore Perry and Valley 
City, to endeavor to recapture or destroy two small vessels, the Emily and the 
Arrow, captured a few days before by the enemy on Currituck Canal. The 
enemv eluded recapture, escaping up the Chowan River. 

On June 28, Co. D, commanded by Lieut. J. H. Longenecker, and Co. I, 
commanded by Lieut. Geo. L. Brown, under the command of Capt. D. W. D. 
Freeman, along with fifty of the 12th New York Cavalry, the entire expedi- 
tion under the command of Capt. R. Ferguson of the 12th New York Cavalry, 
went on an expedition to Nichols Mills, but owing to a blunder on the part of 
the commanding officers of the other troops participating in the expedition, 
the entire force returned to Plymouth without effecting the object desired by 
the commanding general. Capt. Ferguson's report partially explains why the 
raid proved a failure. It is given in full : 

Hdqrs. Troop E, 12th New York Cavalry, June 29, 1863. 
General : It is with regret that I am obliged to remit you the following report, 
knowing that, where the fault lies, he alone will be censured without regard to rank. I left 
here as per order. 9 P. M., 28th instant, with 50 men of my command, and 100 infantry 
commanded by Capt. Freeman of the 101st Regt. Penna. Vols. We had arrived within 1 
mile of Nichol's Mills when we discovered 5 men running from us toward the woods. The 
nature of the ground was such that they escaped. Proceeded on to Nichol's 
Mills, laid bridge and crossed over. Capt. Freeman's command remained here. 
I had arrived within 100 yards of the junction of the Jamesville road 
and the road which leads to the camp of the 96th New York Vols., when I 
discovered men prowling along the road. I halted my command ; was then challenged, 
"Halt! Who comes there?" Answer, "Friends." Waited a few seconds for a reply. I 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 31 

then asked twice, in a clear, distinct voice, "What regiment are you?" No answer. I re- 
plied, "I am 12th New York Cavalry." Still received no reply. I then formed my troops 
by fours, and gave the command to charge. Four of my company followed me. Shots were 
exchanged on both sides. 1 then found out my supposed enemy was Col. [Edgar M.] Cul- 
len's command. There was no loss of either men or horses of my troop. In the first place, 
I was to meet Col. Cullen's force only at Grey's farm, about 4 or 5 miles beyond. He was 
to have a picket stationed from his main body, so I would not run on his whole command 
at first. Instead of this, he changed his plans, and met me when and how I have explained. 
When the disorder was over, I reported my command under his charge ; also gave him 
instructions as regarded gunboat. He then asked me what he should do. I told him he 
was in command, and that I was willing to push on to Gardner's Bridge. He said the 
rebels might have heard our firing, and he did not wish to advance. He then gave me 
orders to return to my quarters; I did so, and arrived here this 3:30 A. M. 

I am, general, most respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. FERGUSON, 
Capt. Troop E, 12th New York Cavalry. 

Brig. Gen. H. W. Wessells, Commanding. 

[Indorsement.] 

From these statements, it is seen that mutual misunderstanding occurred, and that the 
design of making a combined movement failed in consequence thereof, and from the dark- 
ness of the night. 

H. W. WESSELLS, Brig. Gen. Commanding. 

(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XXVII, part II, pp. 804-805.) 

On Sunday evening, July 5, the Regiment embarked on board the gun- 
boats accompanied by the 103d Regiment, the troops of the expedition being 
under the command of Col. Morris and the naval forces by Lieut. Com. C. W. 
Flusser. 

This expedition made slow progress up the Roanoke, owing to the many 
short bends and the swift current. The boats did not all reach Williamston 
until nearly dark on July 6. A flag of truce was sent into the town and a 
demand was made to have the enemy evacuate the place within an hour ; this 
being refused the gunboats opened a brisk fire for two or three hours, and 
later, one gun was fired at intervals of five minutes throughout the night. 
Shortly after the break of day. July 7, the troops debarked and deployed and 
charged through and beyond the town, the enemy retiring without making any 
resistance. After occupying the town for two or three hours, the troops re- 
turned to the boats, and were back in their camp at Plymouth during the 
afternoon. The following official reports explain why the expedition proved 
a failure: 

Plymouth, N. C, July 11, 1863. 

Colonel : In order to divert the attention of the enemy from a cavalry expedition 
which was supposed to have left New Bern in the direction of the Weldon Railroad, I 
detached a portion of this command, under Col. Lehmann, with instructions to move from 
Fort Gray toward Jamesville, and to threaten the strong position of the enemy at Gardner'i 
Bridge, 2 miles beyond. A second detachment, under Col. Morris, was ordered to embark 
on board of gunboats kindly furnished by Lieut. -Com. Flusser, witli the intention of landing 
at Williamston. inclosing the force at Gardner's Bridge between the two detachments. 

The violence of the current prevented the gunboats from reaching their destination 
at the appointed time, and, in consequence, the co-operation was incomplete. 

The effect of the expedition has been to force the enemy higher up the river, and to 
break up his position near jamesville, from whence small marauding parties have been in the 
habit of prowling in the vicinity of this station, to annoy the outposts. The expedition left 
on the 5th and returned on the 7th instant. The reports of Col. Lehmann and Col. Morris 
are herewith inclosed. Respectfully 

H. W. WESSELLS. Brig. Gen. of Vols. Commanding. 

Lieut. Col. S. Hoffmann, Asst. Adjt. Gen'l. 

Hdqrs. First Brigade, Fourth Division, 18th A. C, 
Plymouth. N. C, July 8, 1863. 

Captain : I have the honor to report that, in compliance with orders and instruc- 
tions received July 5, a detachment from regiments composing this brigade was made, in 



32 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

order to take part in an expedition in connection with gunboats, artillery, and cavalry, so as 
to divert the attention of the enemy from an expedition set on foot in New Bern, N. C, for 
certain purposes. 

The movements of the expedition under my command, I regret to say, were not 
executed as could have been desired, not on account of neglect or carelessness of officers 
and men, but owing to the unavoidable tardiness of the gunboats, on board of which a 
part of my force was transported. If the current of the river had not by its violence re- 
tarded the motion of the fleet, a more brilliant result might have been obtained, but, as it is, 
in my humble opinion all that could have been done was effected. 

Two regiments, the 101st and 103d Penna. Vols., were transported, under command 
of Col. Morris, by gunboats to Williamston, N. C, with instructions to march as soon as 
landed, which was supposed would take place at 7 A. M. on the 6th inst., and proceed by 
land toward and in the rear of a force stationed at Gardner's Bridge, said to consist of 
three or four companies of infantry and some artillery, and, if possible, to attack the 
enemy. Meanwhile one section of artillery, 50 cavalry, and a detachment of the 85th and 
96th New York Vols., in all about 500 strong, marched under my own command, after hav- 
ing been towed in a scow to Warneck, the camp ground of the 96th New York, on the 
Roanoke River, toward Gardner's Bridge, to simultaneously attack the enemy in front, thus 
placing him between my own and the command of Col. Morris. Unforeseen impediments 
prevented the gunboats from arriving at Williamston at the appointed time ; consequently the 
co-operation of the two detachments of troops did not take place. 

Leaving Warneck at 12:30 P. M., the land force arrived without any disturbance on 
the part of the enemy near Gardner's Bridge at 6 A. M., where the enemy's pickets were 
found and soon driven in over the bridge. The denseness of the woods and undergrowth 
at this locality, and the swampy ground in the vicinity of Gardner's Creek, presented so 
many difficulties in discovering the enemy's position, that the fire of the artillery, which had 
been brought to bear in what was thought the right direction, remained without any 
apparent effect, not even eliciting a reply from the enemy's guns, which might have guided 
our cannoneers in delivering their fire. 

After many unsuccessful attempts to ascertain the exact position of the enemy, it was 
finally discovered to be opposite the bridge, on elevated ground, exposing to view one side 
of a rectangular redoubt, with one masked embrasure. The position was well selected, and 
commanded the bridge and its approaches. Riflemen were concealed within the redoubt. 

Having now discovered a more suitable ground for artillery, I ordered one piece to 
be brought to the front, and, though the enemy's works were concealed from the view _ of 
our cannoneers, they were able to play on the redoubt with some accuracy, their aim being 
corrected by soldiers placed to watch the effect of the shot. 

The time for the approach of Col. Morris' column having arrived, I ceased firing, so 
as not to endanger the lives of our own men. supposed to be moving in the rear of the 
enemy, to co-operate with my force in front. For reasons already stated, viz. : the tardy 
arrival of the boats, we were deprived of the fruits of this expedition. After waiting in 
vain for the arrival of Col. Morris' force until 4 P. M., and not knowing what had pre- 
vented his coming, I thought it advisable to withdraw from before the enemy, to return to 
this place, where the force arrived safely about 9 P. M., having marched about 26 miles. 

Not finding the gunboats on my return, and hearing heavy firing in the direction of 
Williamston, I was directed to return to Jamesville with my whole force, which I did early 
on the 7th instant, and arrived at that place at 10:30 A. M. Ascertaining that the gunboats 
were coming down on their way back to Plymouth, I rested my men in the shade, and, in 
company with some cavalry, went to the bridge to ascertain if any change of affairs had 
taken place since the day previous. I found the enemy's work abandoned, and an attempt 
made at burning the bridge, and learned that the enemy had evacuated during the night, to 
assist in repelling our force at Williamston. The strength of the enemy at the bridge Was 
represented to have been four companies 'of infantry and a company of artillery, with a 12 
pounder brass piece. 

After effectually destroying the bridge by fire, I returned to my command and 
arrived at quarters at about 9 P. M. I cannot, without injustice to the officers and men of 
this command, close this report without giving them praise for their good conduct, readi- 
ness, and cheerfulness to execute all orders given them. Though foot-sore and overcome 
by the great heat of the day, they marched well, and behaved like good soldiers. Lieut. 
Haas, of the 12th New York Cavalry, deserves to be honorably mentioned for his activity 
and zeal. Inclosed you will find Col. Morris' report. I have the honor to be. sir, yours very 
respectfully, T. F. LEHMANN. 

Col. Comdg. Brigade. 
Capt. Andrew Stewart. Asst. Adjt. Gen'l. 

Plymouth, N. C. July 8. [863, 
Colonel : I have the honor to transmit a report of the expedition to Williamston, 
N. C, under my command. 

In obedience to your orders, on Sunday, the 5th instant, at or about 4 P. M., I em- 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 33 

barked my command, consisting of the 103d and 101st Penna. Vols., on board the gunboats 
Southfield and Commodore Perry. 

We proceeded up the river, accompanied by the gunboats Whitehead and Valley City. 
Our speed was much retarded on account of the swiftness of the current, consequently we 
did not effect an arrival at the landing of the town at the time previously set upon until 
Monday evening at or about 4 o'clock, the 103d Penna. Vols., steamer Southtield, not arriv- 
ing until about 8 o'clock. 

The enemy having been previously formed in line of battle, with skirmishers de- 
ployed within a distance from us easily discernible, at our appearance they began to dis- 
appear into the town. In the meantime, the steamer Whitehead threw a shell in the direc- 
tion where their main body was supposed to be stationed, eliciting no response from their 
guns. I ordered Cos. I and K, 101st Penna. Vols., on shore, in quarter-boats, to be de- 
ployed as skirmishers, or lie in reserve, as might be thought most practicable by the com- 
mander of the companies, in order to reconnoiter the movements of the enemy and obtain 
the strength of his force, if possible. 

One hour after the first shot (as stated above) from the steamer Whitehead, sev- 
eral other shots (shells) were sent over into the town. After firing a few shots, a flag of 
truce was sent to the town, composed of the following officers, viz.: Maj. A. W. Gazzam, 
lii.'M Penna. Vols., and Capt. [Hartman K.] Furniss, of the Valley City, demanding an 
evacuation of the town (a copy of which I hereby inclose), which was responded to by an 
obstinate refusal, evincing evidence that it was their intention to hold the town at all 
hazards. The gunboats kept up a desultory firing during the night. In the meantime I 
issued orders giving the manner of advance on the town (a copy of which I inclose). 

My orders were carried into effect, and obeyed promptly, and all performed with 
vigilance and activity, in a manner worthy of praise. We occupied and held the town an 
hour and a half, finding all had been deserted, with the exception of a few citizens (not 
exceeding 25 in all, black and white), the other or main portion of the citizens having re- 
tired to a grove about 1% miles beyond the town. 

From what information I could obtain from citizens and otherwise, the enemy had 
taken a stronghold about 3 miles beyond, where he had a formidable force and position. 

After accomplishing all, and obtaining all information I could, confident that the 
enemy were out of supporting distance of the gunboats and our land forces. I therefore had 
my command re-embarked in the same order as that of our advance. All of which is re- 
spectfully submitted for your consideration. 

D. B. MORRIS, Colonel Commanding Land Forces. 

Col. T. F. Lehmann, Commanding Brigade. 

[Inclosure.] 
On Board U. S. S. Valley City, July 6, 1863—6 P.M. 
Maj. A. W. Gazzam, 103d Penna. Reg't. Vols.: 
Capt. Furniss, U. S. S. Valley City : 

Gentlemen : You will proceed at once to the town of Williamston, and there confer 
with the officer in command of the Confederate forces at that place. You will demand of 
him that he evacuate the town, with his forces, within one hour from the delivery of this 
communication. 

This demand is made in order to avoid the effusion of innocent blood and the de- 
struction of private property. You will inform him that we have force sufficient to take and 
occupy the town, and intend to do so. 

Respectfully, your obedient servants, 

D. B. MORRIS, Colonel 101st Regt. Penna. Vols. 

C. W. FLUSSER, Lieut. Com. and Senior Naval Officer of Expedition. 
(O. R. Ser. 1, Vol. XXVII, part II, pp. 867-871.) 

Col. Morris left the Regiment July 30, 1863, with a detail of one officer and four 
enlisted men, for Penna., on recruiting service, hoping to fill up the depleted ranks of the 
Regiment. The detail consisted of Lieut. Walter S. McCune, of Co. E ; Sergt. Robert 
Story, Co. E; Corp. William C. Stuckey, Co. D; Private George P. Craig, Co. C; Daniel 
Comfort, Co. K. Corp. Stuckey and Privates Craig and Comfort were assigned to duty in 
the office of Capt. Edwin S. Wright, Dept. Provost Marshal, at Pittsburgh, and remained 
there until after the Regiment was captured. At this time they had gathered nearly 200 
men, drafted and substitutes, for the Regiment, but on its capture they were distributed 
among other regiments. 



34 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 



CHAPTER IX. 

Raid From Plymouth to Foster's Mills, Williamston — Lieut. Helm's 

Famous Capture. 

( From April i_\ i8(>^, to April 16, 1864.) 

Again on July 26, Sunday, the Regiment participated in an expedition 
wot of Plymouth, commanded by Col. Lehmann. The object and details of 
this march are told in the official report of the commanding officer of the ex- 
pedition, which follows : 

District of the Albermarle, Plymouth, N. C. July 30, 1863. 

Colonel: In order to divert the attention of the rebel forces on this river from a 
cavalry movement m the direction of the Weldon and Wilmington Railroad, I received 
verbal orders from the commanding general, on the 26th inst., to act against the enemy's 
lines toward Williamston and to threaten him for 48 hours, which it was supposed would 
enable the cavalry to perform their mission without interruption from this quarter. 

I accordingly directed the effective force of the First Brigade, two sections of the 
24th New York Battery, and the detachment of 12th New York cavalry, the whole under 
command of Col. Lehmann, 103d Penna. Vols., to move at once in the direction above indi- 
cated. The detachment arrived at Jamesville on Sunday, the 26th, but finding the bridge 
destroyed on the direct road, was compelled by a circuitous route to pass around the head 
of Gardner's Creek. 

On approaching the Sweetwater, the crossings were found to be destroyed and the 
enemy occupying a secure position higher up at Foster's Mills, behind an unfordable stream, 
and the bridge removed. The country was thoroughly alarmed in every direction, and 
artillery was freely used to convey the impression that a serious attack was contemplated. 
Three cavalry soldiers were wounded in attempting to cross by swimming. Believing the 
enemy to have been detained so as to render it impossible to reach the railroad in lime to 
interfere with the cavalry movement, Col. Lehmann returned to this post on Tuesday, the 
28th, His report is herewith inclosed. 

In order, if possible, to ascertain the effect of the expedition. I directed a detach- 
ment of cavalry on the following morning to proceed by the same route to Foster's Mills, 
and, taking a detachment of infantry on board the Massasoit. 1 proceeded up the river to 
Williamston, and, landing below the town, took possession of it, a small force of the enemy 
having left (here a few hours before. 

There seemed to be no information as to the movement toward Weldon. The Sweet- 
water was still occupied by a portion of the 17th [N. C. Inf'y], under Maj. [Thomas H.] 
Sharp, while Lieut. -Col. [John C.j Lamb, with another detachment, was said to be at Tar- 
borough, having gone there since the raid to Rocky Mount. 

Having threatened their central position in this manner, 1 dropped down the river 
.liter .lark, and returned to Plymouth the same night. The cavalry detachment surprised the 
small outpost from Foster's Mills, and captured one private, the others escaping into the 
woods. The enemy was found to be still posted in the same position, and also occupying a 
point on the creek higher up, and, as far as the prisoner knew, without any knowledge of 
the operations against the railroads. 

The swollen condition of the streams at this time, the removal of the bridges, and 
the violent and almost incessant rains, flooding the tlat country for the time being like a 
lake, presented very serious impediments to the rapid movements of infantry. Even on 
this short march the troops suffered severely, and many of the men were badly broken down. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant. 

II W WISSKLLS. Brig.-Gen. of Vols. Comdg. 

Lieut, Col. S. Hoffman, Asst. Adjt General. 

Plymouth, N. C, July 29, 1863. 

Sir : I have the honor to report that, in obedience to orders from the commanding 
general of this district, 1 proceeded with the effective force of the First Brigade, two sec- 
tions of the '24th New York Battery, and part of a company of the 12th New York Cavalry, 
on Sunday, 26th inst., toward Jamesville, on the Roanoke River, in order to create a diver- 
sion in favor of a cavalry raid from Winton toward Weldon, and to compel the enemy to 
remain in his position on the Roanoke River. 

My command arrived at Jamesville at sundown, where it was ordered to halt for the 
night binding at Gardner's Bridge that things remained in the same condition I had left 
them, viz.: burned to the water's edge, and no attempt having been made by the enemy to 
rebuild it, I at once put one company of infantry, by means of canoes, on the opposite shore, 




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CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE 35 

to take possesssion of the abandoned work of the enemy, and commenced preparations to 
rebuild the bridge 

On Monday morning, July 27, the pioneers commenced their work, but the difficulties 
of reconstructing at the high stage of water were so considerable that it required a whole 
day to make it safe for artillery, cavalry, and wagon trains to pass over. In order not to 
waste time, there being no fordable place near, I determined to march up the creek toward 
its head, and there attempt a crossing. Thus 1 continued, until finding a road through the 
swamp, I succeeded in getting entirely around without meeting any other obstacles than 
those to be expected on a march through a low, swampy country. The weather was ex- 
ceedingly hot, and the troops required to be rested oftener than usual, but they reached the 
Williamston road in good order and fine spirits at about 4 P. M. Turning toward Williams- 
ton, we followed this road about four miles ; then, leaving it on our right, entered the road 
to Foster's Mills, where usually a small detachment of the enemy was guarding a bridge. I 
ascertained that their force had been reinforced during the preceding night, but was unable 
to learn to what extent. It now commenced to rain heavily, but I determined before night 
to disturb the enemy and destroy the mills, if possible, well knowing that my retreat through 
the swamp would be cut off before morning by the swollen streams. I therefore immediately 
detached four companies from the 101st Penna. Vols, to pass through the woods on the 
right, and attempt by a detour to get to the rear of the pickets, now but a short distance 
from us on the road. In this they failed, the enemy having fled at the sight of one of our 
men on the road, being seen by them before the detachment had time to execute its errand. 
Although it was now growing dark, I ordered two pieces of artillery forward to destroy the 
mills, if possible; more, however, to alarm the enemy stationed at Rainbow Bluff, now within 
hearing distance of our guns. The force opposed to us had sought security behind the mills 
and some earthworks, and, a stream intervening, the bridge over which had been removed, I 
thought it prudent not to risk the lives of my men for a position not worth holding after 
gained. 1 ordered them, therefore, to desist in their attempt to drive them off, but continued 
to play upon them with artillery. It was now quite dark, and raining heavily. There were 
two mills, a saw-mill on this side of the stream and a grist-mill on the other side. The 
former was destroyed. Two men of the 12th New York Cavalry were wounded seriously 
but not dangerously. Finding the road so much obstructed by felled timber as to make it 
impossible to proceed farther, and there being much danger, if the rain continued, that the 
bridge over Gardner's Creek might be washed away, I concluded to return to Jamesville 
before the passage was made impracticable, which was done during a most appalling thunder- 
storm. 

On arriving" at the bridge I found that my apprehension had been well founded, for 
in a few hours later a passage would have been impossible. The country was in great alarm 
at our approach, and I am confident that no troops have been sent away, as they expected 
to be attacked by my command at Rainbow Bluff. After resting the troops, who had on 
Monday made a long and fatiguing march, I returned safely to this place on the evening of 
the '-'8th. encountering on the way another furious storm. All of which is respectfully sub- 
mitted. Your obedient servant, 

T. F. LEHMANN, Col. Comd'g. Brigade. 

Capt. Andrew Stewart, Asst. Adjt. General. 

CO. R. Ser. I, Vol. XXVII, part II, pp. 085-988.) 

Scarcely a week went by when expeditions similar to the above were not 
sent out in which the Regiment participated, either by a detail or by all who 
were available for duty. The published official reports refer to only a few of 
them. One in which the Regiment participated, on Jan. 29, was referred to 
in complimentary term- in a general order from the headquarters of the de- 
partment, as follows : 

New Bern, N. C. March 2, 1864. 
General Orders, No. '_' I 

The commanding general is gratified at being enabled to announce another in the 
series of successful enterprises against the enemy projected by Brig. Gen. YVessells, com- 
manding sub-district of the Albemarle. The army gunboat Foster, Capt. McLaughlin com- 
manding, with a detachment of infantry under Lieut. Helm, 101st Penna. Vols., was sent on 
the 16th of February on an expedition to Fairfield, N. C, where a band of guerrillas under 
command of Capt Spencer was quartered. The camp was surprised, the arms and stores 
secured, and the whole company taken prisoners without loss on our side. The affair was 
conducted in a severe snow-storm, and reflects much credit upon the officers and men con- 
cerned. 

Ben B. Foster. Asst. Adjt. General By command of Maj Gen Peck 

(O. R. Ser. I. Vol. XXXIII. p. 155.) 



36 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

One expedition deserves especial notice in which thirty men of the 

Regiment participated, commanded by Lieut. Helm of Co. G. This small 

force surprised and captured 28 of the Spencer Rangers, including the captain 

and lieutenant, Feb. 16, 1863, at Fairfield, up the Alligator River. This was 

done without the loss of a single man, the captured being only three less than 

the captors. This occurred Feb. 16, 1864. Lieut. Helm had the co-operation 

of the crew of the army gunboat Foster, commanded by Capt. McLaughlin, 

but the 101st detachment effected the capture. This successful expedition 

elicited the following from the commanding general of the Army and District 

of North Carolina : 

Hdqrs, Army and Dist. of North Carolina, New Bern, N. C, Feb. 23, 1864. 
General Orders, No. 20: 

The commanding general announces with satisfaction the success of an exposition sent 
to Windsor by Gen. H. W. Wessells on the 20th of January, which resulted in breaking up 
the cantonment of a company of Georgia cavalry. Some prisoners were taken and a large 
number of dangerous persons secured. Arms, horses, mules, wagons, clothing, and ammuni- 
tion were captured. Lieut. Col. Tolles was in command. He had detachments of the 103d 
and 101st Penna., 85th New York, and 15th and 16th Conn. Vols. A small party of the 2d 
North Carolina Vols, co-operated, as well as Lieut. Com. Flusser with 50 sailors and ma- 
rines. 

By command of Maj. Gen. Peck. 

Ben. B. Foster, Asst. Adjt General. 

(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XXXIII, p. 106.) 

Early in the summer of 1863, rumors were current at Plymouth that the 
enemy were building a formidable iron clad ram at Edwards Ferry, up the 
Roanoke River. No one seemed to consider this affair very seriously but Gen. 
Wessells. Capt. Flusser, commanding the navy, whose official rank was Lieu- 
tenant Commander, realized its formable character, but he was so confident 
that he could sink any vessel the enemy was likely to bring against him, that 
scarcely any one in the garrison, outside of the commanding general, gave 
it more than a passing thought. The approach to Plymouth from the up river 
was commanded by a formidable earthwork, called Fort Gray. In addition to 
this a 200-pound rifled gun was put in position on the bank of the river on the 
western edge of the town, especially to look after the ram. 

CHAPTER X. 

The Battle of Plymouth — The Capture of the Regiment. 

( From April 17, 1864, to November 30, 1864.) 

About four o'clock P. M., on Sunday, April 17, 1864, the enemy made 
his appearance in front of the town, drove in our pickets and concentrated 
a heavy fire on Fort Gray. 

On Monday, at break of day, the enemy again opened a terrific fire on 
Fort Gray, continuing it for several hours, and again renewed the fire in the 
afternoon. Towards evening the enemy drove in our skirmishers south of the 
town and concentrated his fire on the center. This fire was returned by the 
guns in Fort Williams, the gunboats and the 24th New York Battery and 
from the guns in Wessells Redoubt. This was continued for several hours, 
our loss being quite small. However, about 11 o'clock the enemy, after re- 




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FROM PHOTOGRAPHS TAKEN DURING THE WAR. 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIV] 37 

peated assaults, succeeded in carrying Wessells Redoubt, somewhat isolated 
from the other fortifications, southwest of the town. This partial victory was 
only gained by fearful loss to the victors, among the dead being Col. Mercer, 
commanding the brigade making the attack. Capt. Chapin, who was in com- 
mand of the redoubt, was mortally wounded. A remarkable feature of the 
assault on Wessells Redoubt, and without a parallel in the war, was the fact, 
that in a charge, prior to the final assault, the little garrison took as prisoners 
a force nearly equal to the number defending the fort. These men had 
charged until they reached the ditch surrounding the fortification. The use 
of hand grenades forced them to yield. However, they had been scarcely gotten 
into the redoubt until the attack was renewed and the little fortification com- 
pletely overwhelmed. 

Some time after midnight the ram, called the Albermarle, quietly passed 
Fort Gray, while the enemy's batteries on shore had the guns of the fort busily 
engaged. The Albemarle came down slowly under cover of the trees, the 
branches of which at many places extended out over the water. Capt. Flusser 
had been apprised of her coming and was awaiting her approach, having his 
vessel, the Miami, lashed by a chain to the Southfield, intending, as the ram 
approached, to get her between his vessels and run her ashore. The com- 
mander of the Albermarle evidently knew of this intention, for as the ram 
approached the vessels, she took an oblique course and, passing the Miami's 
bow, she made straight for the Southfield, striking her fairly on the starboard 
bow, forcing her ram into the fire-room. Both vessels had opened on the ram 
with their heavy guns, but it seems that either a shell had been loaded with a 
view of firing it into the porthole of the ram, or it had been left in the gun 
when the gunboats were shelling the enemy. Capt. Flusser was killed by the 
explosion of the shell as it rebounded from the iron casement of the ram. 
The death of the gallant captain caused consternation among the crew and hi* 
successor in command made no endeavor to further carry out the captain's 
plans. It is generally believed that had Capt. Flusser not been killed he would 
have sunk the ram. However, the Miami soon withdrew, and as soon as the 
prow of the ram was withdrawn from the Southfield she rapidly filled with 
water and was soon on the bottom of the Roanoke. 

With the ram in control of the river, a contest with a force of at least 
five to one was futile. Rut Gen. Wessells changed his meager force to meet 
the changed conditions. On the morning of April 20, the enemy made a feint 
on our right and front, while attacking our left in force, and succeeded in enter- 
ing the town, capturing the small redoubts on our left. It was now an easy 
matter to capture everything outside of the central fortifications, Fort Williams. 
With a concentrated fire from every direction this earthwork, in which Gen. 
Wessells made his headquarters, did not surrender until further resistance 
was impossible. Between 11 and 12 o'clock a white rag was raised, and the 
entire garrison were prisoners of war. 

This was a sad day for the gallant boys of the 101st, as they had nearly 
all reenlisted and had in daily anticipation, for two months back, a thirty days' 
furlough, a part of their contract for veteranizing. The prospect of prison 



38 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

life instead of a home visit was not a cheering one and many became despondent. 
In compliance with a request of Gen. Wessells, when the capitulation took place, 
Gen. Hoke permitted both officers and men to retain all their personal effects, 
beyond their arms and accoutrements. 

During- the night after the capitulation, we bivouacked as prisoners a mile 
in front of the works where we had held the enemy at bay for four days. On 
the afternoon of the 21st we began our march, under guard, by easy stages, 
arriving at Tarboro April 26. From here we traveled in box cars en route to 
Andersonville, Ga., passing through Goldsboro and Wilmington, N. C, Flor- 
ence, Columbia and Charleston, S. C, and Savannah, Milledgeville and Macon, 
Georgia, arriving at Andersonville April 30. 

The officers were here separated from the enlisted men, and we saw them 
pass, clothed in their nice blue uniforms, between a double line of guards, 
dressed in gray, waving us a long good-bye as they passed. We saw Capt. 
Wirz flourish his revolver in the faces of the men as he told them, in his 
broken language, that they would soon know him better. Alas ! How sad 
it is to remember that nearly half of those who bade us good-bye on that day 
are now sleeping in the silent city of the dead at Andersonville, with more 
than 13,000 comrades — sleeping the sleep that knows no waking until the 
resurrection morn. 

CHAPTER XI. 

Paroled, Mustered Out and Final Discharge. 

1 From December 1, 1864, to July 13, 1865.) 

While our service during the war, after leaving the Peninsula and the 
army of the Potomac did not give us a chance to engage in any very large 
battles, it was at all times as hazardous and dangerous as any that could be given 
to troops to undergo. The greatest danger was on account of the climate. 
Swamp fever, typhoid, chills and fever and other climatic diseases vexed us and 
decimated our ranks. The making of the small raids in detachments of limited 
numbers, far away from help in case of meeting superior forces, tried the 
temper of our men and showed the true soldiers that they were. 

The final trial in the fierce battle at Plymouth, 2,000 men against 10,000, 
and the surrender with the imprisonment at Andersonville confronting us, was 
a further demonstration of the courage and patriotism of the 101st Penna. 
which should not be overlooked and forgotten in reading of the conflict that 
saved the Union and gave human liberty to an oppressed race. There is glory 
in dying on the field of conflict amid shot and shell and the shout of victory 
and the urging forward of those in command, but we faced slow death by 
starvation, scurvy and gangrene, and during July and August, 1864, saw more 
than 100 dead bodies carried from our prison for burial nearly every morn- 
ing, which awful condition took more strength and courage than to face death 
in a hundred battles. Our losses in killed in battle are small compared with 
the famous fighting regiments, but our losses in camp and hospital and in the 
charnel house of Andersonville and the prison of Milledgeville, Savannah. 




JOHN REED. 
(Private Co. C.) 



GEORGE P. CRAIG. 
(Private Co. C.) 




GRAHAM COULTER. 
(Private Co. F.) 



CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVK 39 

Charleston and Florence show a sacrifice of life equal to any regiment of like 
numbers in the civil war. 

Very few officers of the ioist Regiment captured at Plymouth that did 
not attempt to make their escape, some of them eluding the Confederate guards 
several times, only to be recaptured and returned to prison. Forced to travel 
by night in a strange country, with every white person an enemy, without com- 
pass or guide it was almost performing a miracle to reach the Federal lines in 
safety. Capt. George W. Bowers escaped from Columbia, S. C, and after trav- 
eling and hiding for 42 days, succeeded in reaching the Federal lines near Bell 
Plain, Tenn. 

John A. Reed, who secured a Confederate uniform at Charleston (S. C.) 
jail yard succeeded in getting on to James Island, but was unable to get through 
the enemy's lines on the coast. Being without map or compass, and shoeless and 
without food, he reluctantly surrendered to Gen. Tallieferro, who was in com- 
mand on the Island. Reed was at first suspected as a spy, but he could tell 
such a straight story of his capture and imprisonment and his escape from the 
jail yard, that the general was convinced, and both general and staff treated him 
with the utmost kindness and cordiality before returning him to the jail yard. 

Capt. David W. Mullin, ist Lieut. Isaiah Conley and 2d Lieut. John B. 
Helm, officers of Co. (i.. and 1st Lieut. William C. Davidson of Co. C, made 
their escape and succeeded in reaching the Federal lines, but after many hair- 
breadth and thrilling adventures. 

The total strength of the ioist on leaving Harrisburg. after the first or- 
ganization, was about 950. But few recruits came to us from that time till 
the date of our capture — not more than eighty in all. All that survived prison 
life were released in December, 1864. and January, February and March, 1865. 
In the meantime eight new companies, with a full complement of company 
officers had been sent to Roanoke Island, N. C, and added to the nucleus 
of the Regiment, consisting of men absent on detached service, sick in hos- 
pitals, or on recruiting service, and the officers and men who had been ex- 
changed. 

Capt. James Sheafer, of Co. A, having been exchanged and returned to 
the Regiment, being the senior officer present, assumed command of the Regi- 
ment. The surrender of Lee at Appomattox made it unnecessary to reorganize 
the Regiment. Farlv in June, Gov. Curtin commissioned Capt. Sheafer as 
colonel of the Regiment, Capt. Melvin L. Clark as lieutenant-colonel, Capt. 
David W. Mullin as major. First Sergt. Thomas Bushman, Co. K., as adjutant, 
First Lieut. David M. Ramsey as quartermaster, Lieut. Fdgar Lee as captain 
Co. A, First Sergt. Henry M. Johnston and Sergt. James Gilmore as first and 
second lieutenants, respectively, of Co. A, Lieut. Isaiah Conley as captain, and 
Lieut. John B. Helm as first lieutenant of Co. G. 

As these commissions were issued only a few weeks before the Regiment 
was mustered out of the service, the following communication and special 
order will not only be relevant but interesting to the surviving members of 
rhe organization : 



40 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

State of Penna.. Executive Office, Military Dept., llarrisburg, June 3, 1865. 
Captain: I have the honor to enclose herewith commissions for officers appointed by 
the Governor to fill vacancies in your regiment, as follows, to wit: Yourself as Colonel; 
Melvin L. Clark as Lieut. Col.; David W. Mullin as Major; Thomas Bushman as Adjutant; 
David M. Ramsey as Quarter Master; Edgar Lee as Captain Co. A; Henry M. Johnston as 
1st Lieut. Co. A; James Gilmore as 2d Lieut., Co. A; Isaiah Conley as Captain, Co. G; John 
B. Helm as 1st Lieut., Co. G. 

Joseph B. Cubbison has been already appointed and is commissioned as 2d. Lieutenant 
in Co. C, and no reason appears for reappointing him in Co. B. 
Very respect fuly, your obedient servant, 

SAMUEL B. THOMAS, Colonel and Aid-de-Camp. 
To Capt. James Sheafer, commanding 101st Regiment Penna. Vols., Washington, D. C. 
Headquarters of the Army, Adjutant General's Office, 
Special Orders, No. 199: Washington, August 27, 1886. 

Extract. 
6. By direction of the acting Secretary of War, under the act approved June 3, 1884, 
and to complete his record, the discharge of Capt. James Sheafer, Co. A, 101st Penna. Inf'y. 
Vols., June 25, 1805, is amended to take effect June 2, lS<i.">; he is mustered into service as 
colonel of same regiment, to date June ;t, 1865; mustered out and honorably discharged as 
colonel, June 25, 1865, and he is mustered for pay in said grade during the period embraced 
between the aforesaid dates. * * * By command of Lieut. Gen. Sheridan. 
J. C. Kelton, Acting Adjutant General. 

The Regiment was mustered out on June 25, 1865, and the officers and 
men were discharged at Harrisburg, where they received their final payment. 
July 13, 1865. Col. Wilson died in the service, May 30, 1862; Col. Morris, 
who succeeded him as colonel, died at his residence, 500 North Negley Ave., 
Pittsburg, Pa., in his 83d year. Col. Sheafer died at his residence in Pitts- 
burg, June 22, 1908, in his 73d year. Lieut. Col. A. W. Taylor, who commanded 
the Regiment during the latter part of 1862 and a greater portion of 1863 and 
1864, being in command when the Regiment was captured, still lives at this 
writing (October 15, iocx)). His home is Tusculum, Tenn. He is now past 
73, and is the only surviving field officer of the 101st Regiment. Not a single 
officer of the Regiment died in prison. 

CHAPTER XII. 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. 
Col. Wilson — Col. Morris — Col. Sheafer — Lieut. Col. Taylor 
— Adjutant Longeneckkr 
Colonel Joseph H. Wilson. 
No volunteer regiment recruited in 1861 going out from the state of Penn- 
sylvania was more happily favored in its chief commanding officer than the 101st 
Regiment. Col. Joseph II. Wilson possessed all the qualities necessary to make 
the ideal military commander of volunteer soldiers in a republic. Although ar- 
rived at mature manhood, then being past 41 years in age, from his boyhood days 
he had been an active participant in military affairs in Western Pennsylvania, 
having served successively as captain, major, colonel and major general of mili- 
tias, holding the latter position at the outbreak of the Civil War. 

Col. Wilson was not only active in military matters but was especially in- 
terested in civic affairs, which naturally brought him into politics. At the age of 
32 he was elected district attorney, a position he successfully conducted for three 
years. The following year, after retiring from the office of district attorney, he 
was elected a member of the legislature, serving in that capacity until the year 
the war began. 

Colonel Joseph 11. Wilson was born in North Sewickley Township, now 
Franklin Township, Beaver County, Pennsylvania, May 16, 1820. He 
was a son of Thomas and Agnes Hemphill Wilson, his father being an extensive 




MAJ. HOARD. COL. WILSON, LT. COL. MORRIS. ADJT. COOPER. 



„st 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 41 

and successful farmer in North Sewickley Township. As a hoy, the colonel 
worked on the farm in summer and attended school in the winter. As he ad- 
vanced in his studies he taught school near his home in winter and assisted on 
the farm during the summer months. This he continued to do until he entered 
Jefferson College, at Cannonshurg, Washington County, Penna., from which he 
graduated in 1848. After leaving college, he immediately took up the study of 
law, and was admitted to the bar of Beaver County on June 5, 1850, two years 
later succeeding to the district attorneyship of Beaver County. 

At a preliminary organization of the 101st Regiment held Sept. 17, 1861, 
at Camp Fremont, Pittsburgh, he was the unanimous choice of those instru- 
mental in recruiting the respective companies present as colonel, and assumed 
command of the Regiment at that time. He gave close attention to the drill of 
the men and was exceedingly watchful and zealous in looking after the welfare 
and comfort of his command. From the time the Regiment left the State until he 
was stricken down by a virulent attack of typhoid fever, May 18, 1862 (the 
same day that Gen. Keim, commanding officer of the brigade, expired), he was 
continuously present with his men, commanding the Regiment during the siege 
of Yorktown and at the battle of Williamsburg. The privations and exposure 
of the Peninsular campaign had so enervated his constitution, that he failed to 
conquer the disease, and he expired on May 30, 1862, at Roper Church, Va. His 
remains were brought back to his native State and interred in the cemetery at 
Zelieonople, Butler County, where a magnificent monument marks hi? final place 
of rest, erected by his brothers. 

Although a bachelor, few citizens of Western Pennsylvania, who served 
the state and nation, and have passed to the great beyond, have a larger circle 
of relatives to revere his memory than Col. Wilson. Among these are Judge J. 
Sharp Wilson, Beaver. Pa.: Dr. L. W. Wilson, New Castle, Pa.; John P. Wilson 
and William T. Wilson, Zelieonople, Pa. ; W. Henry Wilson, Slippery Rock, Pa. ; 
T. D. Wilson, Wampun, Pa.; W. Hamilton Wilson, Davenport, Iowa, and A. H. 
Wilson, Pittsburgh, Pa., all nephews. Although Col. Wilson commanded the 
Regiment but a brief period of its service of nearly four years, yet during that 
time he had so won the good will and confidence of the men, that his memory 
is revered by every surviving member of the battalion who served under him sec- 
ond to none of its commanding officers. 

COLONEL DAVID B. MORRIS. 

Col. David Boyd Morris, who succeeded Col. Wilson as commander of the 
101st Regiment, was born at Port Elizabeth, N. J., December 17, 1825. Just as 
he was entering his teens his parents moved to Wheeling, Va. (now West Va.), 
and three years later (1841), they came to Pittsburgh. From that time on Col. 
Morris claimed Pittsburgh as his home. When only twenty years old he was 
married to Margaret Grissell, daughter of John Grissell. For over sixty-one 
years this couple lived happily together, the marital bonds being only severed 
by the grim messenger. 

Col. Morris, from youth, had a predilection for military life, and in 1855, 
became a member of the Washington Infantry in which he rose to be a lieutenant. 
Col. Morris participated in a proceeding, which was among the incipient causes 
of the Civil War. During the last days of the Buchanan administration, when 
Sec. Floyd seemed to be making a special effort to have heavy ordnance trans- 
ferred to the South, his company with the Pennsylvania Infantry, turned out, 
armed and equipped, to resist the order of the secretary of war to move some 
heavy guns from the Allegheny arsenal at Pittsburgh. 

Col. Morris had charge of the military escort (which consisted of the 
Washington Infantry) to President-elect Lincoln, when enroute to Washington, 
in Februarv, 1861. 



42 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

As soon as war was declared, in fact, before there had been any declaration 
of war, Col. Morris began recruiting a company, and entered the service in 
response to the first call for troops, for three months, as captain of Co. A, of the 
"Old 13th," Pennsylvania. He took an active part in recruiting the 101st Regi- 
ment and was commissioned and mustered as lieutenant-colonel to date August 
23, 1861. He commanded the Regiment at the battle of Fair Oaks, and was 
severely wounded and carried from the field in the fiercest part of the contest. 
Owing to this wound he was absent from the Regiment for nearly a year. On 
his return in March, 1863, he commanded the famous Hyde Co. expedition, com- 
prising the lOIst and 103d Penna. Regiments, Co. F, 3d New York Cavalry, and 
one piece of artillery. 

In July, 1863, Col. Morris commanded an expedition from Plymouth to 
Williamston, X. C, again comprising the 101st and 103d Penna. Regiments. In 
this expedition he had the co-operation of four gun-boats, commanded by the 
gallant and lamented Capt. Fluster. 

( in July 30. 1863, he left Plymouth with a detail from his Regiment on 
recruiting ■-ervice. arriving at Pittsburgh, Pa., August 6, and reporting for duty 
at Camp Copeland on the following day. The following comprised the recruiting 
party from the Regiment accompanying Col. Morris: Lieut. Walter S. McCune 
and Sert. Robert Story, Co. E ; Corp. William C. Stuckey, Co. D ; Priv. George 
P. Craig. Co. C, and Priv. Daniel Comfort. Co. K. While absent on this duty the 
Regiment was captured, April 20, 1864, and Col. Morris was mustered out of 
the service after the expiration of his term, January 24, 1865. 

Col. Morris died *at his residence, 500 North Negley Avenue, Pittsburgh, 
Penna., February 26, 1907, aged 81 years, two months and days. His remains 
were interred in Homewood cemetery, Pittsburgh. He is survived at this writing 
(November, 10,00) by his widow, now several years beyond four score, and a 
son. Walter F. Morris, and daughter. Mrs. Lide M. Moorhouse. the latter resid- 
ing with her mother at the old homestead. Mrs. Ceo. W. Morris, residing at 
700 South Negley Avenue. Pittsburg, is a daughter-in-law. 

Colonel James Sheafer. 

Col. James Sheafer enlisted as a private in Co. A. 101st Penna. Regiment, 
in August. 1861, and took an active part in recruiting the company. When the 
organization was fully effected in October, 1S61. he was elected first lieutenant. 
He was promoted to the captaincy of the company July 1, 1862. and commis- 
sioned colonel May 18, 1865. 

At the close of the service no one in the Regiment was more highly esteemed 
and beloved than Col. Sheafer. Absolutely free from ostentation and bravado, 
quiet and reserved in manner to the highest degree, yet when occasion demanded 
he gave evidence that he possessed all the qualities necessary for the successful 
military commander. At the battle of Fair Oaks, when yet only first lieutenant, 
he noticed the Confederates closing in on the right of his Regiment, the latter 
being the extreme right of Casey's main line of defense, in prolongation of the 
unfinished earth works. Although holding a subaltern position, Lieut. Sheafer 
was quick to grasp the situation and brought the two companies on the right 
to a change of front and opened such a fire on the advancing enemy as to check 
and drive them back until they were heavily re-enforced. Had its not been for 
this prompt action the Regiment would have been cut off from retreat, and 
Regan's bntterv of six guns would hove been in the hands of the enemy. It is 
true Gen. Wessells gives credit to Col. Morris for this prompt action, but Lieut. 
Sheafer. who was on the extreme right, and first realized the situation, took the 
initiative without consulting the Colonel, assumed authority and acted promptly, 
Col. Morris fully concurring in what was done. He was promoted to the cap- 
taincy of the company a month later. 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 43 

Col. Sheafer was with the Regiment in all its achievements from the time 
it left the State until it was mustered out of the service. For a brief period early 
in the summer of 1863 he was granted leave of absence and visited his home. 
Before he returned his company had been assigned to duty at Roanoke Island, 
N. C, leaving Plymouth on Saturday. June 27. 1863. arriving at Roanoke Island 
at five o'clock that afternoon. Co. A was assigned to garrison Fort Park, on the 
northern part of the island. 

Capt. Sheafer returned to his command July 24, 1863, and being ranking 
officer assumed command of the forces on Roanoke Island, which consisted of 
the garrison at three forts, the entire force comprising Co. I of the 85th New York 
Co. A 101 st. and Co. F, 103d Penna., the latter company commanded by an old 
Pittsburgher, Capt. John Donaghy. The latter had been in command of the post 
before Capt. Sheafer assumed command 

Capt. Donaghy in his leisure hours prepared a type written volume from 
his diary, amplified from memory, a few years after the war, which he had bound 
and entitled "Army Experience of Capt. John Donaghy.'* A brief excerpt from 
this is relevant here. In speaking of his experience at Roanoke [--land, he mi^: 

"1 had with me my 1st lieutenant, James II. Chambers, ami Lieut. Edgar Lee of Co. 
A [101st Regiment], whom I detailed as post adjutant. The island is about twelve miles 
long and three or four miles wide, and contained about a hundred white families, and a 
total of about 2,000 negroes who were settled on a reservation called Camp Foster. Each 
family was allowed a lot of about an acre of land, on which they built their log cabins. 

"On Monday morning I found a crowd awaiting me at headquarters. There were 
negroes by the hundred asking for orders for rations, and whites too, who were destitute 
Some had come to the island in boats and asked permission to trade, or to buy supplies 
from the sutlers. One white couple who were dissatisfied with each other, wished to be 
divorced, and as I was the only governing authority on the island. I was asked to give a 
decree of separation. I granted most of the requests, but the latter was too much for me. 
I advised the couple to live for the present as they pleased, until the civil government should 
be restored, and then, if they were still of the same mind, they could apply to the proper 
tribunal. 

"The post sutler sent to me, with his compliments, a supply of delicacies, which 
included several bottles of champagne. I was surprised at his generosity, but accepted his 
gifts with thanks, at the same time mentally resolving not to favor him by doing anything 
at variance with my duty; but these good-will offerings did, no doubt, impress me favorably 
towards him. 

"On the second day [July 2-1, 1863] 1 heard of some schooners being seen in 
Currituck Sound, and I sent Lieut. Geissenhainer with a small force, on the tug North Stale, 
after them, and he captured one of the vessels — a sloop — with its crew and cargo of 
contraband goods. My successor, Capt. James Sheafer. was somethig of a sailor, and with 
him I enjoyed several cruises about the sound in the captured yacht. Co. A, 101st, was 
Capt. Sheafer's company, and he had been absent at the north. His commission was older 
than mine, so I was again relieved July 24, when he returned to duty. 

"On the 3d of August 1 was on board the stern-wheel tug and gunboat North State, 
as it steamed up the Little Alligator river towing some empty scows which were to be 
brought back to Plymouth, laden with lumber. I was in command, and our party consisted 
of Capt. Gallop of the steamer, and his crew, twelve soldiers, and IS negro laborers, and 
besides these we had on board, returning to their homes, eight citizens of Tyrrell County 
who had fallen into Union hands in various ways. 

"During our absence our department commander. Gen. R. F. Butler, visited the island 
and inspected the troops and works. On the day of our return Col. Clarke, of the 85th 
New York, arrived with 100 men to reinforce us and to clear Currituck canal of guerrillas. 

"On Saturday, the 8th [Augustl, a force went out. but could not find the enemy 
Clark and Sheafer were with it, while 1 staid at headquarters making out permits for 
various things for the people. Next day, Sunday, I enjoyed my liberty by riding about 
the northeast part of the island, Lieuts. Chambers, Butts, Laughlin and Sergt. Hawn. the 
three latter belonging to Col. Clarke's force of 100, accompanying me. The principal event 
of the day was our visit to Fort Raleigh. Mr. Doe, a resident, led us to a secluded place 
in a wood and pointed out some inequalities in the ground as the remains of a star-shaped 
fort which was built by the colony established by Sir W'silter Raleigh in 1587. and which 
was the scene of the massacre by the Indians, of the unfortunate colonists. 

"On the 10th I rode to headquarters and learned of a wreck on the ocean beach, and 
that the North State was about to take a party there. Lieut. Geissenhainer and I got 



44 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

permission to go along. A sail of three hours brought us to Oregon Inlet, south of Roanoke. 
We dined with Gallop on the steamer. The vessel was the U. S. gunboat Crocus, lately 
from New York. At a dwelling near by we saw the crew, who were drying their clothes 
at bon-fires built for the purpose. We walked up the beach until we were opposite the 
wreck, which lay out among the breakers. The night was stormy when the vessel struck 
the bar. A line was thrown to the shore by means of a rocket; by that line a hawser was 
drawn ashore by the people who were there, and by this means the crew had saved them- 
selves. When we were there the wind had abated, but the waves were -ill pretty high. 

"Geissenhainer and I and some others donned improvised bathing suits and went out 
to the wreck, holding on with firm grip to the hawser while large waves dashed over us. 
Curiosity was our motive. 

"The North State brought the shipwrecked crew to Roanoke, but as the steamer 
was not ready to return as soon as Lieut. G. and I were, we came back with the sutler in 
his yacht, but we did not reach the island until midnight, for we were delayed by running 
upon a bar, and all hands had to get out into the water and push the boat over the bar. 
The sutler took care of us at his quarters till morning, and as he was a liberal entertainer, 
we were not allowed to go away dry or hungry." 

Capt. Sheafer was relieved of the command of the post, being superseded 
by a ranking officer, Capt. King, belonging to a New York Regiment. Later 
he returned to Plymouth with his company in time to participate in its defense, 
and was captured there. He was a prisoner of war for over a year — from April 
20, 1864, until May 1, 1865. As soon as paroled he returned to the Regiment and 
assumed command and was commissioned colonel May 18, 1865, but not mustered 
until after he was discharged from the service. He was mustered out of the 
service with his company, as captain, June 25, 1865. By order of the War 
Department, August 27, 1886, he was mustered into the service as colonel of the 
101st Regiment to date June 3, 1865, and mustered out and honorably discharged 
as colonel June 25, 1865. 

Col. Sheafer was born in Carlisle, Penna., November 8, 1834, receiving his 
education in the public schools of his native town. In early life he learned the 
trade of hatter and located at Pittsburgh in 1858, remaining here until he entered 
the army. He returned to Pittsburgh at the end of the war and engaged in the 
jewelry business at 101 Fifth Avenue (old number), subsequently moving to the 
opposite side of the street. He continued in business until 1902, when he retired. 
He died at his residence in Pittsburgh June 22, 1908. 

Col. Sheafer was an active, consistent member of the English Evangelical 
Lutheran Church, both before and after his retirement from business. No citizen 
of Pittsburgh was held in higher esteem than he in all the circles in which he 
moved. 

LlEUTENAT-COLONEL ALEXANDER W. TAYLOR. 

In the personnel of the rank and file of the 101st Regiment every walk of 
life was represented, from the common laborer to the highest professions. The 
response to the call for arms when the Republic was in danger of dissolution 
gave evidence of the homogenity of the citizens of this nation as no other event 
could have done. The subject of this sketch was a man of peace, who had dedi- 
cated his life work to promulgate peace on earth and good will between man and 
man. So zealous was he for peace that as soon as the integrity of the nation 
was in jeopardy he determined he would do what he could to hasten peace, and 
end the strife between the contesting sections. In the autumn of 1861 he began 
recruiting men for service, his efforts culminating in the organization of Co. H, 
101st Regiment, of which he was captain, being mustered into the service as such 
December 3, 1861. 

Lieut. Col. Taylor was a participant in all the battles and skirmishes in 
which the Regiment was engaged until its capitulation at Plymouth, N. C, April 
20, 1864, when he became hors de combat by virtue of being a prisoner of war. 
He was taken from Plymouth to Macon, Ga., and held there until the nth or 
12th of June, when he, with a party of officers, 50 in all, were transferred to the 



RTOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 45 

jail yard at Charleston, S. C. He was very fortunate in being paroled from 
there as early as August 3, 1864, suffering an imprisonment of only little over 
three months. As a result of the privations endured in the service, aggravated 
by his imprisonment in the South, he contracted rheumatism, which practically 
disabled him for more than a year after his retirement from the service. 

Lieut. Col. Taylor is a native of Beaver County, Penna. ; was born March 
31, 1836. His early boyhood was spent on a farm. At the age of seventeen he 
assumed the vocation of teacher in the public schools of his native state. During 
the summer months he attended academy or college; part of one year at Mount 
Union College, Stark county, Ohio. He taught one year in Bourbon county, 
Ky., in 1855 and 1856. He entered the ministry in the Pittsburgh Conference oi 
the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1859, and was engaged in ministerial labor 
in Beaver ami Butler counties, Penna., when the war began. It was this voca- 
tion he left to participate in the War of the Rebellion. When his health had 
somewhat recuperated after the war, in the summer of 1866, he was elected to 
the senate of Pennsylvania for a term of three years. At the end of his legislative 
term he became the editor anil publisher of a weekly newspaper, the Monitor, at 
Alliance, Ohio. After a year and a half as editor and publisher, he returned to 
the ministry within the bounds of the Erie Conference. His health again failing 
he went South in 1883, engaging in ministerial work, hut in the course of three 
or four years his health became permanently impaired, by reason of the old com- 
plaint, rheumatism, so much so that he was not only compelled to relinquish his 
chosen profession, but all other pursuits requiring physical exertion or open air 
life. 

President McKinley appointed Lieut. Col. Taylor postmaster of his adopted 
southern home, Tusculum, Tennessee, a position he held for eleven years, when 
feeble health compelled him to tender his resignation. Although feeble physically, 
Col. Taylor still retains his mental vigor, and in this respect holds his own with 
any of his comrades. 

As this article was going to press a dispatch was received announcing the 
death of Col. Taylor at his home in Tusculum, Tenn., on Jan. 9, n>io. 

ADJUTANT J. II. LONGENECKER. 

Adjutant J. II. Longenecker enlisted as a private in Co. D in September, 
1861, but giving evidence of aptitude for military affairs, was promoted to 
sergeant-major of the Regiment January jo, [862. lie was commissioned second 
lieutenant of Co. D on May i. [863, and on the following July was promoted to 
the rank of adjutant of the Regiment. Adjutant Longenecker participated with 
the Regiment in all its marches and campaigns from the time it left the State 
until it was captured by the enemy at Plymouth, N. C, April 20, 1864, except 
the march down the Peninsula, which was marked by no special incident. While 
in front of Richmond he contracted a fever and after the army had arrived at 
Harrison's Landing be was sent for a few weeks to Bellevue Hospital, Xew York, 
but recuperated so rapidly that be returned to the Regiment in time to partici- 
pate in the first engagement after the Seven Days' campaign, in front of the 
Confederate capital. Pie participated in many of the expeditions from Plymouth, 
N. C, although his position as adjutant exempted him from such duty, except 
when the entire Regiment was called into requisition. 

After the capture of the Regiment, Adjutant Longenecker, with the other 
officers, was confined in the Confederate military prison at Macon and Savannah. 
Ga., and Charleston and Columbia, S. C. Early in February, 1865, lie was 
removed to Charlotte, N. C, but before he was incarcerated he succeeded in elud- 
ing the guards and made his escape. While making his way to the western moun- 
tains of North Carolina he was recaptured and was then returned to Charlotte 



46 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

and thence ti> Salisbury, lie was paroled March 2, 1865, returning in sight of 
the stars and stripes at Wilmington, N. C. Owing to the depleted ranks of the 
Regiment he was discharged from the service March 14, 1865. 

Within a month from his retirement from the army he was a diligent student 
of Blackstone in the office of Hon. S. S. Blair, of Hollidaysburg, Blair county, 
Penna. The following September he entered the law department of Albany 
(New York) University, from which be graduated May 25, 1866, receiving the 
degree of bachelor of laws, having already been admitted to practice before the 
supreme court of the Empire State. In June, 1866, he entered the law office of 
Hon. S. L. Russell, of Bedford, ]'a., devoting his time to the study of the statutes 
of Pennsylvania, and on September 3, was admitted to practice in the several 
courts of Bedford county. Mr. Lonkenecker being invited to enter into partnership 
with Hon. S. L. Russell, associated himself with the latter, April 1, 1867. In the 
autumn of 1868 Mr. Longenecker was elected to the legislative body of Penn- 
sylvania, and at the end of the first term was re-elected and served during a 
second term. Thenceforth he confined his attention to the business of his firm 
until iSSj. when, at the earnest request of the constituents of his party, he 
accepted the nomination of the Republican party for State senator, a nomination 
that was ratified at the polls by an overwhelming majority. During his service in 
the legislature, in both branches, he held positions on several important commit- 
ter, among them the judiciary, constitutional reform, congressional and legisla- 
tive apportionment committees and the committee on banks, being chairman of the 
latter. From January, 1SS7. to January, 1891, he was identified with Gov. James 
A. Heaver's cabinet; first as Deputy Secretary of the Commonwealth, and "finally 
as Secretary of the Commonwealth, In November, 1801, he was elected President 
Judge (if the ifith Judicial District, composed of Bedford and Somerset counties, 
and served in that capacity for a term of ten years; since which time he resumed 
the practice of the law. 

Judge Longenecker cast his first vote for Abraham Lincoln in i860, and 
made his first political speech during that memorable campaign. While always 
being active in politics, except during his judicial term, adhering firmly to the 
principles of the Republican party, he has always retained the confidence and 
esteem of his political opponents. 

Judge I.ongenecker was born near Martinsburg, Blair county, Penna., Sep- 
tember 17, 1839. When only four years of age his parents, John and Elizabeth 
Longenecker, moved to a farm near Woodbury, Bedford county, where he lived 
until he attained the age of sixteen. lie then entered the Allegheny Seminary 
at Rainsburg, where he pursued an academic course. While acquiring his school 
education he taught during the winter months for several years, serving two 
sessions as principal of the Woodbury school. While attending the Seminarv. 
during the latter part of the course, lie defrayed a portion of his expenses and 
also those of his sister, who attended the school at the same time, as assistant 
teacher. 

Judge I ongenecker's co-partnership with the Hon. S. L. Russell was a 
permanent one, in a domestic sense. His life partner, Miss N. Rebecca Russell, 
is the eldest daughter of his professional associate, to whom he was married 
December 21. 1869. Three sons, Samuel Russell. Ralph and Charles, all of whom 
are living at this writing (November. IQ09), are the fruits of this marriage, 
cementing the professional firm into a permanent family. 

The career of Judge Longenecker is interesting to more than his comrades, 
as it is typical of the young manhood of the nation, who relinquished professional 
and business pursuits of the most alluring prospects to defend the nation in its 
peril. 




CAPT. CHARLES W. MAY. 
(Company F.) 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 47 

CHAPTER XIII. 

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. 

Capt. May — Capt. Sprague — Lieut. Brown. 

Captain Charles W. May. 

Company F, ioist Regiment, was recruited in Beaver county during the 
autumn months of 1867 by Capt. Charles W. May. Capt. May, at the outbreak 
of the Civil War, had reached mature manhood and did not enter the service 
through boyish enthusiasm. From his boyhood days he had followed the river, 
and prior to the war was a master of steamboats on the Ohio and Mississippi 
rivers. His contact with the people south of the Mason and Dixon's line gave him 
some conception of what might be expected before the conflict ended. From 
the time the Regiment was mustered into the service until he severed his rela- 
tions with it on January 7. 1863, no officer in the battalion performed more ar- 
duous or faithful service than Capt. May. When Col. Morris was carried off 
the battle field of Fair Oaks early in the battle on May 31, 1862, Capt. May as- 
sumed command of the Regiment, and alter the enemy had succeeded in flanking 
Casey's position, and the various regiments were forced to back to escape cap- 
ture and had been more or less routed in confusion, Capt. May succeeded in 
rallying his command, which maintained its position, and again only fell back 
to prevent annihilation. In the promotions which followed the death of Col. Wil- 
son, a large percentage of the Regiment, both rank and file, believed that Capt. 
May deserved recognition, for no other line officer had acquitted himself with 
more gallantry in the presence of the enemy, and none was his superior in ef- 
ficiency as a disciplinarian. Universal regret was expressed when he retired 
from the service. 

After his return from the service Capt. May resumed his former voca- 
tion and followed the river, as master and pilot, until 1876, when he located 
at P>eaver Falls, Penna. He had charge of the construction of the Xew Castle 
branch of the Pittsburgh and Lake Erie Rail Road, and afterwards engaged in 
the retail hardware business, under the firm name of May and Co.; and later was 
connected with the Beaver Falls Steel Works. 

While never an aspirant for political preferment Capt. May took an active 
interest in civic and political affairs. Especially so in everything pertaining to 
the welfare of the borough and county, to promote the interests of the former 
he served as councilman. 

Capt. May was born near Wilkinsburg, Allegheny Co.. Penna., April 27, 
1827. He resided there and in Pittsburgh until lie removed to Reaver Falls. 
Prior to the war he was an active member of the Pittsburgh Blues. The por- 
trait of the captain, which appears in this volume, is from a photograph taken at 
Harrisburg, Penna., in February, 1862, a few days before the Regiment departed 
to join the Army of the Potomac. 

Capt. May died at his residence. 1105 Eighth avenue. Reaver Falls. Penna.. 
Jan. 6, iqio, aged 82 years, 9 months, and Q days. The writer visited him in 
September, 1909, and although then confined to his bed by disease and physically 
weak, his mind was quite alert. 

Captain William B. Sprague. 

In the fortieth year of his age in 1861, Captain William B. Sprague began 
recruiting men for the service in Allegheny County. Later his recruits were re- 
inforced by a detachment from Bedford County, a company was formed, with him 
as captain and it was assigned to the ioist Penna. Regiment as Company G. 
The strenuous campaign of the Regiment on the Peninsula, followed by the Kins- 
ton-Golsboro expedition, impaired the captain's health, and he was compelled to 
relinquish the command of his company, and was discharged on Surgeon's cer- 



48 L01ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

tificate for disability, Jan. 20, 1863. However, his health recuperated rapidly 
after his return home, and soon thereafter, he entered the service again, in 
tlic quartermaster's department, in Gen. Aiken's division of cavalry. 

(apt. Sprague was a native of Vermont, born March 24, 1822. He moved 
to Westmoreland ( ounty, l'enna., when a young man and learned the trade of 
tailor at Jacksonville, l'enna. lie was married in 1844, and moved to Saltsburg, 
Indiana to., l'enna. ; later he moved to Elizabeth, Allegheny Co., Penna. When 
he started to recruit his company he was engaged in the drug business at Eliza- 
beth, I 'a., and after the war lie again embarked in that business at Elizabeth. In 
1875 he established a drug store in West Elizabeth, Ta., and conducted it until 
his death, which occurred Nov. 14, 1884. Captain Sprague was a good soldier, 
and an exemplary citizen, lie bad been an active and consistent member of the 
Presbyterian Church for many years and was held in the highest esteem by all 
classes of citizens in the communities in which be lived. 

Lieutenant George L. Brown. 

At the age of 23 George L. Brown enlisted as a private in Co. I.. 101st 
Regiment, on the 14th day of September, 1861. He was promoted to second 
lieutenant of his company Jan. 1, 1862, and on March 1, 1863, he was commis- 
sioned first lieutenant. To write a history of the activities of Lieutenant Brown 
while in the service of Uncle Sam, is but to recapitulate the Regimental nar- 
rative, for he participated in every battle, skirmish and reconnoissance in which 
the Regiment was engaged, from the time it cast its fortunes with the Army of 
the Potomac, until it was finally compelled to lower its colors in the presence of 
an overwhelming force of the enemy. But even then, Lieut. Brown was saved 
the mortification of surrendering to the victorious foe in a normal condition. In 
the fmal charge made by the enemy and before he became a prisoner of war he 
bad been made hors dr combat by a severe wound in the left arm and breast. 

After the capitulation of the garrison at Plymouth, on April 20. [864, Lieut. 
Brown, owing to his severe wounds, was kept a prisoner at Plymouth until he 
was abK' to travel. After leaving Plymouth he was confined at Weldon, N. C. ; 
Macon, Ga.; in jail yard at Charleston, S. C, and for a time in the Old Marine 
Hospital at Charleston, where he and bis fellow prisoners were under the tire of 
the Federal batteries. From Charleston he was moved to Columbia, S. C, from 
where he escaped, and after eluding the enemy until he bad reached east Ten- 
nessee, he bad to undergo the chagrin of surrendering to blood-hounds, lie was 
then confined in the jail at Columbia, and while there, was placed in irons, 
bucked and gagged, for the simple offense of communicating with a fellow pris- 
oner of war, Maj. Teller, who was held as a hostage. From Columbia he was 
moved to Charlotte, N. C. thence to Raleigh, and finally Goldsboro. During his 
imprisonment he escaped four times, but was recaptured before he succeeded in 
reaching the federal lines; however, he was only captured once by the blood- 
hounds, I le was paroled for exchange, Feb. 27, 1865. and owing to the de- 
pleted ranks of the Regiment, the near termination of the war, which was then 
known to be practically at an end. and the fact that he was under parole, he 
was mustered out of the service at Washington, D. C, March 15, 1865, 

Lieut. Brown was born at Milton, l'enna.. December 6, 1838. Patriotic 
blood flows in bis veins, bis paternal grandfather having served in the war of 
1S12. At the outbreak of the Civil War he was engaged in business as a mer- 
chant, but he did not rest until be was freed from it, and in the service of his 
country. 

In January. 1863, when Wessells brigade was encamped at New Bern, 
N. C. it was rumored that the Regiment was to go to Charleston, S. C. Among 
a batch of papers, sent to the writer, by Lieut, Brown, some of which have been 
used in the Regimental narrative, one verbatim, the writer found a letter writ- 




PRIVATE DUNCAN McALISTER. 
(Co. A.) 



CORP. DANIEL LUDWICK. 
(Co. A.) 





JAMES LOGAN ALTER. 
(Private Co. I.) 



HENRY H. WALKER. 
(Private Co. E.) 
(Youngest soldier in regiment to do 
continuous service throughout the 
war. i 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 49 

ten by Lieut. Brown to his father. This letter explains how these papers came 
to be preserved, even when everything, pertaining to the Regiment and with it, 
was lost twice in battle. But it does more than this; it gives an insight into 
the character of the writer, and will recall to the mind of the comrades an event 
in the history of the Regiment that most of them had forgotton. The letter is 
as follows: 
Head Quarters Co. I, 101st P. V., Encamped 2 miles from New Bern. X. C, Jan. 16, 1863. 

Dear Father : Enclosed you will find copies of papers which I wish you to keep for 
me. I am well and expect to join this grand expedition of forty days' length. I presume 
it is to Charleston ; but I dare not say where. 

Remember me to all. I will win a bar on my shoulders this expedition or I will 
quit. Write me soon and direct to Co. I, 101st P. V., Wessell's Division, Hunt's Brigade, 
Washington, D. C. Your Son, GEORGE. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. 

Corporal Ludwick— Private McAlister — Private Jonas Walker — Private 

James Logan Alter — Private Henry H. Walker. 

Corporal Daniel Ludwick and Private Duncan McAlister. 

An incident of the battle of Fair Oaks is worthy of record in the annals 
of the ioist Penna. Regiment. Company A. was on the extreme right of Casey's 
main line of battle. As the enemy was closing in on the right, Companies A and 
F changed front to protect the right flank. As they were changing position, 
Duncan McAlister, a private of Co. A, fell seriously wounded in advance of his 
company's new position, with the enemy rapidly closing in. Corporal Daniel Lud- 
wick of Co. A saw McAlister fall, and when he realized he was not able to rise, 
he rushed back, lifted up his boy chum, as if he were but a mere child, and car- 
ried him to the rear for surgical treatment. When he saw that the enemy was 
finally closing in and the entire line would have to retire or be captured, he car- 
ried McAlister two miles to the rear. 

Ludwick and McAlister, with a squad of men and boys, left Sardis and 
Puckety Creek in September, 1861, for Pittsburg, where they enlisted in Capt. 
David M. Armor's company, which afterward was assigned to the ioist Regi- 
ment, as Company A. McAlister recovered, but was so disabled that he was dis- 
charged from the service by reason of the wounds received in action at Fair 
Oaks. 

Duncan McAlister was born in the Island of Islay, Scotland. May 23, 1842. 
When a lad of 8 or 9 years his parents and family came to the United States, 
locating at Sardis, Westmoreland County, Penna., leaving Duncan with an uncle, 
Daniel McAlister, who resided at Bridgend, Islay. When he was 16 years of age 
young McAlister joined his parents in their Pennsylvania home. Three years 
later, September, 1861, at the age of nineteen he enlisted and served with the 
Regiment continuously until he was severely wounded in action in the battle 
of Fair Oaks, May 31, 1862, which caused him to be discharged from the service, 
December 10, 1862. 

A year after his return from the army his father established him in general 
merchandising business at Sardis, Penna. He was appointed postmaster at Sardis 
July 1st, 1865. holding that position continuously for 35 years, lacking a few 
months, resigning the position in January, 1900. Since then he has resided at 
Parnassus. Penna. 

Ludwick. familiarly called "Dan," by all the comrades of his company, al- 
though one of the finest types of the stalwart American Volunteer, aged 24 at 
the time of enlistment, contracted chronic diarrhea while in the swamps of the 
Peninsula, and was discharged from the service on Surgeon's certificate for dis- 
ability. March 23, 1863. He died suddenly in Portland. Oregon, June 6. 1900, in 



50 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

his 63d year. No better or braver soldier than Dan Ludwick did service for 
Uncle Sam, and his action in carrying his comrade, McAlister, from the battle 
field in front of Seven Pines, under the conditions then prevailing there, is am- 
ple evidence that he possessed the qualities from which heroes spring. It is due 
to the gallantry of the enlisted men of the army of the Civil War, such as Cor- 
poral Daniel Ludwick and Private Dun can McAlister, that the Stars and Stripes 
now wave over a Union of 46 sovereign states between the Atlantic and Pacific 
Oceans, and that this Nation is a government of the people, by the people, and 
for the people. 

Private Jonas Walker. 

No enlisted man in the 101st Regiment did more faithful service than Pri- 
vate Jonas Walker. When the 62d Penna. Regiment was recruiting, he enlisted 
in Co. A of that regiment, but his father objected, and his name was dropped 
from the roll. A few weeks later, however, he went out to Camp Wilkinson in 
Lawrenceville, but for many years part of Pittsburgh, enlisted and was sworn 
into the service. David M. Armor was recruiting a regiment at that time and 
he went into it. Shortly after his enlistment Armor's company was transferred 
to Camp Fremont, called by some, Camp Oakland, and when the 101st Penna. 
Regiment was organized, Armor's company was assigned to the right of the 
Regiment, and was designated as Co. A. A few weeks later the Regiment was 
transferred to Camp Curtin, Harrisburg, where it remained until Feb. 27. 1862. 
From the time the Regiment went to the front its history and Walker's are iden- 
tical, for he participated in every march, reconnoissance, skirmish and battle in 
which it was engaged from the time it reached the capital until the garrison at 
Plymouth surrendered to the enemy, on April 20, 1864. Walker, while in every 
action in which the Regiment took a part, escaped without a scratch, although 
making many narrow escapes. At Plymouth John W. Coneby was killed by 
grape shot by his side. From Plymouth lie was taken to Andersonville, where 
he was confined eight months, from there he went to Savannah, Ga., making 
a brief stop of three or four days, and thence to Charleston, S. C, where after 
two weeks, he was transferred to Florence, S. C. He was paroled, about March 
10, 1865. When he was captured his normal weight was 150 lbs., but on his 
return home he barely tipped the scales at 80. When he left Florence to go to 
Wilmington to be paroled, he was carried from the hospital, his system being so 
broken down by scurvy and diarrhea, that he was too weak to walk. When he 
reached Wilmington he was carried to the hospital at that place, but everything 
in the wards being full of sick and dying, he was placed in the yard, near the 
window of the cook house. Here he spied two steaming hot Irish potatoes, on 
the window sill to cool ; he could not wait for the cooling process but reached up 
and soon had it in his stomach, before he heard the cook breaking out in blas- 
phemy because part of his dinner had disappeared. In speaking of this event, 
which he does frequently, Walker says: 

"It was the first potato I had had for a year, except an occasional raw 
one, and practically nothing else but corn meal, rice and some stuff hardly men- 
tionable as food. That potato tasted so delicious that I then and there made a 
vow, that if my life was spared and I got home safe and sound, that I would 
never allow a human being go away from my door hungry and I have kept faith 
with that vow so far as I have had knowledge." 

Mr. Walker was born in Pittsburgh July 15, 1842. in what was then called 
Old Coal Lane. He was educated in the public schools of Pittsburgh, and when 
he enlisted was apprenticed at Bissells Foundry. Allegheny, as a molder, then 
having two years more to serve at his apprenticeship. 

After arriving at Parole Camp, Annapolis, Walker refused to go to the 
hospital, where the surgeons wished to send him, but he insisted on being sent 




JONAS WALKER. 
I As a Citizen, 1909. 1 



JONAS WALKER. 
' is .1 Soldiei . 1 S62 




PRIVATE GEO. W. BUMBAUGH 
(Co. A.) 



BIOGR VPHICAL SKETCHES 51 

home, and they finally gave their assent. He still insists that the nursing and 
care of his mother was much better for his health than the medicine of the doc- 
tors. After he had been home six weeks he recuperated sufficiently to return to 
the Regiment, which was then at Roanoke Island, N. C. 

1 >n June 25, 1865, he was mustered out with his company at New r Bern. 
N. C, and on July 13, he received his final pay and discharge at Harrisburg, Pa. 
The effects of the disease contracted in prison — scurvy — interfered with Mr. 
Walker resuming his former vocation as molder. For many years he has been 
an officer of the Court on duty in the Allegheny County courthouse, Pittsburgh, 
Pa. Two portraits, one reproduced from a war time picture, and one from a re- 
cent photograph, appear on another page. 

Jam es Loga n A li i:k . 

Xo regiment that served through the Civil War from the State of Penn- 
sylvania was more representative of the entire citizenship of the State than was 
the 101st Regiment. Xot only representing all sections of the State it also repre- 
sented all classes such as the professional men, the merchant, the mechanic, the 
farmer, and common laborer. While here and there in most companies there were 
men who were Americans by adoption the great bodv of the Regiment were born 
am! reared in the State, and in the localities from which they came, many of 
them representing the oldest settlers of their respective communities. 

Grave No. 8,185, m l ' le National Cemetery, Andersonville, Ga., is marked 
J. I.. Allen, Co. I. loist Penna. Regiment. As there was no such person by that 
name in the 101st Regiment it is evidently a mistake, made, perhaps, by illegible 
penmanship. There is no doubt that this spot is the last resting place of Private 
James Logan Alter of Co. I. Private Alter enlisted in Co. I in the autumn of 
1861, and was mustered into the service Dec. 30. when he was but seventeen years 
of age. He served faithfully with his company in all the marches, reconnoissances, 
battles and skirmishes in which the Regiment participated until it was forced to 
surrender to the enemy by sheer force of numbers at Plymouth, X. ('.. April 20, 
1864. Private Alter accompanied the bulk of the Plymouth garrison to Anderson- 
ville prison, and was last seen by his living comrades as he left the group with 
which he had been messing, to go to the hospital in September, [864. Private 
Samuel Long, of < o. A. who was captured at Plymouth and subsequently paroled 
and mustered 01:1 with his company, reported to Logan Alter's family on his 
return home that he had seen him for the last time when he entered the hospital, 
aim soon thereafter he had heard that he had succumbed to the privations of 
prison life. The identity of his last resting place can he no more doubted than 
that of any of the other 13,000 patriots buried there. His burial record, credited 
to J. L. Allen, gives the date of his death as September 8. but other records -how 
that he died Sept. iS. 1864. 

James Logan Alter came from two of the oldest families of Western Penn- 
sylvania. His paternal great-grandfather. Jacob Alter, landing at Philadelphia 
in 1754. His grandfather, David Alter, settled on Puckety Creek (formerly 
called Pokatoes), about three miles from Parnassus, Pa., in 1803. His mother. 
Lucinda Logan, was a daughter of James Logan, whose ancestor also settled 
near Puckety Creek, establishing and operating Logan's Ferry on the Allegheny 
river, near the line separating Allegheny and Westmoreland counties, the latter 
part of the 18th century ( about 1705 ) ; a place still known by that name. 

David Alter. Logan's grandfather, was an officer in the army during the 
l'dack Hawk war. His father, Henry H. Alter, was a first cousin of Dr. David 
Alter, one of the most illustrious characters of Western Pennsylvania. 

Logan Alter was reared in Freeport, and enlisted from there, contrary to the 
wishes of his father and mother. They had parted with his older brother, John 
Milton (this name is suggestive of the character of the parents), who had gone 



52 L01ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

out as corporal in Co. F. (Capt. Clias. B. Gillespie's Company), 78th Regiment, 
and who served with the regiment until it was mustered out. In this same com- 
pany (F) David Alter, a cousin of James Logan, also served and was wounded 
at Stone River. Another cousin, Dr. David Alter, was among the first to enter 
the Confederate Capital, bringing home as a war trophy the Confederate flag 
which draped the Speaker's desk of the principal legislative body of the Con- 
federacy. This ilag is now the property of his widow, at Parnassus, Pa. 
Coincidental with the day and month of the death of James Logan Alter, seven- 
teen years later the most illustrious member of the Alter family, Dr. David Alter 
of Freeport, passed from this earth. It is not altogether irrelevant to here refer 
In this distinguished citizen of Western Pennsylvania, lie was born in West- 
moreland Co., a few miles from Freeport, in which he lived most of his life, 
\\\\ 3, 1807, residing more than 73 years in the vicinity of his birthplace. Of a 
scientific and inventive turn of mind, when not engaged in his professional 
duties, he confined his studies so much to the laboratory as to be regarded by his 
neighbors as a recluse. A brief summary of his character as given by a friend, 
Dr. Frank Cowan, of Greensburg, Pa., in a comprehensive article published in 
1881, a short time subsequent to the death of Dr. Alter, will be sufficient to serve 
as an index as to why he was universally respected and esteemed by the entire 
community in which he lived. 

"Dr. David Alter in bis life," said Dr. Cowan, "was a plain and simple man, 
gentle and modest in bis manners, temperate in his habits, and careful and 
patient in his work, with the immediate results of which lie was satisfied, looking 
for neither remote reward nor recognition. And could he speak now from the 
grave. 1 doubt not. he would say, 'Let no panegyric be pronounced, that I may 
not assume, in the imagination of strangers, a shape that may differ from the 
substance that I was in the eyes of my neighbors.' In appearance, he was an old 
man [in 1 S7S | , with a calm and kindly countenance, in stature above the ordinary, 
albeit stooped and shrunken by age, still pursuing his profession, that of a physi- 
cian, for a livelihood; while in effect he was the puzzle or sphinx that every 
philosopher must be to those around him who cannot appreciate the work of his 
hands in an objective form in the open day, much less encompass, in the depth, 
the distance and the darkness of his windowless mind, the complexity of cerebra- 
tion and entanglement of thought from which his work has been evolved." 

In this article of Dr. Cowan's he completely refutes a story that has been 
current for more than a half century in Western Pennsylvania, and generally be- 
lieved, that Prof. Morse had acquired his knowledge of the practical application 
of electricity to telegraphy from Dr. Alter. 

"1 related to Dr. Alter what I had heard of his connection with the invention 
of the electric telegraph," said Dr. Cowan, "which was in brief that he was the 
fust to accomplish the results comprehended in the term an electric telegraph, 
and that Prof, Morse had stolen the idea that has made him immortal from 
him, Dr. Alter. To this he replied that, as far as he knew, he was the first to 
perfect and put into use an electric telegraph, and that he did it apart from and 
independent of everybody. 'But,' he continued, 'others about the same time 
attained the same results.' In 1837, in F.nglaud, Prof. Wheatstone invented a tele- 
graph on a similar plan to mine, using one wire, a single disc and a deflecting 
needle; and with respect to Prof. Morse and the electric telegraph now in use. I 
have seen in the newspapers time and again the statement which you make, and 
am free to sax that it is without the slightest foundation — indeed. I may say 
that there is no connection at all between the telegraph of Morse and others and 
that of myself, and that my system would be inadequate to do the work that is 
done to day by the Morse. Oh, no, no! Prof. Morse most probably never heard 
of me or my Elderton telegraph.' " 

This story of Dr. Alter is germane here to demonstrate how prone the world 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 53 

is to accept gossip, and spread it as fact, without taking the trouble to question 
its authenticity. For at least forty years the writer was of the firm belief that 
Prof. Morse had made a prolonged visit with Dr. Alter, and saw him experiment 
in his laboratory, and until he was confronted with Dr. Cowan's paper had re- 
garded Prof. Morse with ■-■"me discredit. Another claim made by neighbors of 
Dr. Alter and unquestionably believed by the community in general was that he 
was the discoverer of bromine; due. however, because he was the first In manu- 
facture it in this country, securing his process by patents. 

Although Dr. Alter has received credit for some things to which he was not 
entitled, these have been more than counterbalanced by a discovery — the discovery 
and application of the principle of the prism in spectrum analysis. Dr. Cowan 
cites as authority for this statement two papers by Dr. Alter, published in "The 
American Journal of Science and Arts" (Stillman's Journal), Second Series, 
Vol. XVIII, Nov., 1854, pp. 55-57, and Vol. XIX. May, 1855, pp. 213-214. 
The substance of both these articles were reproduced in European scientific jour- 
nals, a half page abstract appearing in the "Chemico-Jaresberichtc," of Liebig 
and Kopp. for 1854; while the second paper was reproduced in its entirety in the 
Parisian journal, "L'Institute," for the year 1856, page 156, and in the journal of 
Geneva, "Archives of the Physical and Natural Sciences," Vol. 29, page 151. Dr. 
Cowan cites further foreign publications in which extracts of Dr. Alter', articles 
appeared and passes some strictures on Prof. Kirchoff for omitting the name of 
Dr. Alter in his summary of the progressive steps of Spectrum Analysis to the 
ultimate attained at the time of his writing, seeing that the Annual Report of 
Chemistry, which contained the proclamation of his discovery on page 643, also 
contained on page 107 an extract exhibiting the results of Dr. Alter's investiga- 
tions four and five years before — results, too, which clearly comprehended his 
own. 

"But Kirchhoff, in the interest of self-glorification," says Dr. Cowan, "hap- 
pily, is not the only recorder of the achievements of science and the history of 
mankind; and I doubt not that the time will come soon when the name of David 
Alter will be pronounced with the same breath of praise and pride that keeps alive 
and revered the names of Franklin and Morse. 

"It is a little matter," says Dr. Cowan, "in comparison with the above, but 
it is curious, and perhaps not without its use, to know that the prism, with 
which Dr. Alter made his remarkable experiments, was made by him from a 
Eragment of a great mass of very brilliant glass found in the pot of a glass-house 
which had been destroyed in the great fire of Pittsburgh, on the 10th of April, 
1845. Thus remotely was the burning of Pittsburgh the solution of the combus- 
tion of the sun of the solar system, and of the otherwise incomprehensible con- 
flagrations of more distant furnace-speres in illimtable space." 

The prism which Dr. Alter used in making his experiments which resulted 
in his discovery of the mode of scientific investigation known as spectrum analy- 
sis, made from the fragment of glass found in the debris of the great fire of 
Pittsburgh, is now the property of the Carnegie Museum of Pittsburgh. There 
are those who will regard this reference to this distinguished son of Western 
Pennsylvania as irrelevant to the sketch of Private James Logan Alter, who 
would have seen no impropriety in referring to it in a sketch of some officer of 
high rank. But as the writer believes his comrade, whose remains lie in Ander- 
sonvillc Cemetery, would have been pleased to have his name mentioned in con- 
nection with his most distinguished relative, he has thought it fitting and proper 
to link their names together in this sketch in memory of one who gave his life 
to his country. 

Private Henry H. Walker. 

The youngest soldier to do continuous service with the 101st Regiment from 



M L01S1 PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

the time ii lefl the State until ii returned and received its final discharge at Har- 
1 1 s 1 1 1 1 1 j •, . July [3, 18651 U;|S Private Henry II. Walker <>f Company E. He en 
listed S<'pi. 23, [861, and was mustered into the service Jan. 21, 1862, Although 
.1 mere stripling, born Jan, <>. [848, making his age at time of enlistment [3 years, 
i> months, and 15 days, he carried a musket from the starl and participated with 
his company in all the marches, reconnoissances, and battles in which the Regi 
ment w as engagei 1 

Private Walkei re enlisted as a Veteran Jan. 1, [864, bul did not succeed in 
ejettiiir, die promised furlough which was one of the provisions of re-enlistmenl 
until six months aftei his first term of three years hail expired, II'' was cap 
lined wiili the Regiment at Plymouth April 20, [864, and was confined in South 
(•in prisons fot nearl} .1 year, When the Regiment was mustered out at New 
Bern, W C, June .'5. 1865, he was then absent on furlough, hut returned to 
Harrisburg in time t" receive Ins final discharge with the remnant of the com 
ni.iml, on July i.v 1865. 

Walker, aftei a year's service, w.i an ideal soldier, faithfully and cheerfully 
performing ever} dun thai fell t>> him, alway: read} to volunteer i" go on any 
expedition that gave promise of coming in contact with the enemy. 

\1ir1 the war lie was fot many years a building contractor in Allegheny, Pa., 
in en partnership with his father and brother, Although coming throug' the Civil 
Wat unscathed, aftei many narrow escapes, he was accidentally killed on the 
Uleghen} Valle} R, I\'.. near Allegheny Junction, Sept, 29, [900, 

Mis brother, Alderman I D. Walker of Pittsburgh, was :1 member of 
Knapps' 1 IVniu 1 Battery, and was also President of die \.ndersonville Monu 

in. 11I 1 1 inline slotl 

(II MTI'K \\ . 

I 111 ■ 1\ C( (NFEDER \ II PRIS( >NS. 
\s EXPE RIENCED BY JOHN \ REED I IF THE km SI' PENN, VOL, 

\. this volume contains an account of the battle of Plymouth) the mat 
iei'. which follow will iciei chiefly to m\ own experience at Plymouth and my 
capture and imprisonment from the date of the battle until my parole mi 
Dec, i". [864 

Ii !■• forty five years since the events recorded here occurred, bul the 
memon oi them is yel as keen as it they occurred but yesterday, In Vpril, 
1864, I was en dut) as second lieutenant of the 2d North Carolina Union 
Vols in recruiting service, and on the i<>tli 1 paid a visit 10 nn regiment 
ai Plymouth, N, C, going from Roanoke fsland, where 1 w.^ stationed On 
Sunday, \.pril 17. ahum 9 \. M , 1 lefl Plymouth by steamer, bound for 
Roanoke Island On Monda} morning, Vpril t8, the steamer Ma a lit, km wn 
as the General's boat, hove in sighl and, on Hearing the disk, we foi nd all the 
women, children and non-combatants on board reporting Plymouth invested by 
a heavy Confederate force undet Gen, Hoke, and that the Ram Albemarle 
was expected, and thai they desired the aid of all available men ih.:i could be 
spared from the Island. I w.is given permission to go b} the Commandei ^i the 
l land forces, Col Clark ol the 85th N, Y, We boarded the steamei Massasoit 
and arrived at Plymouth about , |0 P \l . being unassigned Maj Baker of 
tin toth Mame. being all' una: igned, we reported i" Gen Wessels, and were 
ordered to report to Col Fardella on the right, where there wi bout eight} 
colored recruits with a lieutenant m command, Mai Bakei and I were put 
in charge oi these men, who were armed and equipped but hid nol yet joined 
theit regimenl 

The fight opened livch all along the front and at our red.nht Up the river 




JOHN A. REED. 
( Regimental Historian.) 



SOUTHERN PRISON LIFE 55 

two miles. At Fort Wessels, a work to the right of the main fortifications, the 
fight was equally hot, and our skirmishers were driven in and came inside 
our main works. The artillery contest was fast and furious. Our four thirty- 
two pounders on Ft. Williams and some several twelve pound brass guns belched 
forth their heaviest shots against some Confederate batteries in our immediate 
front. 

About 10:30 fighting ceased, and about three A. M. the Confederate ram, 
Albermarle, passed down below the town and sank the steamer Southfield. the 
steamer Miami escaping down stream. The Bombshell, a light tender with two 
guns, manned by marines, was captured. The morning revealed our outworks 
and fort up the river in the hands of the enemy with a six gun battery facing 
our position in close range in the open fields, with earthworks thrown up to 
protect their men at the guns. Desultory firing continued all day. At dawn 
of the 20th Hoke assaulted our left in great force, driving, killing, wounding 
and capturing our men. They soon gained full possession of the town. We 
retained control of Fort Williams and some heavy earthworks to its right and 
left, and our rear now became our front, so that our heavy guns could not be 
used. We had two 12-pound brass guns left in service and held out until 
eleven A. M., when an unconditional surrender was forced upon us. Of our 
force there remained about 600 men out of a possible 2,100 on the 18th. We 
lay in the open field that night, rations being issued from our own stores, 
and about 1 P. M. of the 21st were marched about eight miles and camped 
in the timber, heavily guarded. On the 22d we marched 18 miles or more, and 
on the 25th we reached Tarboro. N. C. which was quite a village, where nearly 
all the people came out to witness our misery and despair. About noon on the 
26th we were loaded in small box cars, destined, we were told, for Richmond, Va. 

On reaching Goldsboro, our train moved south, and then we knew that 
we were bound for the central south. We arrived at Wilmington at 8 A. M. 
of the 27th, and during that day passed through Florence. Columbia, and Charles- 
ton, S. C. We reached Savannah, Ga., April 29th, ami Andersonville, Ga., April 
30th, where we met Capt. Wirz, famous for his cruelty to our men. The officers 
were separated from the enlisted men and we were placed in a church for the 
night. On Sunday, May 1st, we were taken to Macon, Ga., sixty miles east, 
arriving there about 3 P. M. At that time Andersonville prison contained 
about 9,000 men, and the deaths averaged 20 per clay. By the middle of August 
the prison contained over 32,000 prisoners, and the death rate reached as high 
as 127 per day. 

At Macon we were placed in the fair ground, which was known as Camp 
Ogelthorpe, and were furnished tents and fixed up for a long stay. At this time 
we numbered just 99 men, ranking from brigadier general down to second 
lieutenant, and were guarded by a company of the 5th Georgia. In a few days 
we received 9 recruits from Sherman's Cavalry, belonging to the 2d and 4th 
Indiana and 1st Wisconsin. Among them was a full colonel. We were then 
christened the 99 Plymouth Pilgrims, and bore that nom de plume all through 
our prison experience. 

The authorities at Macon, under command of Howell Cobb, soon began 
building a stockade enclosing about three acres, which was finished on May 17th. 
The fence was of boards about twelve feet high with a foot walk for the 
guards near the top, and a picket fence on the inside twelve feet distant from 
the outer inclosure, which was designated the "dead line." To touch the picket 
fence meant death on the spot. On the afternoon of May 17th all the officers 
from Richmond arrived and were placed in the stockade. About 5 P. M. we 
were marched out around to the front gate of the stockade and placed therein. 
As we entered we beheld the spectacle of a thousand officers, who began crving, 



50 KilST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

"Fresh fish!" "Don't take their pocket books!" "Show them the officers' 
quarters !" etc. They were a motley looking crowd, smoked, dirty, half clothed 
and starved, none of them having the appearance of commissioned officers. 
In contrast, we were clean and bright and our clothing was in good trim, and 
we had our overcoats and blankets. We were indebted for this to the kindness 
of Gen. Hoke, who promised Gen. Wessels that our money and clothing should 
not be taken from us. On inquiry among the thousand fresh arrivals of officers, 
we found the Streight raiders, who had been prisoners for one year, and we 
could not find any that had not been prisoners for some months. In all we 
numbered about 1,130 men. 

We soon received about one hundred more recruits, who had been cap- 
tured in the Wilderness, arriving at the stockade about May 14th. They were 
regularly initiated, as was the custom with all new comers. We were now 
furnished with lumber and built sheds of a size to hold one hundred men each. 
A large warehouse stood in the center of the stockade, which was used for a 
hospital and for the shelter of the general officers. We soon formed a secret 
organization of about six hundred members, under the direction of Capt. Mc- 
Kibbon, U. S. A., for the purpose of devising and carrying out plans of escape. 
We commenced digging tunnels, and had four in progress, two completed and 
two nearly so, when they were discovered to our great disappointment and sor- 
row. We had several chaplains with us, one of whom prayed for Lincoln and 
was forbidden to do so again under severe penalty. On July 4th a Union lady 
had a flag smuggled into our camp which created great excitement. We sung 
the Star Spangled Banner, which so frightened the enemy at our enthusiasm 
and hilarity that they threatened to open on us with grape and canister. 
During the day we indulged in speeches, songs, the reading of the declaration 
of independence and other exercises, but were finally compelled to quiet down. 

About July 12th, fifty of the senior officers were taken to Charleston 
and placed under the fire of our own guns, which were located on Morris' 
Island. On July 27th six hundred of us, the writer among them, started for 
Charleston, S. C, leaving about nine hundred yet in the stockade. Among the 
six hundred were many who were in the secret organization that had planned to 
escape. We had planned to overpower our guards on the train at Pocotaligo, 
burn it, cut the wires and escape to Hilton Head, S. C, a distance of 27 
miles. But, alas ! for some reason the signal was not given and our plans failed 
entirely. We arrived at Charleston at 10 A. M., July 28th, and were placed 
in the jail yard on the 29th. The fifty officers who preceded us were exchanged 
among whom were Lieut. Col. A. W. Taylor, my first captain, Co. H, 101st 
Penna. Vols. 

We supposed we would soon be exchanged in like manner, but no such 
luck was destined for us. Shortly after this the balance of our men were 
brought from Macon and our entire number were distributed to the workhouse, 
the jail yard, Roper and Marine Hospitals, and a partial parole was given that 
we might receive better treatment. While in Charleston our rations consisted 
of corn bread with occasionally some bacon of very poor quality, and some 
rice. During the latter part of August speculators came among us and ex- 
changed Confederate money for drafts which we made upon friends, banks, 
or firms in the North. They gave five Confederate dollars for each dollar 
of the draft, the latter being payable in gold, the speculators taking the 
chances on the drafts being paid. The writer gave a draft for forty dollars 
and received two hundred in Confederate money, and lived high while the 
money lasted. Thousands of dollars in drafts were taken, but how many went 
North and were paid we never learned. My draft was not paid by my father, 
as the bank at Butler, Pa., believing the draft to be a forgery would not let 



SOUTHERN PRISON LIFE 57 

him pay it. Early in September the yellow fever broke out, but we escaped 
serious loss, tbe deaths from that cause being only nine out of about fourteen 
hundred men. 

On October [St we were removed to Columbia, S. C, and here our real 
suffering began. We were placed in an abandoned field four miles west of the 
city, a »uard placed around us and a dead line staked off with pins driven ; n the 
ground ten feet apart. 

We had no tents and not even a board or anything else to shelter us. Our 
clothing was worn out, our money all gone and our constitutions racked and 
shaken by the privations and exposure we had endured. Our rations were 
reduced to one tin cup full of corn meal and one gill of sorghum a day, with a 
little rice once a week. We had no meat and no vegetables and were deprived of 
salt. The weather grew cold and considerable rain fell, but strange to say we 
had little sickness in our ranks. The one blessing here was plenty of good clear 
water. 

The actual suffering experienced in this Camp Sorghum cannot be de- 
scribed, and would hardly be believed by the ordinary reader of to-day. We 
were taken out in squads under guard into the timber, where we cut out and 
carried into camp small saplings, limbs, brush, for tbe purpose of firewood and 
building such shelters as we could improvise from such materials. We opened 
the presidential campaign in our camp early in October and it became a red hot 
one from start to finish. Among our number were about two hundred who were 
for McClellan, the balance being for Lincoln. The Confederate officers sug- 
gested that we should hold an election, offering to have the results published in 
the Columbia papers. The election was held at the regular time in November, 
and McClellan had 167 votes, the balance, about 1,250, going for Lincoln, and 
the enemy would not publish the returns. 

We suffered in silence and soon learned that Lincoln had been elected, 
which cheered us up and increased our supply of nerve and grit, which was sadly 
depleted by our privations. On the morning of December 8th one hundred men 
were called out and placed on parole. On the morning of the 9th, one hundred 
more were called, and among them was the writer. The two hundred left camp, 
looking back upon our 1,200 comrades, who were left to longer endure the 
shameful hardships of the prison camp, perhaps doomed to a fate worse than 
anything we had seen in our own experience. We reached Charleston at 
10 A. M., December 10th, and at 4 P. M. were taken out on an English blockade 
runner called "Fly by Night," and delivered to one of our hospital ships imme- 
diately in front of Fort Sumpter, where we received some new underwear and 
plenty of good food. Later in the evening about six hundred enlisted men were 
brought on board. Such a scene of suffering and misery I never witnessed 
before and hope to never see again. They were almost as black as negroes, 
so weak and starved that their voices were nearly gone, and when they were 
counted in four dead lay on the gangway. The next morning fifteen were to be 
seen lying dead on the upper deck sewed up in army blankets. The pitiful moans 
and delirium of these men that night were heartrending. 

On the 1 2th we were placed on board the steamer "S. S. Crescent," bound 
for Annapolis, Md. On the way up we met Butler's famous fleet on its way to 
capture Fort Fisher. Our ship was hailed for news by the fleet. The replv was 
that Sherman's army was within five miles of Savannah. We then began to 
think that "God still reigned and the government at Washington still lived," and 
that the great civil contest would soon come to a close and that liberty would 
continue to enlighten the world. We arrived at Annapolis, Md., on December 
16th and were conducted to the paymaster's office where we were permitted to 
draw one month's pay. This done I proceeded to buy a new outfit of uniform, 



58 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

and then sought a bath and a barber, and by 10 A. M. I was so changed in appear- 
ance that I was hardly recognized by my comrades at the hotel, who had not yet 
cleaned up. 

On the 17th we reported at Camp Parole, Annapolis, and received leave of 
absence of thirty days, and returned to Pittsburg, arriving there on December 
19th. On the 21st I went by coach to Whitestown, Butler County, Pa., my home, 
from which I had been absent over three years. I got an extension of twenty 
days' leave, returning to Annapolis, Md., February 9th, 1865. I remained at 
Camp Parole and assisted in taking paroled prisoners to Columbus, Ohio, and 
on returning to Annapolis, March 6th, was ordered to Pittsburg for muster out. 
The Secretary of War refused to muster me as second lieutenant from the date 
of my appointment in December, 1863, my regiment having been consolidated, 
but there was then one vacancy of second lieutenant still open, and to this day I 
have never been recompensed for my service of over sixteen months as second 
lieutenant, and was mustered out as a private on May 15, '65, to date Dec. 17, '64. 
term of enlistment having expired October 7th, 1864, I have not complained of 
this treatment. The Union was saved and my life and health was preserved. I 
was not declared exchanged until after Lee's surrender, and under my parole of 
honor could not take up arms until I was declared regularly exchanged. 

Such devotion to a cause as was shown by those imprisoned with me was 
never before witnessed by men. We suffered nigh unto death many times and 
seldom was a murmur heard from our command. Devoted to the cause of the 
Union and the preservation of liberty, we followed our line of duty to the end, 
and then returned to our various walks in civil life and took up the work that 
came to us as the best and truest exemplification to be given of free American 
citizenship. 

John A. Reed. 

John A. Reed, Regimental Historian, an author of the above prison narrative, 
was born in Butler County, Penna., August 14, 1845. His boyhood days were 
those common to the sons of farmers in Butler County in ante-bellum days — a 
short term in the district school in winter and assisting his father on the farm 
the remainder of the year. His father having established a general store in a 
small village he entered it at the age of 15, as chief clerk, relinquishing his 
position October 7, 1861, to serve Uncle Sam. The history of the 101st PVnna. 
Regiment embraces his army career, for his identification with it was continuous 
from his enlistment, which was just three weeks subsequent to the preliminary 
organization of the Regiment, until its career as a militant force ended by the 
capitulation of the Plymouth garrison, April 20, 1864. Even the brief period he 
was detached, serving as an officer in another command, did not tend to break 
the intimate relations which had always existed between him and his first love. 
Since the war he has been a continuous resident of Pittsburgh, and identified 
with its activities, being first employed as salesman in a dry goods establishment. 
In May, 1866, he engaged in the agricultural implement and seed business; 
February 1, 1 87 1, he became an active partner in the agricultural implement and 
seed firm of Scobie, Reed and Smith, which was succeeded in 1879 by Reed and 
Smith, he being the senior member of the latter firm. In 1884 he became sole 
proprietor of the business, conducting it until 1888, when he disposed of it to 
become manager for Walter A. Wood Mower and Reaper Mfg. Co., in Western 
Pennsylvania. Eastern Ohio and West Virginia, from which he retired in Feb- 
ruary, 1894. For two years he threw off business cares, traveling a portion 
of the time, and having a predilection for the bar, studied Blackstone. On 
February I, 1896. he entered the Prothonotary's Office, of Allegheny County, and 
has been continuously identified with that office up to the present time. He 
ha« always been most active in keeping up the annual reunion and contributes his 



PRISON ESCAPE. 59 

full share in making the campfire program interesting and entertaining. Since he 
has been connected with the Prothanotary's Office, this point has been regarded 
as the headquarters of the 101st Regimental Association, and rarely does a 
surviving member of the Regiment visit Pittsburgh and neglect to call here and 
inquire about such matters as pertain to the Regimental Association and its 
members. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Escape From Florence Military Prison — Sergt. James Gilmore, Corp. John 
Sheaffer, Private George W. Bumbaugii, Jerome Sheaffer, of Co. 
A, and Private James Dunlap, 103D Regiment. By 
Private Bumbaugii. 

(From September 12, 1864, to November 14. 1864.) 

No large group of prisoners confined in Andersonville had so large a percentage, 
who were continuously, and repeatedly, planning and effecting their escapes. Many of 
them made three and four attempts before finally succeeding in reaching our lines. Th« 
disagreeable features of southern prison life was a constant stimulus to those confined 
to attempt escape. George W. Bumbaugh of Co. A relates an attempt which he and 
others made to return to the Federal lines. He says: 

"We left Andersonville prison the 12th day of September and arrived at Florence 
during the night of Nov. 14. The majority of us were reduced to mere skeletons and 
very few were clothed with any degree of comfort and many were bordering on nakedness, 
their condition being aggravated by vermin and filth. Our condition evoked the sympathy 
of the major in command of the prison at Florence, and he being short of supplies, made 
an appeal to the surrounding planters for provisions temporarily, and it was not long 
until their negro slaves had prepared for us the most nourishing meal we had had since 
we had been captives. Having no guard of any consequence, the major permitted us to 
roam around pretty much as we pleased. I once heard the major say, 'No guard is needed; 
they are too d — d weak to run away if they wished to do so.' 

"When we left the cars at Florence many of the men were so sick that as soon as 
they got out of the cars they lay down at the first comfortable spot they could find along 
the railroad. The following day, after our arrival, negroes began building a stock- 
ade, which we knew was intended for our future prison. The attention of the major 
being called to the condition of the sick, he replied, 'What can I do ? The only hospital 
we have here is now overcrowded with sick and wounded.' Some unoccupied, dilapidated 
stables were pointed out to him, and he said with feeling. 

" 'Take any stable you find unoccupied and do what you can to make them com- 
fortable, and I will render you all the aid I can.' 

"A barn, the property of a railroad engineer, was selected and among those assisting 
in getting it ready and looking after the sick were Sergt. James Gilmore, Corp. John 
Sheaffer, Private Jerome Sheaffer and myself, all of Co. A, 101st Regiment, and James 
Dunlap, of Co. G, 103d Penna. There were others whose names I have forgotten. By 
nightfall we had the sick all under cover on beds of clean straw. While this was a 
decided improvement over their former condition, little else could be done, as we had no 
medicine, and such food as we had bad little nourishment. In the course of three weeks 
with the exception of four, all had passed beyond pain and misery. Evidently the major 
in charge had too much heart for the position, for in the course of a few weeks he was 
superseded by a captain more of the type of our Andersonville jailer. The new com- 
mandant instituted a change immediately after he took control. The day after his arrival 
he made it obligatory on all the attendants at the stable hospital to sign a parole not to 
attempt to escape. The parole was such that, after discussing it among ourselves we 
decided that there was no such a thing as a Confederate government, and that there was 
no moral obligation on our part to observe it We had an intimation that we were to be 



go MIST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

removed to the stockade on Oct. 6, and about 9 P. M. of Oct. 5, seven of us left together, 
piloted by a negro, whose acquaintance we had made, and of whom we had made a 
confidant of our purpose. The party consisted of those already named, and the two others, 
whose names are forgotten, were from regiments of western states. We had equipped 
ourselves with a map of North Carolina and South Carolina. Sergt. Gilmore had a good 
watch, and a compass. We also were the possessors of a railroad guide, which gave the 
distance between railroad stations. Our negro guide, although illiterate, possessed more 
than average human intelligence and we found his advice very helpful. Uncle Pete, as 
we called him, had taught us to rub our feet and legs thoroughly with pine straw, shed 
from the trees in abundance everywhere throughout that southern country. This, he 
informed us, would kill the scent, and the dogs would not be able to trail us. Without this 
precaution we would have soon been inside the Florence stockade. Uncle Pete took the 
lead in the direction of the Great Pedee river, but having to stop frequently and repeat 
the rubbing process with the pine straw. Arriving at the river, and after we had been 
concealed some distance from the road, Uncle Pete imitating the noise of an owl brought 
the ferryman across, who, he had previously informed us, was his brother. We were 
kept in suspense while they held a prolonged conversation, when at a given signal, we 
moved to where they were, and were introduced to the brother. They had decided that 
it would not be best to cross the river that night, a decision in which we acquiesced very 
reluctantly. They found a camping place for us on the river bank more than a hundred 
yards from the road in a clump of small timber. Uncle Pete remained with us just 
long enough to make him return home in time not to have been missed. Although quite 
apprehensive because we had not the river between us and the enemy that was sure to 
follow us, tired nature came to our relief and we slept soundly until long after daylight, 
when, after breakfast, having nothing to do but await the coming night, we had ample 
time to discuss our future plans. Not altogether satisfied with our position, being on the 
south bank of the river, our discussion was brought to a halt about 11 o'clock by the 
baying of dogs, and in a short time they, and several horsemen, hove in sight and crossed 
the river. After sometime in an endeavor to get on our trail and failing, the party and 
dogs recrossed the river and returned to Florence, evidently concluding that we had taken 
some other direction. Shortly after they had disappeared the ferryman's daughter brought 
us a basket of provision, consisting of stewed chicken, corn bread, and sweet potatoes. It 
was a feast such as we had not enjoyed for many a day. It was freely and cheerfully given 
us by these humble black folk, without expectation of remuneration. From Gilmore's 
scanty exchequer a dollar greenback was handed the girl, which then was the equivalent 
of $8 in Confederate money. About 9 P. M. Uncle Pete's brother came after us, and took 
us across the river to his home, and gave us provisions and directions to reach the 

railroad. 

"We traveled quite a distance, using great caution at road crossings. When we struck 
the railroad we followed it in the direction of Wilmington. At one point we discovered 
ei«ht or ten men and boys on guard, but we eluded them by taking a circuitous route. We 
passed two small stations during the night, both well guarded, but we silently flanked 
them. Before the break of day we came to a knoll covered by a dense thicket of small 
timber, making an excellent haven for us to rest during the day, as it gave us a most 
excellent view of the railroad and the contiguous country. Here we found something to 
interest us; a fragment of a Charleston paper, issued the previous day, containing a brief 
account of our escape from Florence. We felt some slight relief from anxiety from the 
crude description it gave of us. We were pictured as desperate characters, villainous in 
appearance, etc., and a reward of $500 was offered for our capture and return to Florence. 
In eluding the guards at the various points along the route traveled absolute silence was 
preserved until we got some distance from where they were posted. After we bad passed 
the first group the silence was first broken by Gilmore, who remarked, 'This is getting 
quite interesting.' After hearing the description given us in the Charleston paper, and that 
a reward was offered for our return, he again ejaculated, 'This is getting more interesting.' 

•The weakened condition of one of the party, who was suffering from chronic 



PRISON ESCAPE. 61 

diarrhea contracted while confined in the Andersonville stockade, compelled us to travel 
slowly and make frequent halts. We also traveled in our bare feet so that the enemy 
could not hear our tramp. This compelled us to carry our shoes, in our hand or over 
our shoulders. At one of our halting places, Gilmore discovered after we had left it 
behind some distance, that he had left his shoes. He decided to let them go, and whether 
he wished or not, he was compelled to travel shoeless at all times in the future. 

"At about midnight of the third day after we left Florence, we came to where the 
railroad crossed the Little Pedee river. Here we found the sentinel on duty sound asleep. 
I was in the advance, and before I discovered him, I was so close to him I could have 
easily captured his gun had I thought it the wise thing to do. However, we were not in 
the capturing business at this time, and we were well satisfied to be permitted to go by, 
without any interference or delay. We had barely crossed the river when we heard a 
freight train approaching, causing us to hurriedly conceal ourselves in a strip of timber 
nearby. A short distance from here we met a negro with a dog who was on his way to 
see his wife, who lived on another plantation some distance away. This was Saturday 
night, after midnight, and after thoroughly sounding him we decided to trust him. We 
told him that we were escaping Yankees, and he told us that all the negroes were our 
friends. We accompanied him to the plantation on which his wife lived, her brother being 
the overseer. He found a place of concealment for us, when we reached the plantation, 
and then brought his brother-in-law, the overseer, to see us. The latter had brought with 
him a bottle of peach brandy, and even Gilmore, teetotaler as he was, did not refrain from 
indulging. He took us to one of the negro houses where the women were already busy 
preparing a sumptuous breakfast for us, consisting of ham, corn bread and sweet potatoes. 
No one but an escaping prisoner of war from Andersonville and Florence prisons could 
really know how appetizing this fare was. This overseer was one of the most intelligent 
negroes I ever met. He could read and write, self-tutored, and unknown to his master. 
He was a line specimen of the better grade of negro slaves, of an excellent physique, with a 
tendency to portliness. He gave us information that was quite encouraging. During the 
winter months the slaves of this plantation were sent to the coast to make salt at a point not 
more than thirty-five miles distant, on a straight line, from where we then were. He also 
told us that Federal cruisers frequently passed this point. We had our breakfast over, 
acquired all the foregoing information, and were concealed in a nearby thicket before 
day broke. This was Sunday, October 9, 1864, and this plantation was not far from 
where the railroad crosses the Little Pedee river. 

"Before noon the overseer brought a young negro and introduced him to us as 
Jake. He said Jake would accompany us to the coast, but after giving the matter some 
discussion it was decided that if we got beyond a certain point we could dispense with 
Jake. During the day the negroes of the plantation all visited us, each one bringing some- 
thing in the nature of provender. Shortly after sundown we again started on our journey 
to freedom. The overseer and Jake piloted us to a point on the Little Pedee river, where 
they had a boat in readiness for us. After giving us minute directions where to land, and 
the road to take after landing, we bade them adieu and started across the river. We went 
some distance beyond the point designated before landing, and we lost our bearings. 
However, we found a mill, the sole occupant being a negro. The latter soon put us at ease 
as he grinningly informed us that he knew whom we were, and that he had visited us the 
day before at the plantation. He found us a young negro, aged about 18 years, who accom- 
panied us until near daybreak and made us acquainted with some other friendly negroes. 
Although we were within 35 miles of the coast on Sunday, October 9, we did not succeed 
in reaching it until the following Sunday, October 16. We lay on the beach until the 20th, 
when, mistaking a Confederate blockade runner for one of our cruisers, the morning 
being foggy, we hailed it, and soon found ourselves again prisoners of war, and were 
put under the charge of Confederate escaped prisoners, who, as yet, had not succeeded 
in reaching their own lines. We innocently gave them information, that made them feel 
safe in landing at the point from which we had hailed the vessel. The blockade runner 
was named Armstrong, and the captain was quite nervous when he learned we were escaped 



62 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

prisoners, as he was sailing under a British flag, and to have been captured with Federal 
prisoners aboard, was liable to get him into serious trouble, even if he were not running 
the blockade. He was anxious to get rid of us at once, so the escaped Confederates, 
desirous of getting within their own lines, were pleased with the idea of landing and 
taking us with them. These men belonged to Morgan's command and had been captured 
near New Lisbon, Ohio, and had made their escape from Camp Douglas at Chicago. 
Their experience in prison caused them to sympathize with us in our discomfiture at being 
recaptured when so near freedom. They gave us to understand that it was only through 
a sense of duty as Confederate soldiers that they took us in charge. Had we been brothers 
to them, they could not have treated us with more kindness and consideration. They 
described to us their escape, how they made for Canada and thence to the Bermuda 
Islands, where they had boarded the Armstrong. They got us a good breakfast of ham 
and bread and secured a couple of wagons and took us to Conway, on the Waccamaw river, 
the seat of justice, Horry county, S. C. We traveled about 20 miles and reached there 
about 10 o'clock, and were quartered in the Conway jail. We arrived there October 20, 
and remained there until October 26. The jail was comfortable, in comparison with any 
experience we had enjoyed since our capture the previous April, and while we were sure 
we could have made our escape therefrom, we decided to bide our time and recuperate 
as much as possible before starting. Jerry Sheaffer was in no condition to travel, and he 
was receiving as good medical treatment as the town would afford. Our fare was good 
and we had friendly intercourse with the people, so that we really enjoyed our jailbird 
days, and it was with some little regret that we left the place. When we took our 
departure we were guarded by three men who were not capable of doing military service, 
being beyond the age requirements. They were armed with shotguns. From the start 
we felt that at any time we wished to leave them behind we could do so, but as the 
direction we were going was the same we would follow were we to make our escape, we 
decided to go with them to within a short distance of the railroad station, where they were 
to put us on the cars for Florence. We left Conway about o'clock Tuesday morning. 
October 26, and made 12 miles the first day, stopping in negro quarters at Privets planta- 
tion, the first night. The next day Jerry Sheaffer decided that he was not able to go 
farther and the guards permitted him to return to Conway with a mail-carrier who met us, 
as he was on his way there. That morning one of the guards decided that he was not 
needed to guard us and he returned to his home to do some neglected work. This pleased 
us, and we made no objection. It was the expectation of the guards to reach the railroad 
station the evening of the second day, but late that afternoon it began to rain, and we 
took shelter on the front porch of a house near the road. The rain continuing, the 
occupant, a lone widow, gave us a large room, with one bed, with other scant furniture, 
but with a comfortable and cheering log fire. Early in the evening one of the guards said 
if we didn't object he would lie down on the bed and take a rest. No objection being 
made, in a little while he was soon soundly asleep. Here, now, were three of us, with 
only two guards and one of them asleep. The two shotguns were btanding leaning on the 
end of the table, some distance from the guard who was awake. At 11 o'clock we decided 
it was time to go, and, when we let the guard know our intentions, he was very much 
frightened, thinking we would harm him or take him prisoner. But when we assured 
him that we had no such intention, that we intended making a short cut to the coast, he 
delivered up what ammunition they possessed and let us take our departure without making 
any outcry. In the meantime a negro had come to the house from a nearby plantation, 
and he, according to a promise made us, was waiting on the road to guide us past the 
station, and within an hour we were on the railroad heading for Elizabethtown, on the 
Cape Fear river, having passed Fair Bluff, 65 miles west of Wilmington. On the 31st dav 
of October— Hallowe'en — we killed a razor-back hog and had a feast. The next day, 
November 1, we passed through Elizabethtown, and crossed the Cape Fear river in a 
small boat, not making a halt until we had traveled eight miles after crossing the river. 
The next day, November 2, we crossed the Whiting river, tramping about 14 miles during 
the night. November 3, started as soon as it was safely dark and tramped all night 



DIARY OF MARCHES. 63 

en route for Clinton, N. C. in a heavy rain. November 4, we were surrounded and recap- 
tured, when we were within 8 miles of Clinton. Our captors treated us to a good dinner, 
and then took us to Clinton, leaving the latter place that evening for Warsaw. Before 
reaching Warsaw, Gilmore and Sheaffer made a break as we were passing a dense wood 
and succeeded in making their escape. They were successful in reaching the Federal 
picket line at New Bern, N. C, November 14, eating breakfast that morning in the camp 
of the 132d New York Regiment, after which they went to New Bern on board a train of 
cars. On the evening of November 15, they left New Bern on the Pilot Boy, arriving at 
Roanoke Island, November 16, where they reported at Regimental headquarters. The 
success that Gilmore and Sheaffer had in eluding the guards made the latter much more 
alert, and Dunlap and I had no opportunity open, even to make an attempt at escape, and 
were taken back to Florence via Wilmington. We were kept handcuffed together in the 
guardhouse of the Florence stockade until after they had examined the roll to see if we 
had escaped from there. We had taken the precaution to give fictitious names and regi- 
ments and when they failed to find our names on their lists we were given our freedom 
in the stockade. The first man I met in the stockade after my return whom I knew, was 
Comrade Jonas Walker, of my own company, who accosted me in the following terms: 

"My God, George! how did you get in here? Don't you know that you are sentenced 
to be shot?'' 

"He then informed me that after we had escaped, an order was read in prison that 
in the event of our capture we were to be shot without trial. Soon after my return to 
Florence, in November, 1864, 1,500 of the most feeble cases were released on parole. I at 
this time had a high fever and my feet were swollen from the effects of my tramping I was 
examined by the doctor, told to report at the gate, and signed my name to the parole as 
George H. Dunbar, Co. A, 85th New York. At this writing Comrade James Gilmore is 
living, in good health, on his farm, between Wilkinsburg and Turtle Creek, Pa., his post- 
office address being Turtle Creek in summer, and Wilkinsburg in the winter months. He 
has always been an active churchman, being an elder in the United Presbyterian Church, 
his oldest son, Charles Gilmore, being a minister in that denomination. Comrade Gilmore 
lives neighbor to two other comrades of Co. A, who served faithfully through the war, 
were captured at Plymouth and suffered the horrors of southern military prisons; John A. 
Dufif, and John A. Schaub, familiarly known to his comrades as Adam Schaup. At this 
writing, October, 1009, these two comrades are in the enjoyment of comparatively good 
health, and are comfortably situated on their own farms, acquired by industry and fru- 
gality, and are the peers of the best citizenship of the state of Pennsylvania." 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Diary of Marches of Wessells' Brigade. Published During the War. 

Author Unknown. 
(From March 28, 1862, to December 31, 1863.) 

The following diary giving in chronological order the marches and principal events 
in which Wessells' brigade participated during the first two years of its service was the 
property of Conrad Petsinger, Co. B, 103d Penna. Regiment, and before his death, was 
handed to his son, H. W. Petsinger, of Pittsburgh, Pa., along with a flag that possesses an 
unique history. 

A large detachment of Co. B, 103d Regiment, came from Sugar Creek Township, 
Armstrong County, and among this group were the teacher, James M. Carson, and several 
pupils of the Blaney School, situated about 12 miles northwest of Kittanning. Shortly 
after this detachment reached the rendezvous camp (Camp Orr, Kittanning, Pa.), the 
young ladies of the school made a flag and presented it to Co. B. This flag was made by 
hand, and when the flag was presented to the Company, the pupils of the school and their 
parents brought their wagons and buggies loaded with eatables and served the company 



64 L01ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

with an excellent dinner. The flag was put in the care of the former teacher, Corp. J. M. 
Carson, who died in Andcrsonville prison. When Plymouth was captured, Corp. Carson 
concealed the flag around his body and carried it to Andersonville, where it was buried for 
safekeeping. Before his death, Carson entrusted it to Conrad Pctzinger, who, when paroled, 
concealed it around his body and brought it to his home. A cut of the flag appears in this 
volume. 

I In- author of the diary is unknown, It was published in pamphlet form, and the 
copy in the possession of Petsinger was minus the front cover, which evidently gave the 
name of th • authcr. It is reproduced here exactly as it appeared in the pamphlet, without 
any elimination, addition or editorial change. 
March, 1862. 

28. Left Washington City, and marched to Alexandria, Va., a distance of ten miles. 

29th. Marched about two miles from Alexandria and pitch our tents 

30th. March back to the city, and went on board steam boats for the night. 

Itlst. Started for Fort Monroe on board the boats. 

April 1st. Passed the Mount Vernon estate, on the banks of the Potomac; arrived 
in the Chesapeake Hay. 

2d. Landed at Fortress Monroe, and encamped at some Cavalry barracks for the 
night. Part of the Brigade landed at Newport News, on the James River. 

M. Marched through Hampton city, which was burnt by the Rebels at the com- 
mencement of the war; only a few houses were standing. Arrived at Newport News about 
5 p. m. and encamped. 

16th. l.ell New port News and marched towards Vorktown and passed by Warwick 
Court House, which is quite a small place containing about half a dozen houses. The court 
house is a very small building and one of tin- oldest in the I*. S. The weather was very 
warm and a large number of overcoats, blankets, etc., were thrown away on this march, of 
about '-'it miles, and encamped at night with another part of tlu- army in some pine woods. 

17th. Marched to camp Winlield Scott a short distance from Vorktown, could hear 
the firing there quite plain; this camp was situated among some young pines, was very 
marshy ami wet, and a large number of the troops suffered from sickness. We remained 
here until the 3d of May, during which time we were chiefly employed at road making, for 
the land on the Peninsula is most all sand and swamp with here and there a mini hole for 
variety. We improved these roads by falling pine logs across them and thus making them 
corduroy roads, but the ground was so sandy and wet, and all the provisions for the army 
being transported over them, they were soon invisible in places. There was scarcely a stone 
to be seen here or on the whole Peninsula and the water we had to drink was very much 
the same as that in swamps, and sometimes had to drink the swamp water itself, almost 
as black as ink. During the time we were at this camp we were called up in line of battle 
once or twice every night, in expectation of being attacked from Vorktown, for at night 
the most tiring seemed to be done. 

May 3d. The Rebels evacuated Vorktown 

4th. The Brigade was ordered with one day's rations in pursuit ami marched to a 
large fort of the Rebels, near Vorktown ; halted a short time, then inarched forward about 
:i miles and encamped for the night. Wc had brought no clothing except what we chanced 
to have on, as we expected to return again night, so we built tires and lay down by them 
till morning, when it began to rain. 

5th. Was wet from morning till night. The roads were cut up and muddy beyond 
description, for during the past 24 hours the whole Rebel army and most of our own had 
passed over them. Commenced marching early in the morning and soon beard the roar of 
cannon in advance, occasionally passed a broken-down army wagon, a dead horse, or a 
cannon or two stuck fast in the mud which was about knee deep. About 3 o'clock p. m. we 
Bint into a large field near Williamsburg and bad the satisfaction of being shelled by the 
rebels till dark without a chance of returning the compliment, for so many of our own men 
were in our front that we could not tire without danger to them. As night fell bring ceased 
on both sides ami a more miserable night than the one succeeding the battle of Williamsburg 
was not spent by us during the whole campaign, for we were wet through, had lived three 
days on one days rations, bad no blankets or overcoats to keep us warm, ami dare not light 
a lire for fear of being shelled. After remaining in this position about two hours orders 
were given to light tires and shortly after beef was issued to the troops — it was some we 
had captured that day from the rebels, but it tasted of garlic bad enough to poison a French- 
man, and although we were hungry enough to eat a roasted dog we could not eat this, so 
there was nothing to do but wait till morning. To sleep was impossible, as it rained con- 
tinuallv. 

6th. Remained near the battle field all day while men were sent back to bring rations 
for the army on the pack mules, the roads being impassable for wagons, and never were 



DIARY OF MARCHES. 05 

"hard tacks" more thankfully received; they had been selling the night before at "two for 
5 cents" and this morning could not be had at any price. 

7th. Marched through the battle-field and saw men and horses lying dead in all 
directions, nearly all appeared to have been killed by rifle shots as very little artillery was 
used on account of the difficulty of bringing heavy guns into position. Our cavalry brought 
in several prisoners and a large number of contrabrands. The latter seemed very much 
pleased at being among the "yankees" but were rather astonished that we had no horns on 
our heads, as ' massa" had told them. 

10th. Left Williamsburg and marched !l miles, the roads still very muddy, and passed 
several cannon that were spiked and left behind by the rebels. The part of country we 
encamped in at night seemed more fertile than any we had yet seen on the Peninsula, and 
Gen. Casey's Division seems to have been the first that marched that road as the negroes 
said we were the first soldiers they had seen. We remained at this camp until the l-'Uh, 
when we were marched 12 miles and encamped near New Kent Court house. We were 
seventeen hours on this march on account of the bad condition of the roads, and passed 
several spiked cannons and broken down rebel army wagons. 

Next day, the 1 1th, we were sent on picket near New Kent and remained till the 17th, 
during which time it rained almost continually. The land around here was the same flat, 
sandy, swampy, sickly, muddy looking country that we had seen since landing at Ft. Monroe. 

17th. .Marched 9 miles in direction of Chickahomany River, In these marches we 
sometimes passed by a line looking house and plantation, but for one of these we saw twenty 
little huts belonging to the poor whiles. These huts would be in the pine woods where th< 
owner had cleared from 1 to '■> acres of land planted with corn and sweet potatoes, and 
looked as we passed, with his family around him, the picture of misery and ragedness. This 
night we encamped at a placed called the White I louse, the residence of Gen. Lee, then in 
the rebel army but not the Commander-in Chief. We encamped here until the 19th, during 
which time most of us received our knapsacks which had been left at Yorktown. Until now 
we had been standing the weather without any shelter 

L9th. After marching 1.'! miles we encamped in a place unto which 1 believe no name 
was ever given, and did picket duty until the 21st, and then marched to within a short 
distance of the Chickahomam River 

22d. Gen, Casey's Division crossed the Chickahomany and encamped at Fair Oaks, 
and went at throwing up breastworks and forts and slashing timber in our front. Our camp 
was situated in a clearing of several hundred acres surrounded by pine woods (with a road 
running through to Richmond) in which our pickets and the rebels were stationed a short 
distance from each other. Each of Gen. Casey's Brigades erected their own fortifications, 
and were commanded by Brigadier Generals Negley, Wessells, and Palmer. Gen. Wessels 
had been lately appointed commander of the 2d Brigade in place of Gen. Keitn. 

On Saturday, the .'(1st, Casey's Division fought the battle of Fair Oaks, and as every 
soldier sees the battle different from the next, owing to the place he stood, and is confident 
that the way he saw it is right. I shall leave each to tell his own story and have his opinion. 
Each of Gen. Wessells' Regiments lost about 100 men, killed and wounded, and the loss of 
the Division was 1,500. The battle continued nearly 3 hours. The rebels were commanded 
by Gen. Longstrect, and estimated to be from 30,000 to 40,000 strong while Gen. Casey had 
not 6,000 men lit for duty when the engagement commenced. The night after the battle 
marched back about 2 miles, and having lost all our camp baggage and clothing (except 
what we wore in battle) had to try to sleep as best we could without them, in the rain. All 
night troops inarched past us towards Fair Oaks. 

Next morning, June 1st, the cannons began to roar in the direction of our old battle 
ground and were succeeded by musketry as the troops got to close quarters. The engage- 
ment lasted all morning and ended by the rebels being driven back to the front of Richmond, 
with a loss, in the 2 clays' fighting, of 10,000 men killed and wounded, according to their 
estimate. 

Although our former position was now unoccupied by the enemy we never more 
encamped there, but remained at Savage station until the 5th, when we marched back to 
White Oak Swamp, but owing to the several days' rain the roads were almost knee deep 
with mud, and having to wade through three streams of water more than 3 feet deep we 
arrived at the place we were to encamp wet through, had to blankets or tents, and not one 
in twenty had a change of clothing. Our camp was situated in the pine woods where we 
remained, in the same condition in which we arrived, until the 10th, when we received a 
new supply, but very many of the men had died from exposure and many more were sick. 
We worked most every day at slashing timber, throwing up breastworks or doing picket 
duty. 

25th. The seven days' battles commenced today, and were fought as follows: 25th, 
Mechanicsville; 26th, Peach Orchard; 27th, Savage Station; 28th, Aliens Field; 29th White 
Oak Swamp; 30th, Glen Dale; 1st, Malvern Hill. 

28th. Evacuated White Oak Swamp and crossing a branch of the Chickahomany 
encamped 3 miles from it. 



66 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

29th. Commenced our march towards James River, while out of each regiment one 
or more companies accompanied by a squad of cavalry and some artillery were sent on 
picket to guard the different fords in direction of Long Bridge and had several skirmishes 
with the enemy. One company of the 96th N. Y. was surrounded and taken prisoners, while 
the others after severe marching joined their regiments at Malvern Hill, where the whole 
"Army of the Potomac" was stationed; Gen. McClellan's headquarters being at a farm 
house on the James River. 

July 1st. About noon the battle of Malvern Hill commenced, and ended at dark by 
the enemy being driven back with heavy loss, while the gunboats threw shells after them 
at intervals through the night. After the battle we marched towards Harrison's Landing 
but the mud was very deep and the roads much cut up by wagons and artillery. Remained 
on picket all night as we expected the rebels to advance but all was quiet. 

2d. We marched nearer to the Landing, the roads still very muddy, and went on 
picket at night. 

3d. Remained on picket till dark and then marched into Harrison's Landing. Such 
a scene as the roads and fields presented from about a mile to the Landing is but seldom 
seen, even in war ; wagons stuck fast in the mud and set on fire, barrels of beef, pork, rice, 
coffee, etc.. cut up and the contents strewed around, while everywhere there seemed to be 
dead mules and horses (some had drowned in the mud and those that stuck fast bad been 
killed), and every kind of army tent had been thrown upon the road and tramped into the 
mud until they were invisible. 

4th. Today was our first at Harrison's Landing and we were inspected by Gen. 
McClellan. but what he saw of us except mud is bard to say. Each regiment cheered him 
loudly, as he came to them, for (in spite of the late retreat) he was the most popular general 
in the army with the soldiers. 

Mb We were inspected by President Lincoln. 

Harrison's Landing was a natural fortification, being an elevated tract of land about 
7 miles in circumference and surrounded by swamps on the land side and the James River on 
the other. We fortified the place till it was considered impregnable on the land side, and 
the gun boats protected the other. 

14th. The whole army was paid at the same time, for two months, and the Sutlers 
had a fine time at money-making as the following was about their prices ; Butter 60 cents, 
cheese 40c, eggs 75c, lib. loaf bread 25c, and everything in proportion, and Sutlers' tents were 
crowded from morning till night, Sundays not excepted. 

The weather was now very warm and we drilled each day, often had division drill. 
Gen. Peck being our Division Commander (in place of Gen. Casey who resigned shortly 
after the battle of Fair Oaks) would drill us on the double-quick on the very hottest days, 
and in every drill several men would fall down exhausted, and by the time the drill was 
over the others were but little better. It was very easy for an officer on horseback to give 
the order to double-quick, but for the men to do it with tight belts and heavy guns was a 
different affair. While here we went on picket, threw up breastworks, and drilled nearly 
every day, and in this way passed the long summer days while on the Peninsula 

August 16th. Our knapsacks being put on board a boat we started in light marching 
order towards Fort Monroe, a distance of about 60 miles, and march 17, near the bank of 
the lames River. The weather was fine but too hot for marching, as a great dust is always 
raised by an armv in motion. Though everything was carefully guarded when we advanced, 
now scarcely anything was, and everything in the shape of fruit, vegetables, etc., was con- 
sidered public property. The corn was just getting ripe and when we came to a field of it 
there was a general "pitch in" for roasting ears, which we would cook at our next halting 
place. The field we encamped in this night was about 100 acres of corn and by morning 
was worthless to its owner, the ears having been roasted and the stalks cut down to sleep 
upon and such was generally the fate of cornfields on that march. 

' 17th. Commenced marching at daylight, passed through Charles City, and crossed the 
Chickahomany on pontoon bridges. This river is a mere stream 10 miles from its mouth, 
but the swamps it ran through made it difficult to cross. Water was very scarce on this 
march and dust verv plentiful (almost suffocating), and hung on the trees and bushes by 
the roadside not far' unlike snow. Gen. McClellan and staff passed us today. Me marched 
26 miles, and were 13 hours on the road. 

18th. Passed through Williamsburg, which before the war had a population of 1,600 
or 1,800, Inn most of the citizens had taken their "black jewels" and fled before we took 
possession. We passed over the old battle ground, and a few trees cut by the shells (and 
scattered graves over which the grass had grown) was all that remained of the great 
struggle. Having marched today 16 miles we encamped, and remained the next day. 

20th Passed through Yorktown, on the banks of the York River, which contained 
only a few houses and they verv old. The land around is broken and irregular, affording 
splendid fortifications for besieged forces. In the town is a small stone monument upon 
the spot where Cornwallis surrendered his sword to Washington, and some of the fortihca- 



DIARY OF MARCHES. 67 

tions thrown up at that time are yet in existence. We marched a short distance from the 
town and encamped for a few days. 

34th. Left Vorktown and marched to Fort Monroe, to arrive at which after living 
4 months on the Peninsula seemed like coming out of a wilderness into a second land of 
Canaan. While on the Peninsula there was nothing but government rations and such things 
as the sutlers carried with them, and many had not tasted a loaf of bread from leaving till 
returning to this place. It was pork, coffee and crackers; crackers, coffee and pork, the 
whole time, and we were well tired of it. 

Fort Monroe is a great market for all kinds of fruit, etc., and provisions are as 
cheap as at Washington city. Our knapsacks which we had placed on the boat were sunk 
in the James River and were the third ones for some of us to lose, and though lost by no 
fault of ours were changed to our account and cost some of us four months' wages. Re- 
mained here nearly a month and were allowed to recruit up some, as we were pretty well 
worn out when we arrived. We drilled often enough, but as Gen. Peck's headquarters were 
at Yorktown, and he could not operate upon us personally, we were drilled reasonably. 

September 18th. Left Fort Monroe by water and went to Norfolk, and from there 
by cars to Suffolk. The land between the latter two places is chiefly swamp — the Dismal 
Swamp. Upon our arrival we found ourselves again under command of Gen. Peck, and 
were at once put to drill, and to dig rifle pits and forts. 

23d. Started at 5 p. m., with three days' rations, on a reconnoissance to Blackwater, 
and marched all night. The roads were very sandy, and we occasionally came to a mud 
hole which we had to cross in single file on a board or fallen tree, which delayed us very 
much. By daylight we were at a church two miles beyond Carrsville (19 miles from 
Suffolk), where we ate our breakfast and then marched to the banks of the Blackwater, 
opposite Franklin. The enemy's pickets retreated before us and crossed the river, artillery 
firing was kept up nearly two hours ; then we fell back a short distance, made a flank move- 
ment to the left, and attempted to cross at another point. The rebels had sharpshooters on 
the opposite bank and several of our men were wounded — our artillery was then brought 
up and fired for some time. We then marched back to Carrsville, early next morning 
threw a few more shells at them, and returned to Suffolk, which we reached on the 26th. 
On this march everything in the shape of poultry, etc., was considered as belonging to the 
first to catch them, and the way in which our boys hunted up drinkables would have done 
credit to a detective police officer. Our time here was spent much in this manner : Went 
on picket at 9 a. m., would be relieved next day at that hour, and would return to camp, 
clean our guns, and do what we pleased for the remainder of the day unless Brigade or 
Division drill was ordered; and next morning there would be fatigue or camp guard, and 
a fellow was considered lucky if he was not put on one of these. Picket duty was the 
hardest of any, as the picket line was situated in a thick pine wood and we had no shelter 
to go under if it rained or to sleep in at night, nor were tires allowed to be kept burning 
after dark as it showed the enemy our position and guerrillas could creep up and shoot us 
by the light. Generally four men were stationed at a post with orders for two to stand 
guard while the others slept, and relieve each other during the night ; to keep a bright look 
out for the "officer of the day," salute him if he came in the day, but if at night to make him 
"dismount, advance and give the countersign." Instructions were to shoot everything of a 
suspicious looking character, outside the line, and this order was the cause of "sudden 
death" tn many sheep, hugs and steers, of the Southern Confederacy, that were enjoying a 
night ramble; and converted Ihem into steak. 

We had to form a line of battle every morning before daybreak and stand so an 
hour or more, till our hands were nearly froze to the guns. We could never see the use of 
doing thus, and the opinions expressed about it (and about a certain man, then high in 
command), were very amusing, especially if the morning was extra cold. 

During the month of October we went to Blackwater twice, with a few regiments, 
and upon returning others would be in motion for the same place; and though some of 
these expeditions had heavy skirmishing and others did nothing the object of causing the 
"rebs'' to keep a large force there was accomplished. 

Nov. 7th. Snow fell a few inches deep, remaining but a short time, and the only 
snow we saw this winter. 

17th. At 4 p. m. Gen. Wessells' Brigade, and most of the other troops, started on 
an expedition to Blackwater, taking along two pontoon bridges to cross the river on; and, 
march all night, came in sight of the river on the morning of the 18th, when we commenced 
shelling the rebels from its banks, and part of the forces were sent lower down to throw 
the pontoons across and move over, but only a few crossed before the bridge broke and (the 
other pontoon being too short) we were compelled to return to Suffolk without doing any- 
thing more, and this was our last visit to Blackwater. 

Dec. 5th. Our brigade left for North Carolina, but it rained all day and the mud 
was about knee deep ; the country was low and sandy, and we were very tired at night — 
having marched 23 miles. 



68 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

fith. Was as muddy as its predecessor (if possible, a little more), but there was 
nothing to do bul march through it, and enquire of every darkey bow far it was to Gates 
ville? and their answer invariably was "Right smart of a distance, sab!" whether 20 miles 
or 2, In the afternoon \\c arrived at Gatesville, quite a small village, and encamped for 
the night. 

Tib. Marched 2% miles and went cm board boats on the Chowan River, proceeded 
down Albemarle Sound, past Roanoke Island, up Neuse River and landed at Newbern on 
the 10th, but had scarcely got >>n shore when we were ordered to cook three days' rations 
and prepare for marching. 

11th. Began to march. Inwards Kinston, through turpentine farms, and sometimes 
passed cleared farms, but they, "like angel's visits," were "few and far between." The dis- 
tance marched today estimated at 16 miles. 

12th. On the march all day, but as we went first in one direction and then in another 
the distance accomplished was not ascertained. The 3d N. V. Cavalry brought in about 
a do en prisoners, 

l.'lth. Cautiously moved forward, had a skirmish, artillery fired almost continually, 
and encamped at night near enough to the rebels to hear them speaking to each other. Cur 
pickets an I theirs were but a short distance apart, and we expected a battle at daybreak. 

lltb Battle of Kinston look place, and was the greatest battle ever fought in North 
Carolina. Willi the exception of Wessells' Brigade the troops most engaged were Mass., 
chusetis Regiments; the 9th N. J. and 10th Conn, also taking an active part. Of the brigade 
the regiment most engaged was the 103d Penna. Thev charged upon the enenn and drove 
them back at several points, but lost upwards of 80 men killed and wounded. The .si.*ith, 

92d and 96th V \\, and the 85th and 101st Penna. Reenncnis were also engaged, but their 
loss was not so heavy, The entire loss of the brigade was llo killed and wounded. The 
enemy was driven back at all points, and lost lion pus. -mis and a large quantity of stoics 
In tin' afternoon wc entered Kinston. a very pretty town, and by the appearance of things 
wc wire very unexpected visitors. Quite many of the citi/ens were still there hut the 
majority had fled; many of the stores seemed as if just deserted, everything being left 
behind even to the money in the drawers; tobacco was here in great quantities, and was 
appropriated by the boys without much question as lo its former owner; and a large lot 
of clothing for the rebel army was also captured lure 

We this day lost Colonel Gray, of the 96th N. V. \'. His regiment was the first to 
arrive at tin' bridge which the rebels had crossed and set on lire. Several old muskets weir 
left to burn with it, and one of them exploding shot him dead; be was quite a young officer 
and very much respected by the whole brigade 

15th. Recrossed the Neuse, burnt the bridge, and inarched towards Goldsboro, De- 
pending chiefly upon the country through which we passed for our supplies, men were sent 
out to capture all the hogs, sheep and cattle they could find within live miles of US. 

16th, Rattle of Whitehall was fought; commencing early in the morning it was 
continued till evening, when the enemy was driven back with much loss to Goldsboro. 

17th, Rattle of Goldsboro, in which the enemy were again defeated, and driven across 
the Neuse River into the town. We then burnt the bridge and tore up the railroad track. 
Towards evening their forces, under Gen. Pettigrew, come out to attack us again, but, after 
a sharp engagement, were driven back with heavy loss. The object of the expedition being 
accomplished we marched back S miles, which with the S we advanced in the morning made 
for the day a total of Pi miles 

18th, Having marched 20 miles wc encamped at nearly midnight, in a cornfield near 
Kinston. 

19th. Passed Kinston and encamped 6 miles from it on a different road from that 
we advanced on. 

20th. .Arrived within II miles of Newbern. 

'Jlst. Returned to Newbern. crossed the Trent River, and encamped. Newbern is 
situated upon the confluence of Neuse and Trent Rivers, and before the war exported large 
quantities of turpentine, rosin, etc.. and contained about 7,000 inhabitants, very few of whom 
now remain (their "seccsh" proclivities having procured them a conveyance beyond our 
lines). It is one of the most ancient towns in the state, but has but few line buildings, and 
the Gaston House is the only hotel. 

Februarj T. L863, was pay-day in camp and "Uncle Sam" professed to pay four 
months' pay of the seven due. hut upon stepping up to receive our "greenbacks" we were 
informed that the knapsacks lost tat the battle of Fair Oaks and White Oak Swamp and 
by Government transportation from Harrison's Landing) must be paid for by us, and 
amounted to about $45 each man, which left us. on the average, $7 for four months' wages. 

March 7th. An expedition (consisting of the 101st and in:! Penna, Vols, and a Com- 
pany of the 3d N. V. Cav.1 was sent into Hyde county, to break up a hand of guerrillas. We 
landed on the 9th at Swan Quarter, a small village near the coast, marched 14 miles on the 
north side of Mattimaskeet Lake, burnt up the guerrilla captain's house, and took all the 



DIARY OK MARCHES. 69 

liorses that were of any value to serve in our cavalry instead of in that of the rebels. The 
country was the richest we had yet seen in the southern states, and, considering that most 
of the work was done by slaves, was very well cultivated. We encamped at night opposite 
some deserted breastworks of the rebels, and having captured large quantities of hams, 
chickens, etc., during the day, began cooking them. All the pots, pans and kettles of the 
neighborhood were pressed into service, and many who lost their chickens were obliged to 
lend their utensils to cook them in, which must have been very pleasant to the feelings of 
the "Chivalry." 

We were aroused about midnight by firing at the picket line, but it turned out to be 
caused by an old one-eyed man whom we took prisoner and carried to Newbern. 

His story was that he and his son had been out to shoot bears, that they knew nothing 
of our being there, until they were fired into by our pickets, and that his son had got "right 
smart of scared" and had "skiddaddled," leaving his gun behind; this might all be true, 
but it is most likely that the "hear" they were after was one of Uncle Sam's "two-legged 
ones." 

Huh. Marly in the morning we cooked and eat the remainder of our chickens and 
then continued our onward march. Every man and burse we found was taken along — the 
horse for his usefulness, and the man to keep him out of mischief. We captured about 50 
prisoners today, and a more honey, lank, lantern-jawed set could scarcely be found, and 
we took so many horses, nudes, oxen, carts, carriages, etc., that we were almost all mounted 
Infantry. Negroes, with all the goods they could collect, left "ole massa'' to come with us; 
sometimes in whole families, with the "picaninnies" strapped to their backs, and most of 
the captured ox-carts were given to the women and children to ride in. It rained all day 
and the roads were very muddy, but this was a slight annoyance for we were wet through 
and muddy as possible, so we splashed along without any regard to either, knowing we were 
as bad off as we could be — a kind of philosophy soldiers arc often brought to believe in. 
Distance marched today was 15 miles. 

11th. Onward still, and a better country than this for forage could not be found, and 
certainly none of the "starvation of the South" was known here, for this was a "land of 
milk and honey," though there was no way for us to get the latter but by lifting the hive 
and taking it out with the bayonet, and the way the bees came out and stung made the 
"darkies" turn up the whites of their eyes, for they were often put to the work. 

We passed the plantation of Judge Donald, one of the largest slave owners in that 
section. He formerly owned (inn and had 400 at this time but a large number followed 
us, and many carts and oxen were pressed into service from this place. At night we reached 
Swan Quarter, with about 80 prisoners and 150 horses and oxen which we had taken, having 
marched 'Jli miles, and remained till the 13th. 

18th. Our prisoners had to either take the oath to Uncle Sam or go to Newbern as 
prisoners; most of them took it and were turned loose, but the most suspicious were taken 
to Newbern, with the one-eyed man already mentioned. We now embarked on the boat, 
and took along the most valuable of our captured property. 

14th. Arrived at Newbern and went to our old camp. 

April 4th. Went on an expedition towards Little Washington, for the purpose of 
breaking the blockade and relieving Gen. Foster, who, with a small force, was hemmed in 
by the rebels. 

5th. Arriving in Pamlico River towards night we saw a rebel battery on the left 
bank, our gun-boats opened lire upon it which was immediately returned and kept up for 
about two In mis when the battery ceased firing, some of our men then landed and found 
it deserted; other batteries were further down the river but our force was too small to 
proceed s,> we put hack for Newbern, where we arrived on the 7th. 

During our absence the rebels attacked fort Anderson with a determination to take 
it, but the garrison within, the 92d N. Y. Vols., were fully determined to hold it. The tents 
inside were riddled and the fort sustained considerable damage, so the rebels ceased to 
fire and sent in for a surrender but the Colonel was too old a soldier to see it in that light 
and sent word to that effect. The rebels again opened fire, but soon bursting their biggest 
gun gave up the attempt. 

7th. After dark we were taken across the Neusc, to attempt to reach Little Wash- 
ington by land; our force consisting of 15 regiments of infantry, 3d N. Y. Cavalry and a 
battery or two of artillery. 

8th. Began to move early in the morning, Gen. Spinola commanding, through a tur- 
pentine farm country. These seem to be the most miserable kind of farms in the world, 
for the pine woods are dark and gloomy, the houses are miserable buildings and in places 
miles away from other dwellings, and very few of the people can read or write. The roads 
were bad as usual and after marching over them 14 miles, through mud-holes, etc., we 
encamped for the night. 

9th. Before any order was given to get up, or cook breakfast, we heard "fall in!" 
and in we fell and marched forward. It was a pretty general opinion throughout the 
brigade, the day before, that Gen. S. knew but very little and today the boys concluded that 



TO 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

he knew nothing at all About noon we came upon the enemy's pickets near Swift (or 
Blount) Creek, and drove them back. Artillery tiring was kept up on both sides for about 
and hour and we had several men killed and wounded, and we expected the order to advance 
but "Retreat !" was what we heard. When marching back we passed our "Leader" in the 
same place where we left him when we advanced, which was about a mile back of the 
position where the tiring took place. We have had some hard marches since joining the 
army but, in point of time, this beat all, as we marched 9 miles in two hours and the mud 
in some places was knee deep. We had not been allowed time to cook either breakfast or 
dinner ami the report was that the rebels were following close in our rear, but in spite of 
this and all orders to keep in ranks some of the boys would fall out to make a cup of 
coffee. The lires they made would spread and ignite the tosin and turpentine on the pines, 
the flames running quickly to the highest branches, and from these to other trees till the 
whole forest seemed on fire, and sometimes the burning trees would fall with a crash upon 
the road we had just passed over. We were very tired when we halted at night, having 
marched 30 miles and not eat anything. So much for the generalship of Gen. S. 

10th. Passed New Hope school house and arrived at Newbern, having marched 11 
miles. 

18th. Again on the road, for Little Washington, under command of Gen. Wessells. 
We marched from Fort Anderson shortly after daybreak, and finding upon our arrival at 
Swift Creek that the enemy had abandoned their position here we encamped for the night, 
25 miles from Newbern. 

19th. Captured some half a dozen prisoners and encamped at night near Wash- 
ington. 

20th. Marched through Washington, a pretty little town, built on some rising land 
near Tar River. The siege had caused some suffering, from want of provisions, and the 
niggers came to us begging for hard tack. 

We stopped around the town till next day, when we went into Fort Washington 
and remained until the 26th and then started on our return to Newbern. During our stay 
at Washington all citizens had to take the oath to the United States or go over the lines 
to "Jeff." 

27th. Returned to Newbern and remained 8 days. 

May 5th. Left on board steamboats. 

6th. Arrived in Plymouth, N. C. It was taken possession of by our troops nearly 
at the commencement of the war, but on the morning of the 10th of December, 1862, the 
rebels drove in our pickets and came into the town with infantry, artillery, and cavalry, 
occupied the place long enough to burn and destroy the largest and finest portion of the 
town and then evacuated it. Its former population was about 2,000 white and black. It is 
situated near the mouth of the Roanoke river and was a place of some importance, but 
now its glory has departed. Plymouth is one of the most sickly places in which we have 
yet encamped, — scarcely a man in the whole Brigade escaped the fever and ague during 
the summer and fall of 1863, and though abated at this time still it finds a victim occasionally. 

July -5th. Four regiments of the brigade went on an expedition to Williamston ; two 
by way of Gardner's bridge, and two by way of the river on the gun-boats. After working 
our way up the Roanoke all night we were but 12 miles from Plymouth by morning and 
had 20 more to go. This river is the crookedest to be met with, and we were constantly 
running into the hanks in attempting to turn the bends. The land along the river is mostly 
low and swampy, and owing to a freshet was then covered with water. About once in 
4 miles was as often as we saw a habitation of any kind, but passed one large plantation 
where the negroes came to the river bank clapping their hands and singing, while the 
juvenile darkies stood upon their heads. Most of these slaves seemed to be women and 
children, the men having probably escaped into our lines or been sent into the interior for 
safety. 

6th. In the evening we came in sight of Williamston on the left of the river, and 
it seemed to be a pretty village. Some few rebel soldiers were visible and shells were 
thrown at them, hut they soon got out of sight. 

Time was given for the citizens to remove out of the bombardment and at 9 p. m. 
the gunboats opened their fire upon the town, and we saw the shells go crashing and 
bursting through the houses, which were soon on fire; still the boats poured in their shells, 
firing about 15 guns every 6 minutes. We expected the "rebs" to return the fire but they 
did not, and it soon became evident that the Chivalry had fled. One gun every 5 minutes 
was fired till morning, when we landed and marched up to the town but found no enemy. 

7th. Returned to Plymouth. 

26th. Marched to Gardner's Bridge. 

27th. Proceeded to Foster's Mills, burnt them and returned as far as Jameston at 
night. Very wet day. 

28th. Returned to Plymouth, but as it rained continually mud and water was rather 
too plentiful. 



DIARY OF MARCHES. 71 

Small expeditions have since been sent out, containing detailed men from their 
regiment, which would be neither useful nor interesting to record. 

September 20th. A small expedition went to Currituck county, destroyed some rebel 
salt-works, and returned on the 84th. 

October 3d. The brigade was paid 4 mouths' wages. 

December 17th. We were again paid, by Maj. Crane, for 2 months. 

29th. An expedition went to Nixenton, on Little river, and returned on the 31st. 

1864.— January 7th. An expedition went to near VVinton, on the Chowan river, and 
returned on the 8th. 

18th. Another went to the same place and took on board 50 negroes, all of whom 
enlisted. 

20th. An expedition went up the Chowan river. 

21st. Landed and marched to Harrellsville, 4 miles from the river, and captured 
large quantities of pork, horses, mules, etc. The rebels fired upon our pickets, it was 
returned and kept up til! morning, and we had one man killed and another wounded. About 
1,000 rounds of ammunition was fired, and we took one prisoner and killed one "reb," and 
most of the town was burnt. Col. Maxwell, of the 103d P. V., was in command, and the 
expedition then returned to Plymouth. 

23d. Expedition went to Lake Phelps, and returned on the 26th. 

Several other expeditions have since been made from this place, to Windsor, Edenton, 
and other parts, but none of any great importance ; and so ends our campaigning for the 
present. 

Three-fourths of the Brigade have re-enlisted, for 3 years, and we hope that our 
next expedition will be to the Northern States where we are promised a furlough for 30 
days, and when that expires we desire to make a raid to Richmond to bring in Jeff himself, 
— his dearly beloved darkies we have got already. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

The Marches of Wessells' Brigade Told in Rhyme. Published During the 
War, by Private William Issard. 

(From March 28, 1862, to April 10, 1863.) 

Private William Issard was born in Newtown, England. He emigrated to the 
United States in December, 1861, enlisting in Co. H, 101st Penna. Regiment, at Harrisburg, 
January 1, 1862, a few weeks after his arrival in this country. Although born in the 
mother country, and not a citizen of the Republic, Comrade Issard made a good soldier, 
never shirking duty of any kind. He was captured at Plymouth, and, after undergoing 
the privations of Andersonville prison for months, finally succumbed to disease incurred 
by exposure and lack of nourishing food, in December, 1864, while in confinement at 
Charleston, S. C. 

After the Spinola expedition from New Bern, Comrade Issard narrated the principal 
incidents of Wessells' brigade, from the time it left Pennsylvania up to and including the 
Spinola raid, in rhyme, which he had published and sold. While as poetry it does not 
reach the classical, Comrade Issard has exercised the prerogatives of the poet. However, 
the facts, as stated here, are much more accurate than the general run of war histories. 
The poem is given in full as published by Comrade Issard. 

THE MARCHES OF GEN. WESSELLS' BRIGADE. 

(Composed by William Issard, Co. H, 101st P. V. 

Since the Rebellion did first begin, To Alexandria we first marched down, 

And our Brigade were all sworn in, Which is a dirty southern town; 

I'll tell you some things we have done, It was from it the rebels fled, 

Since we have last seen Washington. And it was there that Ellsworth bled. 

It was the 28th of March, in sixty-two, But the marching order came in haste, 

The Capitol we last did view ; And on a steamer we were placed, 

For we were ordered on by Little Mac And from the Potomac's waters wide, 

To whip old Jeff, and "eat Hard Tack." We looked on the old Virginia side. 



72 



101ST PFNXSYLVANTA KI'.GI M FAT 



We saw the shores of Maryland 
Where no rebel force can stand, 
For she does tight in Freedom's cause, 
And does uphold the Union's Laws. 

But soon in sight came Fort Monroe, 
And many a cannon it did show, 
Upon its walls the Lincoln Gun, 
Was glistening in the morning sun. 

To Newport News we next did go, 
Which is eight miles from Fort Monroe, 
And though we had often heard its fame, 
It is no town, but just a name. 

Mud and swamps we next marched through, 
Until York Town it came in view, 
Then, every night, did the cannon's rattle, 
And we were up in line of battle. 

The Secession Flag for to haul down, 
We swore that we would take the town, 
And the rebels knew we would keep our 

word, 
So they evacuated on May the third. 

To Williamsburg they ran away, 
We followed them all the next day ; 
On the fifth there was a battle fought, 
In which the rebs a whipping got. 

We marched through swamps and pines 

again, 
Marched on through mud and dust and rain, 
Marched on through burning sun and sand, 
To drive Secesh from Dixie's land 

We late one night came to New Kent, 
Slept in a field, "but paid no rent," 
And next morning, at the break of day, 
We were on Picket sent away. 

From there we marched to Savage Station, 
Which is a swampy situation ; 
And in front of all the rebel lines 
Went and encamped at the Seven Pines. 

But on the thirty-first of May, 
The rebels came to drive us away. 
But they found that not so easy done, 
And were next day compelled to run. 

We marched to White Oak Swamp 5th of June 
And fortified to a good old tune. 
On the twenty-eighth wc went away, 
And marched down the Chickahomany. 



Last August, on the loth day, 

From that place we went away, 

And sixty miles of dust marched through 

Until Fort Monroe it came in view. 

But soon from there we all were sent, 
And Suffolk was the place we went. 
From there we marched to Carsville, 
But caught not a Rebel for to kill. 

There many a hog was doomed to die. 
When the i)(!th New York went by ; 
And many a Rooster stop'd his crow, 
Along with the 101st P, V. to go. 

i 
The 103d P. V. were there, 
And for old Jeff himself we did not care; 
We gave his friends no cause to boast, 
For it was their chickens we did roast. 

To Suffolk we returned next day, 
And drank all Apple Jack upon the way; 
And only stings made us feel funny, 
When we upset beehives and took the honey. 

We next were marched at a rapid rate, 
Unto the North Carolina State ; 
Our destination, we did learn, 
Was the city of New Berne. 

The rebels all were much afraid, 

When from there we went the Kinston raid ; 

And at that place they well remember, 

The 14th day of last December. 

And two days after at White Hall, 
Before our columns they did fall ; 
And at Goldsboro the next day, 
From our forces ran away. 

Before to New Berne we came back. 
We tore up all their Railroad track ; 
And killed hogs and cattle every day. 
For which we left old Jeff to pay. 

Then to Hyde County we were sent, 
Rut found no Rebels when we went, 
For well they know they cannot stand us. 
When Colonel Morris does command us. 

We next were marched through Craven county. 
Along with the boys that "got their bounty;" 
("lid Spinola did command the raid, 
But he is not the man for our brigade. 



In July, the first, at Malvern Hill, This brings our inarches to an end. 

Some thousands of Rebels we did kill; Till to Richmond city they do us send ; 

At let>«th they all were put to flight, For there the Stars and Stripes shall wave. 

And to Harrison's Landing we went all right When the Stars and Bars are in their grave. 




PENNSYLVANIA MONUMENT. NATIONAL CEMETERY, 
ANDERSONVILLE. GA. 



■W'DERSONVILLE MONUMENT. 73 

I IFAPTER XIX 

Dedication of the Monument at the National Cemetery at Anderson- 
vii. i.e. (i.\., Erected by the State of Pennsylvania — Reminis- 
cence of Sergt. Cyrus W. Webb, Company II. 

Twenty-eight members of the 101st Regiment, surviving prisoners of war, were 
present at the National Cemetery at Andersonville, Georgia, at the dedication of the 
monument erected by the State of Pennsylvania in memory of the Pennsylvania soldiers 
who died while confined in the Andersonville prison. The dedication took place December 
7, 1905, the State of Pennsylvania providing free transportation to all soldiers of the 
state who had been confined at Andersonville as prisoners of war. Those present were 
as follows : 

Sergt. Thomas Bushman, (Co. K) 1017 Lexington Ave., Altoona, Pa. 
Samuel Raker, (Co. C) Wampum, New Castle, l'a. 
George W. Bumbaugh, (Co. A) Salem, Columbiana Co., Ohio. 
William H. Bequeth, (Co. D) Everett, Bedford Co., Pa. 
John Catlerson, (Co. C) 121 Cumberland Ave., New Castle, Pa 
Samuel Creelman, (Co. A) 71!) Wallace Ave, Pittsburgh, Pa. 
Graham Coulter, (Co. C) 59 Twelfth St., Pittsburgh, Pa. 
Thomas Carney, (Co. E) Beaver Falls, Pa. 
Henry E. Cook, (Co. F) Beaver, Beaver Co., Pa 
John A. Duff, (Co. A) Rodi, Wilkinsburg, Pa 
William P. Diehl, (Co. F) Georgetown, Beaver Co., Pa. 
James Gilmore, (Co. A) Box 412, Turtle Creek, Allegheny Co., Pa. 
Daniel L. Hetrick, (Co. D) Alum Bank, Bedford Co., Pa. 
William H. Hunter, Farmington, Uniontown, Fayette Co., Pa. 
Henry M. Johnston, (Co. A) 916 Rose Ave., Wilkinsburg, Pa. 
Franklin Keim, (Co. K) 2905 Maple Ave., Altoona, Pa. 
John Mates, (Co. A) Box 377, Turtle Creek, Pa. 
Wesley D. Oyler, (Co. K) R F. D. 1, Biglerville, Adams Co., Pa. 
Samuel W. Porter, (Co. H) 409 16th Ave., Beaver Falls, Pa. 
George Rhulc, (Co. A) Landisburg, Green Park, Perry Co., Pa. 
John Sheaffer, (Co. A) 86 E. Wallace St., New Castle. Pa. 
William Sparks, (Co. D) Portage, Cambria Co.. Pa. 
Adam Schatip, (Co. A) Wilkinsburg, Pa. 

Ebenezer Springer, (Co. F) 101 Columbiana Ave., New Castle, Pa 
George F. Shoemaker, (Co. D) King, Bedford Co., Pa. 
William B, Smith, (Co. F) St. Clair, Ohio. 
Jonas Walker (Co. A) 2412 Maple Ave., Allegheny Pa. 
Henry A. Wagner, (Co. E) Butler, Pa. 

Quite a number of the surviving prisoners of war. members of the Regiment, had 
made application for transportation, and had received orders for the same, hut did not 
attend, and returned the transportation orders to the State. Among these were: 
Jacob Brown, (Co. D) Maria, Roaring Springs, Pa. 
Peter Clingerman, (Co. D) Piney Creek, Everett, Bedford Co., Pa. 
Samuel Dile, (Co. A) Elliottsburg. Perry Co., Pa. 
George Fonner, (Co. C) 28 Lacock St., Allegheny, I'a 
George Hollands, (Co. B) 31 Main St., Hornellsville, N. Y. 
John Horn, (Co. C) 3708 Perm Ave., Pittsburgh, Pa. 
Jacob H. Longcnecker, (Adjt.) Bedford, Pa. 
Samuel C. Majors, (Co. G) West Bridgewater, Beaver Co., Pa 
Andrew J. Mills, (Co. D) Chapman Run. Everett, Bedford Co., Pa. 
Franklin G. Mills, (Co. D) Three Springs, New Grenada, Fulton Co., Pa. 



74 MIST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

Jolin Reed, (Co. C) 701 Filbert Ave., Pittsburgh, Pa. 

Wilson Richcy, (Co. C) East Palestine, Wampum, Columbiana Co., Ohio. 

Elisha Skelly, (Co. K) 445 E. Arch St., Pottsville, Pa. 

Alonzo S. Warren, (Co. B) R. F. D., Middlebury Center, Chester, Delaware Co., Pa. 

The Sons of Veterans Banner, for November, 1909 (published at Dwight, Illinois), 
publishes the following reminiscence of war times, connecting the latter with the present : 

AFTER FORTY YEARS. 

"A wartime story that has developed within the last few weeks was started at Ander- 
sonville and ended at New Brighton, Pa. Some time ago Rev. Thomas W. Swan received 
a letter from the Rev. J. W. Goodman, pastor of the Presbyterian church in Greensboro, 
N. Ci in which the pastor said that while visiting some friends in Greensboro he was look- 
ing over an album of photographs, and was particularly struck with the fine face in one 
very old photograph. In reply to questions the owner of the photograph said that it was 
a picture that his grandfather bad taken out of a dead Yankee's pocket on the battlefield. 
He was permitted to take the photograph out of the album, and found an address on the 
back, and asked if the parties owning the photograph were yet living. He then secured 
the address of Rev. Thomas W. Swan and wrote him, telling him the name that was on 
the picture, and asking if any of the relatives were living. The name upon the picture 
was Mrs. Hannah Webb, a woman well known in Beaver county, Pa., long ago. The Rev. 
Mr. Swan showed the picture to a number of local people who lived in Beaver county 
during the war, and it was positively identified by Tax Collector William Lloyd as Mrs. 
Webb, who was at that time a resident of Fallston. The picture is in a line state of 
preservation. On the back of the card is the one word 'Mother.' The picture was later 
shown to Miss Lydia J. Webb of Beaver Falls, who immediately recognized it as that of 
her mother. The picture had been given to Mrs. Webb's son. Cyrus W. Webb, who 
enlisted in Co. 11. 101st Pa., November 12, 1861. On April 20, 18(54, Sergeant Webb was 
captured at Plymouth, N. C, and died in Andersonville prison November 23, 1864. The 
supposition is that the picture was taken at the prison. Both picture and letter were turned 
over to Miss Webb. Thus closes, after nearly a half a century, one of the wonderful stories 
of the tragedies of the war." 

The story as given above, so far as it can be verified by the official records of the 
101st Regiment, is absolutely correct. Sergt. Webb was enlisted by Rev. A. W. Taylor 
(captain of Co. H, and subsequently major and lieutenant colonel of the Regiment), in 
Beaver County Sergt. Webb was a good soldier, served faithfully with his company, re- 
enlisting as a Veteran January 1, 1864. He was captured with the Regiment at Plymouth, 
N. C, April 20, 1804, and died at Andersonville, Ga., November 23, 1801; the number of 
his grave, according to the burial record, being 12,129. 

CHAPTER XX. 

First Reunion of the ioist Regimental Association — Leeciiburg, Penna.. 

September io, 1879. 

The first reunion held by the surviving members of the 101st Regiment was held at 
Lecchburg, Pa., on the eighteenth anniversary of the organization of the Regiment. 
September 10, 1879. At that meeting it was decided to hold future annual reunions 
jointly witli the 103d Regiment, and since that time the two regimental associations have 
held their reunions together, the date being generally near the middle of September. 

Following are the minutes of proceedings of the first runion of the 101st, held at Leech- 
burg, Pa. : 

Leechburg, Pa.. Sept. 10th, 1879. 

The surviving members of the 101st Regiment Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers. 
having decided to hold a reunion on the eighteenth anniversary of their organization, ac- 
cepted a most cordial invitation of the citizens of Lecchburg, Armstrong county, Pa., to 
meet at that place on the 10th day of September. 1870. 

The number in attendance, though not as large as desirable, was as large as could 
have been expected, considering the fact that the regiment was composed of companies from 
remote sections of the State. Upon the arrival of the 9:20 a. m. train the column was 
formed on the bridge by Col. 1"). M. Armor, and under the command of Col. A. W. Taylor, 
marched through the principal streets of the village and out to the fair grounds, preceded 
by the J. A. Hunter Post No. 128, G. A. R., under command of Maj. Jas. G. Beals. Leech- 



FIRST REUNION. T5 

burg Cornet Band and drum corps, and representatives of the different posts of G. A. R. of 
Saltsburg, Apollo, Freeport and Allegheny City. From the steps of the Floral Hall building 
an address of welcome was delivered by Mr. H. H. Wray, in behalf of the patriotic citizens 
of Leechburg, extending to the regiment a most hearty welcome, and at the same time 
paying to the members a glowing tribute for services rendered to the country and the gal- 
lantry displayed upon many hard-fought battle-fields. 

Col. Taylor of Washington, D. C, delivered the oration of the occasion, which was 
one of the most able and interesting addresses we have ever heard, and elicited the wildest 
and most enthusiastic applause. Both addresses arc here submitted. 

A bountiful repast, to which all were invited, had been prepared by the fair ladies 
of Leechburg, which reflected credit upon their taste, patriotism and liberality alike. 

The business meeting was held in the School Hall, which had been tendered by 
Maj. Beale. Col. D. M. Armor was called to the chair, and in the absence of the Secretary, 
Logan M. Truxal was appointed Secretary pro tem. After hearing the report of Lieut. 
John A. Reed, treasurer, letters were read from Comrades W. C. Fckles of Washington, 
D. C. ; ex-Gov. A. G. Curtin, Bellefonte, Pa.; Governor Hoyt of Harrisburg, Pa.; Calvin 
O. Diffenbacher, Ogdensburg, N. Y. ; Hon. J. S. Rutan, Pittsburg, Pa.; T. R. Boss Pitts- 
burg, Pa., all regretting their inability to be present. Communications from James I I 
Chambers of Kittanning and S. Meredith, i5(i Sandusky street, Allegheny City, were re- 
ferred to Lieut. Reed, with instructions. The following officers were elected to serve for the 
ensuing year : 

President, Logan M. Truxal, Leechburg. Pa.; Vice-President. Col. James Sheafer, 
Pittsburg; Treasurer, Lieut. John A. Reed, Pittsburg; Secretary, Thomas R. Boss, Pitts- 
burg. Executive Committee: Capt. Charles W. May, Chairman; Col. D. M. Armor, Capt. 
George W. Bowers, Capt. W. F. Dawson, Capt. D. W. D. Freeman, Jonas Walker, Lieut. 
J. S. Rutan. 

The Executive Committee were empowered, in addition to their regular duties, to 
draft a constitution and by-laws for the government of the organization, as well as the selec- 
tion of a badge for the members. On motion of a member it was decided that the next re- 
union of the regiment should be held in connection with the L03d Regiment, if that regi- 
ment so elect, the time and place to be left to the discretion of the Executive committee, 
who were to act with a similar committee from the 103d Regiment. It was also ordered 
that Colonel Taylor's address be printed in pamphlet form, for the use of the members, as 
well as the address of welcome from Mr. Wray. Also that the treasurer be authorized to 
receive voluntary contributions from the members present, "to defray the expenses of the 
organization." As the result of contributions, the treasurer reported having received twenty- 
five dollars and fifty cents, which, after all expenses had been paid, would leave a balance 
of thirteen dollars in the treasurer's hands. The Hon. J. S. Rutan was selected as the orator 
of the day at the next reunion, with Lieut. John A. Reed as alternate. The secretary was 
requested to return the thanks of the organization to the citizens of Leechburg for the warm 
reception received at their hands. On motion the association adjourned, to meet at the call 
of the Executive Committee. 

I Logan M. Truxal, President. 

Thos. R. Boss, Secretary. 

H. H. WRAY'S SPEECH OF WELCOME ON BEHALF OF THE CITIZENS OF ARMSTRONG COUNTY, PA. 

Soldiers of the loist P. V : — Words cannot add nor may the lack of them detract from 
the welcome which is extended by the citizens of our little village to you the survivors of the 
first regiment of the second hundred thousand brave soldiers of our commonwealth whose 
names we hold as dear as we do that of our country we love so well. It is the first time 
we have been accorded the privilege of receiving a regiment of those veterans to whom we 
owe our lives, our liberties, and our homes ; and although almost a score of years have 
passed away, and a new generation has arisen we have not forgotten the deeds that have 
placed us under obligations of everlasting gratitude, and it affords the most gratifying 
pleasure to help erect a monument within the hearts of men to the everlasting memory of 
you and your brave comrades, living and dead, who braved the danger of the battlefield, 
struggled with hardships, battled with disease and wrestled with death that we and our 
country might live. We are glad that we are spared to welcome and pay a tribute to you 
who arc alive, having survived the horrors of a war such as you yourselves have often 
bankrupted language in attempting to describe. We arc glad that we can have you with us, 
that we may look and act and speak the gratitude which no historian can ever write. That 
we may have you tell your story to the generation which has been born since you fought 
that they themselves may thereby be inspired with your patriotism, incited to a purer and 
stronger love of country and with a more thorough appreciation of the cost of their loved 
land of liberty and freedom, they may be prepared to take up the arms which you have laid 
away, and should occasion require it, wield them in defense of the same old flag wdiich you 
have so often seen torn to ribbons in the conflict. We would have them hear from you the 
tales which thev will tell to others half a century hence, and which will be told over and over 



76 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

again when twain centuries have passed away, and we pray God that our country may live 
as long as will the story of your lives. It is a story that will never grow old. but will like 
the story of the grand sire of young Spartacus incite the youth to nobler aspirations. The 
t.ilc^ of Marathon and Waterloo do not surpass the tales of Gettysburg and the Wilderness 
nor do the deeds of any Roman. Greek or Spartan surpass the noble daring of those who 
faced the stream oi death on these and other fields. We admit no foreign land or ancient 
age to boast of greater chivalry than yours, nor yet of more important victories for freedom. 
You are being received today by a people who watched over your camp life, your marches 
and your battlefields with ever wakeful vigilance. Thc\ saw you in the battles of Williams- 
burg and "Seven l'nics." They heard the terrible sweeping, booming, crashing tire of the 
"seven days" of bloodshed before Richmond. They saw the blood flow down from Malvern 
Heights and heard the groans of their dying sons. They followed your line of march as 
you fought the battles of "Swift Creek," "Little Washington." "Fort Hill." "Kinston," 
"White Hall" and "Goldsboro." They saw you struggle manfully through all these scenes 
oi blood, and hearts at times almost ceased to beat so great was the anxiety for your safety 
ami the result. Never for a moment was the watchful eye of the mother, the wife or the 
sister taken from your colors and their earnest pleading prayers for your safety and return 
were sanctified by faith and baptized with tears. Their sufferings as they gazed upon the 
distant battlefield and anon received tidings of the battle, were only less than the sufferings 
of yourselves. No death shot ever carried away a soldier but what some loving heart at 
home died out forever. It may have been a mother, a wife, or it may have been another, 
it matters not, the ashes of dead hopes on the threshold of those hearts have died out to 
burn no more, and are requiemed only by the memories of the past. 

These scenes at home are such as you only pictured and such as historians have made 
no attempt to describe. The broken family circle at eventide. The last letter from camp 
being read aloud. The daily newspaper for the moment dropped. The smiles and tears of 
joy that you were safe or the brief look that you were not. comprised part of the unwritten 
history of the war. Our welcome today, though not even to be compared with it, we would 
have remind you of that welcome which was extended to you from ocean to ocean as you 
came back from your four long years of warfare to repossess your homes and loved ones. 

Absence had then created the occasion and separation had cemented the love which 
made your welcome beyond the power of oratory to describe. Four years, though long in 
war, long for the mother whose bean is bearing its full weight of care; long for the wife 
whose love has only become fonder by the separation: long for the maiden who only found 
how well she loved, and long as well to the soldier who nightly lying down upon his rustic 
bed dreamed oxer the past and pictured his home and the loved ones. But not so long as 
those who fought in the ancient war ami returned to find not even the homes they had been 
so earnestly fighting to defend. 

Your wives that you had left seemed scarcely older, the anxious interval having only 
rendered them more lovely than before. Perhaps a few more silver hairs had gathered in 
the fathers' and mothers' locks, but their joy in giving you welcome seemed to add youth to 
the furrowed face. Your womanly daughters seemed scarce a day older than before, hut the 
little girl whose dress scarce passed her knees, appears before you a beautiful maiden in 
complete transformation while your boy had begun to put on manliness that was foreign to 
your expectations And thus midst joy and thankfulness, and surprise, and the grand re- 
view of rocks and fields and streams all rendered dear by separation wonder not if we fail 
to give you as warm a welcome as the soldiers' return. 

In conclusion allow us to welcome you as husbandmen, merchants and mechanics, who 
having redeemed your country and re-established her in the full enjoyment of constitutional 
liberty are now bent upon her commercial advancement as the most foremost ami peaceful 
nation of the earth. Today England, once our enemy and oppressor, is being fed from our 
garners. Our wares are sold in every nation and our (lag floats upon every sea. And thus 
the victories of peace are scarcely second to the victories of war. And now with the hope 
tb.it when life's battles are ended and all are mustered from the service here we mav pass 
under the Grand Review on the other shore and be united in that land where the dawn of 
peace is never dispelled by the clouds of war and bloodshed, and with these hopes we bill you. 
your visiting comrades, and your friends, welcome' Welcome! Thrice welcome to our 
hospitalities. 

ORATION OF COL. A. W. TAYLOR. 

Comrades, Ladies and Gentlemen: — The custom of all ages has sanctioned the celebra- 
tion of the anniversaries of important events in the lives of men and the history of nations. 
There are days that mark epochs in the lives of each of us, however uneventful, to which we 
look forward with more than common interest, and upon the recurrence of which we are 
wont to withdraw from our accustomed pursuits, and by the aid of memory, live over again 
the scenes of the past. In obedience to this time-honored custom, we are assembled in this 
place from different parts of the state, and from without the borders of our own common- 
wealth, to commemorate the eighteenth anniversary of the organization of the 101st Regi- 
ment of Pennsylvania Volunteers. 



FIRST REUNION. 77 

On this, the occasion of our first reunion, I greet you, my comrades, with mingled emo- 
tions of pleasure and pain. To meet those with whom we have lahored and suffered in a 
common cause, and with whom we have shared a common peril, after years of separation, 
cannot but awaken feelings of profound gratification, and kindle anew the sentiment of 
brotherhood which has ever characterized our organization. But, that man must indeed have 
a hard heart, who, having been with our regiment when organized, and seen the many brave, 
strong and hopeful men composing it. can recall now, without pain, the fate of our fallen 
comrades who have perished in defense of that union, under the laws of which they had sev- 
erally grown to manhood. Where are those whose names were heard at roll-call when we 
formed our first line of battle on the peninsula of Virginia, and whose familiar faces are 
so sadly missed today? For more than half of them the grave answers: "They are with 
me, and will awake no more until the last reveille shall call them to the mighty muster of the 
resurrection !" 

Some of them left us amid the howling death-storm of battle; some by the wayside, 
slain by the secret foe, disease. Heath In the bullet, death by the bayonet, death by ex- 
haustion, death in the hospital, death in captivity, death at home, the result of wounds or 
disease, entailed by hardship or exposure in battle and on the weary march. 

But while we sadly think of their silent graves, and drop a tear of sympathy for the 
bereaved, our hearts beat quickly when we remember that they all died in the cause of human 
liberty — died for their country's sake — died in the discbarge of duty, as the true soldier dies. 
Many are the sad hearts they have left at home — mam are the tears shed to their memory, 
and long will their names be the dearest houshold words, mentioned only in kindness and 
gratitude. And in coming years, when the healing hand of time has mellowed their mem 
ories, they will be proud tears which the wives, mothers and sisters will shed over their 
loved dead, while pointing to our starry banner, the emblem of an unbroken union, they can 
exclaim : "We, too, have sacrificed upon the altar of liberty." 

Early in the autumn of 1861, seven companies of our regiment, recruited principally in 
Allegheny, Beaver, Butler, Lawrence and Washington counties, rendezvous at Camp 
"Fremont" near the city of Pittsburg. The preliminary steps to a regimental organization 
were taken on the li>th day of September, eighteen years ago this day, by the selection of 
los If, Wilson, of Beaver, as colonel; David B. Morris, of Pittsburg, as lieut.-colonel, and 
Eb Williams, of Allegheny City, as quartermaster. As the several companies reached the 
minimum number, they were ordered to report al Camp Curtin. at Ilarrisburg. where the 
organization was completed by the addition of three companies from Adams, Bedford and 
Tioga counties, and the selection of Joseph S. Hoard, of Tioga, as major. As both offi< 
and men, with but few exceptions, were without military experience, orders for daily drill 
were issued and rigidly enforced during the winter, but only in the evolutions of the line, 
as no arms were received until the middle of February, 1862. 

On the 26th we received our colors, and the next day bade farewell to our native state. 
some of our number forever, and arriving at Washington, went into camp on "Meridian 
Hill." Here the time was spent in perfecting the men in the "drill." and more especially in 
the manual of arms, and to the delight of all. the Harper's Ferry muskets, with which we 
had been armed, were exchanged for Austrian rifles. On the afternoon of the 28th of March 
we proceeded to Alexandria and I presume you have not forgotten the storm of snow and 
rain that greeted us that night, succeeding, as it did, one of the warmest and brightest days 
of early spring. This was our first experience, too, in camp without shelter, and to add to 
our discomfiture, most of us had entrusted our blankets and overcoats to the baggage train. 
which came in late on the afternoon of the following day. This was a clear case of mis- 
placed confidence, both as to the stability of the weather and the prompt movement of army 
wagons; but the experience of that night secured us against the recurrence of a similar mis- 
hap in the future. 

Tin following day we embarked on transports for T'ort Monroe, and went into camp 
at Newport News, where we remained until the lllth of April. Our next camp, "Wintield 
Scott," was in front of Yorktown, Va., a place made famous eighty-one years before, by the 
surrender of Lord Cornwallis to General Washington. 

The negro melodies of former days, as sung in the cabins and cotton-fields of the 
South, contemplated a period in the future when "Old Ned" should lay down "de shubbel 
an' de hoe," but we, on the contrary, had now reached a period when these implements had 
to be taken up and the musket and the bayonet, for the time being, laid down; not that we 
had reached the prophetic days of universal peace, when the sword should be beaten into 
a ploughshare, and the spear into a pruning hook. But we were engaged in the work of a 
siege, and all over that marshy country in every direction, corduroy roads and bridges were 
built, and some of you will have life-long cause to remember that during the progress of tins 
work rain fell in torrents for days in succession, until for miles around the surface of tin- 
country was literally a sea of mud and water. Here were planted the seeds of disease that 
ere long ripened into an abundant harvest of death. The mortuary list of an army is made 
up, not so much from the result of its battles, as from the forced marches, the unhealthy 
camp, unwholesome water, half-cooked and often scant rations — sometimes over-worked, and 



78 L01ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

sometimes worn out bj the "rust and inactivity of having nothing to do" — exposure to in- 
clement weather, and a score of other tilings, go to make up the death-list, far beyond the 
number slain in battle, even under the most favorable circumstances. I have made this di- 
gression [or the reason that we overlook these fruitful causes of mortality, and see only 
(lie glare ami gore of the "field of glory." Yorktown was evacuated by the enemy on the 
night of the third of May. and the army was immediately ordered in pursuit. On the fol- 
lowing night, after a hard day's march, our regiment bivouacked six miles east of Williams- 
burg, in front of which place General Hooker engaged the enemy early on the morning of 
the oth of May. In this engagement our regiment was held in reserve, and although exposed 
to the lire of Fort Magruder, our loss was slight, as we were protected by a strip of woods 
in front. Darkness closed the conflict, and we were thrown forward to tile left into n thick 
pine forest and kept in line under a drenching rain until near midnight, when it was discov- 
ered the enemy were again on the retreat. The next morning, with some other exhausted 
troops, we were marched in quick time to the south bank of the York river, and on the fol- 
lowing morning marched back again. What profound strategy was infolded in this appar- 
ently idiotic performance, has always been an enigma. The vigorous adjectives employed 
by the "boys in expressing their opinion of the excursion would have excited the envy of 
the army in Flanders in its palmiest days. It will be observed that up to this time we had 
s,en but little ><{ active war, and yet the campaign bail already made its impress upon our 
ranks 1 arge numbers bad succumbed to malarious and other diseases, and had died or been 
left along the line of march, or sent to hospitals. Many also, no longer able for service, bad 
been discharged and returned to their homes. Our colonel was amongst those who fell a 
victim to the hand oi disease. He died near Ropers church on the 30th day ^i Max. deeply 
mourned by his command, and especially so by those of us who had known him in tile walks 
of private life. 

Our brigade commander, Gen. Keim. was disabled about the same time, by disease, and 
died soon after. The command of our brigade now devolved upon Gen. 11. W. Wessells, an 
officer of the regular army, and as kind, true and brave a man as ever fought or died in any 
cause. It was our good fortune to remain in his command during our entire term of service. 
On the 28th of May we had advanced as far as Fair Oaks. On the 30th our entire regiment 
was ordered out to the support of the pickets Companj "B," stationed at the outpost, ex- 
changed a feu sliois with the enemy's pickets, losing one man killed. About 11 o'clock on 
the following A.w two solid shots were tired over our camp as the signal for the advance 
of the Confederate army. The sound of the long roll called the laborers from the unfinished 
abattis and rifle pits, and all were ordered tinder arms with the utmost dispatch and formed 
in line of battle. Scarcely had the line been formed when the stars and bars and bristling 
bayonets of treason emerged from the woods in heav\ force, attacking the center and both 
wings of our division almost simultaneously. Only a portion of McClellan's army had 
crossed the Chickahominy river, and in the swollen condition of the stream it was next to 
impossible to cross with artillery with the appliances then at hand. 

With the result of this battle most of yon are familiar. Certain it is that none of you 
who passed through it will ever forget its ften ordeal. If the limit of this address would 
permit, we might recount in detail some of its incidents, and pay a passing tribute to our 
comrades who fell upon this bloody field. 

While we lay in front oi Richmond an amusing incident occurred which, not being an 
eye-witness, 1 can only relate as it was detailed to me at the time. One of the generals con- 
nected with our corps had gone out on a tour of observation, and cautiously passing a little 
ind our line of pickets had secreted himself in a thicket of underbrush, where with field- 
glass in hand he was intently watching the movements in front. Our efficient Quartermaster, 
l'h. Williams, tired of the monotonj of the camp and bent on a little fun at all hazards, 
bridled up an old half blind horse that had been a sort of camp follower for several days, 
and without saddle or blanket, mounted the impoverished steed and started as fast as the 
animal could navel, as he said, for the capital of the Southern Confederacy. He never slack- 
ened his pace until be rode through the picket line and into the thicket where the general. 
unknown to our modern John Gilpin, had established his observatory. The general saw bis 
danger, and sprang out of his covert just in time to be knocked down and run over by the 
frightened horse, which in turn in bis effort to avoid a collision stumbled and fell, throwing 
his reckless rider almost into the Confederacy. Fortunately, with the exception of slight 
bruises, no injury was sustained by either party. Williams disappeared amongst the under- 
brush as soon as he comprehended the situation, and came into camp for repairs, hatless 
almost breathless. What became of the horse we never knew. When last seen, how- 
ever, he seemed to have caught the spirit of the then prevailing cry. "Onward to Richmond!" 

When the broken and shattered Army of the Potomac left the Peninsula, General 
Keyes' command, to which we were attached, was left at Fort Monroe. On the 18th of 
September. Wessells' brigade was ordered to Suffolk, and while we remained here, were 
kept busy on fatigue duty upon the fortifications, ami in frequent reconnoissances to the 
Blackwater Major Hoard, who bad been promoted to Lieut. -Colonel, resigned on account 
of ill health "Col. Morris, who bad been promoted from Lieut. -Colonel, rejoined the regi- 



FIRST REUNION. 79 

ment here, with Lieut. -Col. Armor, who had been successively promoted from Captain and 
Major; but owing to the unhealed wounds of the former, and injuries subsequently sus- 
tained by the latter, the command devolved upon Major A. W. Taylor, promoted from 
Captain of Company H." 

On the 4th of December, our brigade was ordered to New Bern, N. C, to reinforce 
Gen. Foster, who was organizing for a raid on Goklsboro bridge, designed in part as a di- 
version in favor of Burnside at Fredericksburg. We embarked on transports on the Chowan 
river, near Gatesville, and arrived at New Bern on the 9th. On the 11th the movement be- 
gan, our brigade being in the advance. We came up to the enemy's cavalry the same day, and 
had a brisk skirmish, when they fell back to West Creek, where they offered resistance, but 
were driven across the creek, with the loss of two pieces of artillery, and a number of pris- 
oners. We halted half an hour, and then pushed on rapidly, our regiment being in advance 
of the infantry column. 

A little before midnight we reached a swamp through which ran an almost impassable 
road, leading to the bridge over the Neuse river, on the opposite bank of which stood the 
village of Kinston. The edge of the woods skirting the swamp was where we had been di- 
rected to post our pickets, with the information that the rebels had all retreated over the 
bridge. Four companies were cautiously moved forward, and posted in the edge of the 
woods, on both sides of the road, and one company, as a reserve, left at the road. The re- 
maining six companies were left in an open held a short distance in the rear, under com- 
mand of Capt. Bowers. The night was dark, and a thick fog had settled down along the 
valley, so that to see a single step in advance was an impossibility. Our orders as to the 
exact location of the picket line were vague and indefinite. We were in total ignorance of 
the nature of the ground, or the whereabouts of the enemy, or their means of approach, and 
I candidly admit that the responsibility of posting the pickets in front of Kinston, at mid- 
night, on the 13th of December, 1862, was as keenly felt, and as cautiously executed, as any 
that was laid upon me during the entire campaign. Captain D. W. Mullin, Lieut. Isaiah 
Conley and Adjutant J. H. Longenecker assisted in the difficult duty of establishing the sev- 
eral posts, and a sorry time we had of it amongst the brush, logs, ditches and quagmires that 
lay in our way. In an hour after Lieut. Couley came back to inform me that we had posted 
our pickets within a few rods of the enemies' line of outposts, as he had learned by hearing 
them talk in a whisper. It was also believed that one post was actually within the enemy's 
line. Here was a dilemma. We had to pass over the ground and withdraw a portion of our 
line, which we succeeded in accomplishing long before daylight. 

The battle of Kinston — not at all an important affair, except as a part of a general 
movement — was fought on Sunday, the 14th, and an officer of our regiment was the target 
for the first two or three shots from the enemy. After a stubborn resistance they were 
driven over the Neuse river, firing the bridge and retreating through the town in confusion; 
but the fire was speedily checked and the Union forces passed over and continued the pursuit 
until after dark. Kinston was quite a small town, but was apparently famous for "apple 
jack." 

Early the next morning we resumed our forward movement, and met with no resist- 
ance until we reached Goklsboro. with the exception of a slight encounter at White Hall. 
\Koiit noon, December 17th, we had arrived at the bridge of the Wilmington and Weldon 
Railroad, the enemy was in considerable force on the north side of the river, having been 
reinforced from all available points. The artillery at once opened, under the fire of which 
a squad of picked men rushed up to the bridge and applied the torch, and in an incredibly 
short space of time the whole structure was enveloped in flames. Having accomplished the 
object of the expedition, the troops at once began to withdraw, seeing which the enemy 
crossed the river and made an unsuccessful attempt to capture one of our batteries. 

Our brigade and one oilier were counter-marched on the double quick to the brow 
of the hill, where we remained until the artillery had withdrawn. The enemy showing no 
disposition to assume the aggressive, we took up our line of march for New Bern, which 
was continued, without a moment's halt, until midnight. The vast forests of pine through 
which we had passed had been fired, and the path of our weary march was illuminated by 
the blazing tops of tall pine trees, lighting up the landscape for miles around and presenting a 
scene of surpassing beauty and grandeur. 

The next day found us destitute of rations, but as the country was full of sweet 
potatoes and livestock — especially hogs — the song of the "swinette" was heard in the land, 
and all went "merry as a marriage bell." Foraging parties were sent out in all directions, 
and woe betide the living thing that dared to venture from its hiding place, by day or night. 
No matter how- gloomy the surroundings, in camp or on the march, there was always some- 
thing to break the monotony, of an amusing or ludicrous character. One of our men carried 
a haversack full of very indifferent sweet potatoes, perhaps ten or fifteen miles, and when 
we halted in the evening, we found ourselves in the immediate vicinity of thousands of bush- 
els of the very finest variety. He threw down his heavy load in disgust. Another partv car- 
ried a large crock of butter, as he supposed, for several miles during the night, but on a 



SO L01ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

closer inspection it proved to be an inferior quality of hog's lard. The Adjutant can 
perhaps give you the particulars of this affair, but 1 am not sure that he will. 

On our return to New Kern, we were quartered in Sibley tents, on the south side of 
the Trent river, during the winter months. 

On the 7th of March, 1863, an expedition, consisting of the 101st and 103d Penn'a 
Vol's, and a company of the 3d N. V. Cav., under command of Col. D. B. Morris, was sent 
by gunboats into Hyde county, in the eastern part of North Carolina, to break up a band 
or guerrillas that were prowling about Lake Matamuskeet. and had recently ambushed and 
killed a number of the 3d N. Y. Cavalry. 

We landed on the evening of the 5th at Swan Quarter, where we bivouacked for the 
night. Before daylight the next morning we were on the march, and by marching early 
and late, we made the entire circuit of the lake, a distance of over ninety miles, in three 
days. Tin guerillas, who for the most part, lived thereabouts, and who were generally well 
mounted, left for parts unknown or concealed themselves in the surrounding swamps. 

Our arrival in that region, remote from railroads and isolated from the outside 
world, was the signal lor a general exodus of the slave population, who followed Us bj 
hundreds, bringing with them in many cases, horses, nudes, oxen, wagons, buggies, carts, 
laden with household goods and chattels, some of them with the aged and infirm, and such 
of their women and children as were unable to walk. The capture of a lot of cotton and 
corn that had been stored by the enemy, was included in the programme of the expedition, 
and for this purpose horses and wagons were pressed into the service wherever found 
Scores of soldiers gave out on the second day's march, and all descriptions of vehicle-. 
drawn by all sorts of animals — including several venerable and solemn-looking donkey-. 
the relics of a by-gone age — were brought into requisition by the siek and disabled, whose 
number seemed to increase in exact ratio to the increased means of transportation, and 
these were ever accumulating. Indeed, the resources of that region in this particular were 
practically inexhaustible, and before the close ^<i the third day, nearly half of the men 
were so "disabled" by the long and rapid march as to have secured some means of trans- 
portation. Many were mounted on the sorriest-looking steed — lame, halt, blind, half- 
Starved— some worn out by long service — others too young and untamed and fractious, all 
colors, shapes and sizes, constituting, with the variegated outfits of the fugitive slaves, one 
of the most motley caravans, I verily believe, ever seen on earth. We "subsisted on the 
enemy" during this raid, and I hazard nothing in saying that a sharp advance in country 
produce followed in that part of the "tar-bed" State! The vehicles and stock were 
abandoned at Swan Quarters, and to their bitter disappointment, more than half of the 
human chattels who had followed us to this point, were abandoned to their fate for lack 
oi transportation. It was a sad experience to these poor creatures, in whose hearts the 
hope of freedon had been the absorbing inspiration of the hour, to die in the swamps, or 
return to their incensed masters. On the 4th of April our regiment was a part of the force 
that was sent to the relief of Gen. Foster and the garrison shut up at Washington N. C, 
on the Tar river, whither the General had gone on a tour of inspection. As our transports 
were unable to pass the rebel batteries commanding the river, we were compelled to return 
to New Rem. where the troops were speedily debarked and marched up the river, attacking 
the enemy the next day at Swift Creek. The only approach to the besieging battery wa- a 
corduroy causeway through a marshy plat of ground, and this was racked by artillerj 
supported by infantry in heavy force General Spinola, in the temporary absence of 
General Wessels, was in command, and ordered a retreat after the first attack. The next 
day, Wessels having returned, the attack was renewed and the garrison relieved, with com- 
paratively little loss on either side. 

Soon after our return to New Bern, our brigade was ordered to Plymouth, a few 
miles above the mouth of the Roanoke River Our regiment was stationed in the lower 
part of the town, and immediately put to work repairing earthworks and erecting new ones 
During our stay at Plymouth numerous expeditious were sent out from time to time in 
the direction of Williamston. Foster's Mills, and all through the country bordering on the 
Mbermarle Sound, and the Chowan River, and encounters with the enemy were of frequent 
occurrence In one of these Lieut. John B. Helm, with a part of Company "G." surprised 
and captured a band of guerrillas, taking the leader out of the chimney of the house 
where thej were quartered, whither he had concealed himself, and marched the captives 
I who outnumbered the captors") into camp early the next morning. 

In the month of March an attack on New Bern was apprehended, and our regiment 
was ordered to that place, but no enemy appearing in front of New Bern, we were next 
ordered to Roanoke Island, where after a few weeks' stay, we returned to Plymouth, leav- 
ing Capt. lames Sbeafer with Company "A" of our regiment, and some artillerymen, in 
command of the Island. 

There was one raid in the direction of Foster's Mills, under command of Colonel 
Morris, which none of us will soon forget. The movement was merely a diversion in favor 
of Foster's troops, who were at the same time operating against the Weldon Railroad 
bridge, \fter driving in the rebel pickets we opened up a brisk artillery fire, which cor 



THIRTY-FIRST REUNION 81 

tinned until after dark, when, after building a number of camp fires, we quietly withdrew 
several miles in the direction of Plymouth. That night we had the most terrific storm, 
accompanied by thunder and lightning, the like of which 1 never saw before or since. 
The neighboring forests fairly roared with the violence of the rushing wind and crush of 
falling trees. The rolling thunder, the vivid lightning, Hash after flash lighting up the 
surrounding scenery and casting a lurid glare against the dense black mass of fleeting 
clouds, presented a picture at once awful and sublime. Meantime rain poured down as if 
the eartli was about to be deluged. Toward midnight there was a cessation of tin fearful 
commotion, and there was a general scramble for rails, boards, brush, anything upon which 
to spread down the blankets and keep them out of the mud and water. Several huge 
tires were built from the logs of a dilapidated house, and by hook or crook — most likely 
"hook") — we succeeded — Col. Morris and myself — in securing a door upon which we lay 
down by a log fire and were soon asleep. Some time before daylight the cud of a burning 
log rolled against the Colonel's back, but be slept on unmoved until it had burned through 
his overcoat, coat, vest and under garments, but when it came to the Colonel in person, he 
was no longer indifferent, but with one bound he left our humble resting place, and the 
celerity with which he divested himself of wdiat little clothing remained, was altogether 
remarkable. This, in military parlance, would be called a "tire in the rear," 

I come now to speak id the three days' battle at Plymouth, N. C. "Sunday, the 17th 
of April, 1864, was a beautiful spring day, and the troops were reposing in quiet in the 
intrenchments, when at 4 p. m. a few shots were heard in rapid succession, from the 
pickets pusted on the Washington Road. A detachment of cavalry sent cut soon returned 
with the intelligence that the enemy was advancing in force. It proved to he Gen. Hoke, 
with a land force of nine thousand men. Fort Gray, on the river bank which commanded 
tlie passage, was attacked, and after a desperate resistance, was captured. Fori Wessels, 
under command of Capt. Chapin, of the 85th N. Y., was captured (in the night of the 17th, 
after a brave defense, and after the heroic Captain had been mortally wounded, A small 
gunboat, called the "Bombshell." was struck by one of the enemy's shells and sunk during 
the forenoon of this day. It bad been known for some time that an iron clad ram was 
being built at Hamilton, a point on the river above, and obstructions had been placed in 
the lied of the river, and torpedoes anchored in the channel, but. notwithstanding these 
precautions, the rebel ram. Albermarle, passed down without injury and at once atacked 
our gunboats, sinking the "Southticld" and driving the "Miami" down the river. 

We surrendered about 11 o'clock a. m. on the 20th of April, and the next day 
were matched, as prisoners of war, to Tarboro, and thence taken by rail to AndersonviJIe, 
Georgia. The enlisted men were imprisoned here, and the officers sent to Macon, Ga. 
Captains Bowers and Dawson, and Lieuts Conley, Helm and Davidson, made their escape, 
but the regiment remained in prison until the spring of 1865, at which lime over half the 
number bad died 

Comrades, the difficult task assigned me has now been imperfectly performed, and 1 
thank you, not only for your kind attention now, but for the uniform kindness and respect 
you have ever shown me, as your commanding officer, and in civil life as well. 

If 1 were re-entering the military service and had the selection of the officers and 
men 1 should command, I would have no hesitation in selecting the surviving officers and 
men of the 101st Regt. of Pa. Volunteers \s my staff officers 1 should want my brave 
and faithful old Adjutant Longenecker. I should insist on two Quarter Masters, and would 
select both Williams and King, If I wire to nominate, as Medical officers Drs. D. G. 
Rush and Wm. Macpherson, the whole command would second the nomination, for they 
were not only competent officers, but gentlemen, for whom we had, personally, the highest 
regard. 

This, comrades, is our first re-union. For some of us it will be the last on earth. 
Let us indulge the hope that we may be so loyal, not only to our country, but to the cause 
of truth and humanity, that we shall at last be re-united in the great hereafter, under the 
banner of the "Prince of Peace." 

CHAPTER XXI. 

THE THIRTY-FIRST ANNUAL REUNION OF THE 101ST AND 103D REGIMENTS. 

Thirty-First Annual Reunion of the ioist and 103D Regiments at Fox- 
burg, Penna., September 16, 1909. 

The I 'I] st and 103d Regiments, Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteer Infantry, became ac 
quainted with each other at Camp Curtin, Harrisburg, Pa., in February, 18(12 During the sub- 
sequent three and a half years, the service of one was identical with the other. The 
comradeship formed in the service has been cemented by annual reunions which have been 
held jointly since 1880. The last one, held September 16, 1PO0, was one of the most enjoy- 



82 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

able ones, and considering the decreasing number of surviving members, one of the best 
attended since the war. The large attendance was due to two reasons ; Foxburg being 
a central point to Armstrong, Butler, Clarion and Venango Counties, from which the 
largest part of the 103d Regiment was recruited. However, the paramount reason was due 
to the whole souled courtesy of the citizens of Foxburg, who supplemented the invitation 
of the committee of arrangements by a second invitation, which was sent to every sur- 
viving member of the two regiments whose addresses could be procured, and a proffer of 
entertainment as guests of the citizens, not only of the members of the regiments, but also 
of their friends. Systematic arrangements were made, and the homes of Foxburg were 
thrown open to the visitors. The program, arranged jointly by the Association committee 
and the citizens, was carried out with but slight change. Owing to the unavoidable absence 
of Hon. J. H. Longenecker, the response to "The 101st Regiment" was made by John A. 
Reed. Corporal Luther S. Dickey responded to "Casey's Division at Seven Pines." F. L. 
Harvey, the legal representative of the Fox Estate, on whom the burden of entertainment 
rested, and to whose indefatigable efforts the reunion, in some respects eclipsed all others, 
was elected an honorary member of the Association, and was selected as Toastmaster for 
the Camp Fire, a post he graced in a most felicitous manner. The program was as follows : 

REUNION OF 101ST AND 103RD REGIMENTS, PENNSYLVANIA VOLUNTEER INFANTRY, THURSDAY, 

SEPTEMBER 16, 1909, AT FOXBURG, PA. 

Members of Foxburg Post, committee of whole to meet incoming trains care for and enter- 
tain visitors. 
12 M. — Meeting at Golf Links. Lunch. 

1 P. M. — Business Meeting. 

2 to 5 :30— Amusement on grounds. Tug of war between Regiments. Champions from each 

regiment to maintain the "Honor of the Regiment" at Horse Shoes, Volley Ball, 

Driving Golf Ball, Wrestling, etc. 
6:30— Supper in Lincoln Hall. (Only those having tickets will be admitted to supper.) 
7 :30 — Smoke and Band Music. 
8 :00— Campfire. 
Music. 

Invocation — Rev. A. A. Benton, Foxburg, Pa. 
Address of Welcome — Joseph M. Fox, Eoxburg, Pa. 
Reply— Capt. John A. Reed, Pittsburg, Pa. 
Music, song (chorus). 

The 103(1 Regiment— Hon. Thomas Hays. Butler, Pa. 
The 101st Regiment— Hon. J. H. Longenecker, Bedford, Pa. 
Recitation — Miss America Sheats. 
The G. A. R.— Comrade E. G. Beecher, Foxburg, Pa. 
The Dead— Rev. John Lusher, Parker, Pa. 
Recitation — Miss Maude McGeary. 

Character Song— Comrade Samuel H. Morrow, Parker, Pa. 
The Ladies, "Our Girls of '64"— Comrade J. D. Murphy, St. Petersburg, Pa. 
Lincoln's Gettysburg Speech — Comrade John F. Baker. 
Character Song — Comrade R. M. Sheats 
Short speeches, songs and choruses, as the time, the circumstances and the spirit prompts. 

"The address of Welcome," by Joseph M. Fox, of Foxburg, was impressively delivered 
without notes or manuscript and appears here verbatim as delivered. 

ADDRESS OF WELCOME BY JOSEPH M FOX. 

We are here this evening to do what feeble honor we may, to men who in time long 
passed, imperiled their lives for us. Who for us made a sacrifice of four weary years from 
those which bad been allotted to them on this earth, a sacrifice in the long ago, but which 
we have not forgotten. On behalf of those who arc here to greet them I give a warm word 
<>f welcome to our guests, the veterans of the Civil War; with it there is mingled a feeling 
of sadness that their number is not greater; but time has wrought at its ceaseless task, and 
now we can only clasp the hands of the remnant of two thousand men who when their 
country called to them forty-eight years ago left their homes, and all that to them was 
cherished and hold dear, who in the vigor of early manhood went from their Western hills 
to a soldier's life, many of them to a soldier's fate meted out on the field of battle, or in 
the fever infested region where for years it was their lot to be. 



THIRTY-FIRST REUNION. 83 

As a lad of seven years I had the passive part of an eye witness to the going away 
of Company A of the 103d Regiment, it was recruited in this county and its members first 
came together at the mouth of the Clarion River where a boat was in waiting to take them 
to Camp Orr, the first step on their long journey, the end of which no man could know, 
and 1 saw the swollen river take their boat in its mighty power, and the swiftly flowing 
waters bear them toward the dim unknown, to years of service, of suffering, of toil; and to 
some of them no doubt, although today maybe no man can call their names, it was the 
beginning of a journey from which there would be no return, for before its cycle could be 
completed another and a longer one was before them, the last that comes to man; at its 
threshold death awaited them ; and as the current bore them away these men looked for the 
last time on their mighty hills, and said an everlasting good-bye to those from whom they 
parted. 

The story of these Regiments, the 101st and 103 Pennsylvania Volunteers, whose 
survivors we honor tonight, is nearly identical, and it is presently to be told by others; they 
were to march together and were to share the same fate. In April, 1802, they were assigned 
to Keim's Brigade of Casey's division and sent to the Peninsula, where they took part in the 
siege of Yorktown. They were first to be drawn up in battle line and face the hot fire of 
the enemy on the banks of the Chickahominy at the Battle of Fair Oaks; in this engage- 
ment they acquitted themselves bravely, and lost heavily in killed and wounded. After 
Fair Oaks came weary and trying days to these men ; it was not for them to experience 
the thrill of great conflicts, or to march with mighty armies; they were not to share in the 
great battles of the war, either for victory or defeat. Theirs was to be a harder fate. 
They were detached from the Army of the Potomac and thenceforth they knew the hard- 
ships, but not the laurels of war; they knew the cross, but not the crown of glory. They 
were to lie in pestilential swamps and to make their home in the fever and ague stricken 
camp. They were to fight in the dark morass and to learn the warfare of the guerilla. 
They were to know exposure, cold, suffering and disease, and the graves of many were to 
be made and left behind as they marched on — never at rest, they were to go where the 
services of men were needed. White Oak Swamp, Plymouth, Roanoke knew their tread. 
Fortress Monroe, Fort Williams, Malvern Hill, Kinston echoed to their marching feet. 
And so from the Battle of Fair Oaks in May, 1802, for two long years were these regiments 
given may be the hardest lot that could fall to soldiers. The end came in April, 1804, when 
for three days their Brigade gallantly held Fort Williams against an overwhelming force 
of the enemy, but with further fighting meaning only a further loss of men, even to anni- 
hilation, they surrendered to the enemy, and the active work of these two regiments was 
ended, while passive pain and privation awaited them. The officers were sent to Macon, 
Georgia, and the enlisted men to Andersonville ; of the horrors of Andcrsonville it is not 
necessary to speak. Nameless graves and hastily filled trenches hold there the bones of 
many brave men who nearly three years before they died had left the flowing rivers and 
the mighty hills of their Western land to give, if need be, all for their country — and even 
to their lives they did give all. The few that left Andersonville, a sad number, may be 
half of those who had entered its gloomy gates of death, were in the Spring of 1805 sent 
lo Wilmington, North Carolina, and exchanged They then went to Camp Parole, near 
to Annapolis, and an effort was made to recruit and revive these shattered and war-worn 
regiments. The effort was unnecessary and was but partially successful, and the end of 
their service came to these weary men on June 25, 1865, when the war being over they were 
mustered out at New Bern, North Carolina. 

And so ends their story ; a story that it is to be hoped will some day be told in a 
regimental history, for until then the acts and deeds of one thousand men and the particular 
individual courage and daring of some of them will never in detail be known. And yet 
their story does not need many words, it may be enough to say, and it is much to say, that 
these two regiments went bravely through four weary years of faithful, unremitting and 
efficient service. But think not, veterans, well as ye have earned your rest, that your work 
is yet over; as you preserved the Union inviolate, so must you still in the years that are yet 
to be yours, use the influence of older men that that which you gave to us shall not be 



8-1 



101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 



tarnished; that the unit) of these states for which you fought and bled, shall lie in truth a 
unity, our people, one country, one government, one flag. Your days of work arc nearly 
over and a younger generation has that which you gave to it. On that generation there is 
now a solemn duty, and to each member of it a sacred charge is given, and that duty, that 
charge can only he fulfilled and kept by an individual honest) of political purpose, for that 
alone can lead to the collective honesty of the nation. And the men who live today, and 
those who in the coming years shall follow them must know a patriotism rising above self- 
interest, and the shallow partisanship of party ties, that the sacrifice that has been made 
for them shall not have been in vain. The war has long been over; the noise of many battles 
has died away in infinite space, and the foul smoke of belching guns has been borne away by 
the pitying air. and so, thank God, our passions and our prejudices die, and now we can 
see more clearly than we could in the heat of the conflict, nearly live decades ago; now 
indeed we can recognize the valor of the North, and the courage of the South as well, and 
now the Blue and the Gray commingled can march together as they did in the Spanish War. 
each striving for the glory of the flag that waves where the breezes stir the tropical palmetto, 
as well as where the fiercer winds sweep through the Northern pine 



MEMBERS PRESENT AT REUNION. 



Edwin R. Boots, New Brighton, Pa. 
John C. Caterson, New Castle, Pa. 
Graham Coulter, New Galilee, Pa. 
George P. Craig, Carnegie, Pa. 
John Horn, 810 89th St., Pittsburg, Pa 



FROM 101ST REGIMENT. 

Richard Morgan, Soldiers' Home, Dayton, O. 
John A. Reed, Court House, Pittsburgh, Pa. 
Daniel W. Swick, New Brighton, Pa. 
John Ireland, Whiteash, Pa. 

Jonas Walker. Court House. Pittsburgh, Pa. 



FROM 108D REGIMENT. 



Abraham Adams, Parker's Landing, Pa 

Alvin 11. Alexander, Clarion, Pa. 

C. B. Alt, Tylersburg, Pa. 

J. J. Anthony, Climax, Pa. 

John 1. Ashbaugh, St. Petersburg, Pa 

D K. Barnacle, Pittsburgh, Pa, 

George I'.ur. 116 Hall Ave. Washington, 

I M. Black, Parker's Landing. Pa. 

Robert P. Black. Chicora, Pa. 

Daniel Bowser. Parker's Landing, Pa. 

Samuel C Burkholder. Butler, Pa. 

S. D. Burns, Sligo, Pa. 

T. J. fallen. Sligo. Pa. 

Oliver P. Campbell. West Sunbury, Pa. 

James 11. Chambers, Vandcrgrift, Pa 

Thomas A. Cochran, Apollo, Pa. 

Cvrus Croup, Avalon, Pa. 

L. S. Dickey, Chicago, III. 

F. Duffy. North Washington, Pa. 

John P. Erwin, Pittsburgh, Pa. 

S M Evans, Avalon, Pa. 

Philip Foust, St. Petersburg, Pa. 

William Gayler, Knox, Pa. 

Jacob Guiher, South Sharon, Pa. 

John Guiher, Granpion, Pa. 

John A. Gwinn, Parnassus, Pa. 

S. W. Hamilton, Vandergrift, Pa. 

J. M. Have-.. Parker's Landing, Pa. 
Thomas Hays, Butler. Pa. 
John J. Mile llohoken, Pa. 
Robert Hooks, Kittanning, Pa. 
W. D, Keefer, West Monterey, Pa. 
P. Klingler, St. Petersburg, Pa. 
Wm. B. Kroesen, Etna, Pa. 



Joseph R. Landis, Manorville, Pa. 

A. W. Lang, Marion Center, Pa. 
Clarion J. Logue, McKees Rocks, Pa. 
Jackson McCoy, Slippery Rock, Pa. 
Samuel McCov, Shipensville, Pa. 

II J. McGill, Bullion. Pa. 
Pa. Henry Montgomery. Euclaire, Pa. 

John'S. Moorhead, New Bethlehem, Pa 
Joseph Mover. Leetonia, Ohio. 
Sebastian Niederriter, Marble, Pa. 
G. W. Lifer. Du Bois, Pa. 

B. S. Rankin. Karns City, Pa. 
James Rankin, Saxonburg, Pa. 
Isaiah Reese, Sligo. Pa. 

1. W. Richardson, Shippensville, Pa. 

facob Rupert. Curlsville, Pa. 

John F. Rupert, Knox, Pa. 

Samuel Rupert. Parker's Landing, Pa. 

B. II. Scott, Pittsburgh, Pa. 
W. B Sedwick, Foxburg, Pa. 
W. II. Shaffer. Hartford, Conn. 
Isaac Shakely, Emlenton. Pa. 

Levi Shrckengost, New Bethlehem, Pa. 

I. 11 Slagle, East Brady. Pa. 

Uriah Sloan. Emlenton, Pa. 

F. Smullin, New Bethlehem, Pa. 

Isaac Stiffev, Emlenton, Pa. 

C. G. W. Stover. C.illensburg. La 
John D. Taggart. Allegheny, Pa. 
John Walter. Wilkinshurp, Pa. 
Valentine E Whitener, Chicora, Pa. 
leu is Wolford. Keister, Pa. 

Jeremiah Wyant, Kittanning, Pa. 



Foxburg is located on the banks of the Allegheny river at the confluence of the Clarion 
river. It is limit on land owned by the Fox heirs, all on leased lots. The Fox family it 



THIRTY-FIRST REUNION. 85 

one of the oldest Pennsylvania families. The most remote American ancestor was Justinian 
Fox, who followed William Penn to Philadelphia, within a few years after the arrival of 
the founder of Pennsylvania. His son, Joseph Fox was elected speaker of the Colonial 
Assembly, January 10, 17ii. r > His son, Samuel Mickle Fox, in anticipation of future values, 
became a heavy purchaser of lands in the western part of the State, including the land 
now in Clarion County belonging t>. the Fox heirs. At his death, 118,000 acres, not in 
eluding the land in Clarion County, were divided among the heirs. His oldest son, Joseph 
Mickle Fox. bought from the trustees under his father's will, 12 tracts of land in Clarion 
County, containing 13,284 acres, the consideration paid being $11,429 and 40 cents. He 
married Hannah Fmlen, after whom the town of Emlenton is named. In 1827 he located 
on his lands in Clarion County, near the site of Foxburg, and since that time the Fox 
fam-ly have made this their summer home, residing in Philadelphia during the winter. He 
died in 1845, leaving this vast estate to his widow and an only son, Samuel Mickle Fox, then 
24 years old. The latter died at Foxburg on Christmas day, lH(i(), leaving four children, 
two of whom survive, a son and daughter, the former being Joseph M. Fox, who made 
the address of welcome. 

From Oil City Derrick, September is. 1909: 

FOXBURG, Pa., Sept. 17.— (Special)-- -The thrifty, enterprising people ol this town 

did themselves great credit yesterday, adding in their well-known reputation .i - entertainers, 
by the open-hearted hospitality extended to the survivors of the One Hundred and First 
and One Hundred and Third regiments, Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, the occasion 
being their thirty-first annual reunion. The reception was the most cordial and liberal ever 
given the soldiers, many of whom spoke in highest terms of the treatment they received. 
The day was an ideal one and hundreds of people from surrounding towns and country 
were present and joined with the old soldiers in the festivities. There were also a large 
number of veterans present who saw Service in oilier regiments. The business houses and 
residences of the town were profusely decorated with Hags and limiting, presenting a 
veritable holiday appearance. 

Most of the members of the two noted regiments arrived on the morning trains and 
at 11:30 o'clock the procession marched from the Allegheny Valley railroad depot through 
the town and up the hill to the golf grounds in the following order: Allegheny Drum 
corps; Fox camp. No. 127, Sons of Veterans, carrying aims, Commander John E Womer 
in command, as escort; Foxburg post, No. 249, G. A. R, Commander John I Baker in 
command; St. Petersburg Drum corps; Lookout post. No. 125, G A. R., of Si Petersburg, 
Commander Peter Klinger in command; members of One Hundred and hirst and One Hun- 
dred and Third regiments; Foxburg Cornet band; citizens and visitors. On reaching the 
grove at the golf grounds Fox camp, Sons of Veterans, formed in open order and the 
procession passed between the lines and disbanded. 

Dinner was in waiting, threi lai ;e tables being rilled with everything that could be 

desired. The ladies of the Women's Relief corps had tins important feature in charge and 

it certainly reflected great credit upon them. Ovet i"" persons were served. 

Immediately after dinner there were contests for the best snare drummer and lie 
best lifer, the prizes being silver cups, Captain John A. Reed and Sanun I \1 T.vans of 

Pittsburg, and George Parker of Parker were the judges. 

The first prize in the drumming contest was awarded to M. A. Ilallack of Alleghi nj 
township, I'.utler county, and the second to J. J, Ashbaugh of St. Petersburg. Mr. Ilallack 
i> an old soldier, lie was a member of the Eighty-fifth regiment, New York Volunteer 
Infantry, and is (is years old. Harry Mow. of Perrysville, Clarion county, was awarded 
the lifer prize. lie is an old-time' player, being in his 78th year. There was no second 
prize awarded 

\ horseshoe pitching contest, a tug of war and other features during the afternoon 
proved interesting. The members of the One Hundred and First and One Hundred and 
Third regiments were photographed, and enjoyed every minute of the time in comradeship 
and various other ways, the beautiful grounds and unfettered surroundings seeming to fill 
them with new life and vigor. 

A business meeting of the members of the two visiting regiments was held in one 
of the adjoining groves. Captain John A. Reed of Pittsburg, sccrctan of the One Hun- 
dred and First Regimental Association, and vice president of the joint regimental associa- 
tion, presided, in the absence of the president, A number ol letters from member- "f both 
regiments who were unable to attend the reunion and other communication iwi re read The 
place of holding the next annual reunion was left with the executive committee, with 



86 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

instructions to give preference to Pittsburg, or some place near that city. Mr. F. L. Harvey 
of Foxburg, chairman of the local committee of arrangements and who was very largely 
responsible for the highly satisfactory manner in which all the details were carried out, 
was elected an honorary member of the regimental association. The following officers 
were elected for the ensuing year : President, Dr. W. B. Kroesen, Etna, Pa. ; first vice 
president, John A. Kelly, Philadelphia ; second vice-president, E. R. P.oots, New Brighton, Pa. ; 
secretary, for One Hundred and First regiments, John A. Reed, Pittsburg; secretary, for 
One Hundred and Third regiment, T. J. McK.ee, Pittsburg; treasurer, S. M. Evans, Pitts- 
burg; executive committee for One Hundred and First regiment, Jonas Walker, Pittsburg, 
and John Catterson, New Castle; executive committee for One Hundred and Third regi- 
ment, James Cooper, Pittsburg, and James H. Chambers, Vandergrift, Pa. 

Comrade Luther S. Dickey of Chicago, 111., explained the nature and scope of a history 
of the two regiments being compiled by him, after which the meeting adjourned. 

Supper was served at 5 o'clock by the ladies of the Relief Corps, and almost as many 
partook as for dinner. Evening was well advanced before the grounds were deserted. 

There were about 80 of the two regiments in attendance at the reunion, the members 
of the One Hundred and Third regiment being largely in the majority. This was prac- 
tically owing to the fact that more of the members live near Foxburg than those of the 
One Hundred and First. 

Colonel Joseph H. Wilson of Beaver, Pa., was the first colonel of the One Hundred 
and First regiment. He died May 30, 1862. His successor was Colonel D. B. Morris of 
Pittsburg, who died in February, 1908, aged 81 years. Lieutenant Colonel A. W. Taylor, 
win i is still living in Greenville, Tenn., at the age of 74, was in actual command of the 
regiment from December, 1862, until April 20, 1864, when it was captured at Plymouth. 
Honorable J. H. Longenecker of Bedford, Pa., who is still living, was the adjutant. 

Colonel T. F. Lehmann, Colonel W. C. Maxwell and Major Audley Gazzman, all of 
whom are dead, were officers of the One Hundred and Third regiment. Following are 
some of the original company of officers of the regiment who attended the reunion : J. H. 
Chambers, lieutenant of Company K; S. D. Burns, lieutenant of Company H; Dr. W. B. 
Kroesen, Etna, Pa., second lieutenant of Company K, Dr. Kroesen is medical director of 
the Grand Army, Department of Pennsylvania; T. A. Cochran, Apollo, Pa., captain of Com- 
pany C; F. Smullin, Putneyville, Pa., captain of Company D; A. H. Alexander, Clarion, Pa., 
captain of Company A; W. H. Shaffer of Hartford, Conn., a member of the One Hundred 
and Third regiment, traveled farther to attend the reunion than any of the others. 

THE CAMPFIRE. 

A campfire was held in Lincoln hall, commencing at 8 p. m. The hall was filled. 
Joseph M. Fox delivered the address of welcome. He reviewed the history of the regi- 
ment and the battles in which they participated in an interesting manner, showing careful 
preparation, and spoke of the perfect union all enjoy by amalgamation of the north and 
south. 

Honorable Thomas M. Hays of Fairview, Pa., gave a brief history of the organiza- 
tion of the One Hundred and Third regiment and its experience on the way to the front. 
Captain John A. Reed of Pittsburg responded to the address of welcome in behalf of the 
veterans and gave some important history of the One Hundred and First regiment, review- 
ing its varied experiences as a part of the Army of the Potomac, and later in North and 
South Carolina. He referred to the trying experiences in Andersonville prison. By a 
count it was found there were 21 present who had been confined there. 

Luther S. Dickey, the historian of the 103d Regiment, talked of the engagement at 
Fair Oaks, where they sustained heavy losses and failed to receive the credit they were 
entitled to. 

"Marching Through Georgia" was next sung and Comrade E. C. Beecher of Fox- 
burg made a short and pertinent address on the G. A. R. Miss Maud McGeary gave a 
recitation entitled "Freedom." 

Professor J. D. Murphy of St. Petersburg spoke of "Our Girls of '64," whom he 
pronounced the brightest, jolliest, sweetest ever. Comrade John F. Baker welcomed the 
visitors in behalf of the G. A. R., Women's Relief Corps and Sons of Veterans. Many- 
stories were told by the members of the regiments. 

A resolution was read by Comrade Joseph Moyer of Leetonia, Ohio, thanking the 
people of Foxburg, and especially the ladies of the Women's Relief Corps, for the excellent 
entertainment provided. 

The proceedings closed by singing "God Be With Us 'Till We Meet Again," and 
the pronouncing of the benediction by Rev. A. A. Benton. 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER. 87 

REGIMENTAL ROSTER. 

FIELD AND STAFF. 

Joseph H. Wilson, Col.; must, into serv., Oct. 4, '61; died near Roper's Church, Va., May 

30, '02. 
David B. Morris, Col.; must, into serv. Aug. 25, '61 ; pro. from Lt. Col. Oct. 6, '62; disch. 

Jan. 24, '65; exp. of term. 
James Sheafer, Col.; must, into serv., Oct. 22, 'ill ; pro. to Capt. July 1, '<i2; must, out with 

Co., as Capt., June 25, '65; discharge amended by War Dept., Aug. 27, '80, to take 

effect June 2, '65; must, as Col. to date, June 3, '65; must, out as Col. to dale June 25, '65. 
Joseph S. Hoard, Lt. Col.; must, into serv., Oct. 5, '61; pro. from Maj., July 1, '62; res. 

Sept. 24, '62. 
David M. Armor, Lt. Col; Dec. 16, '61; pro. from Capt. Co. A to Maj., July 1, '62; to 

Lt. Col., Oct. 6, '62; disch. May 2, '63. 
Alex. W. Taylor, Lt. Col.; must, into serv., Dec. 3, '61; pr. fr. Capt. Co. H to Maj., Nov. 

13, '62; to Lt. Col., July 1, '63; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; paroled, Aug. 3, 

'64; must, out, Nov. 20, '64. 
Melvin L. Clark, Lt. Col.; commission Lt. Col., May 18, '65; must, out as Capt. Co. B, June 

25. '65. 
Robert F. Cooper, Adjt. ; must, into serv., Oct. 15, '61 ; disch., June 21, '62. 
Lawrence T. Fetterman, Adjt.; must, into serv., Sept. 3, '61; pro. fr. 1st Lt. Co. E, Aug. 3, 

'62; to Capt. Co. E, Aug. 9, '62. 
David W. Mullin, Maj.; commissioned major May 18, '65; must, out as Capt. Co. G., June 

25, 1865. 
James Crossen, Adjt.; must, into serv., Dec. 14, '61; pro. fr. 2d Lt. Co. K, Oct. 6, '62; res., 

July 20, '63. 
J. H. Longenecker, Adjt.; must, into serv., Jan. 20, '62; pr. fr. 2d Lt. Co. D, July 26, '63; 

capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled, Mch. 2, '65; disch., Mch. 14, '65. 
Ebenezer Williams, Q. M. ; must, into serv., Oct. 5, '61 ; disch., Nov. 7, '62. 
Henry S. Benner, Maj.; commissioned major June 1, '65; must, out as Capt. Co. K, June 

25, '05. 
Thomas Bushman, Adjt.; commissioned adjutant May 18, '65; absent on furlough as 1st 

Sergt. Co. K, when Regiment was mustered out. 
Thomas King, Q. M. ; must, into serv., Dec. 28, '61; pr. fr. Q. M. S., Nov. 13, '62; capt. at 

Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; paroled ; disch., Mch. 11, '65, exp. of term. 
David M. Ramsev, Q. M.; commissioned May 18, '65; commissioned Capt. Co. F, June 1, '65. 
John P. Hosack.'Surg. ; must, into serv., Oct. 15, '61; tr. to 51st Pa. Vols., Nov. 20, '61. 
John A. Livergood, Surg. ; must, into serv., Sept. 14, '61 ; tr. f r. 51st Pa. Vols., Nov. 20, '61 ; 

res., Feb. 21, '62. 
David G. Rush, Surg.; must, into serv., Feb. 23, '62; pr. to Asst. Surg. U. S. Vols., Jan. 30, 

'65; disch.. May 22, '65. 
Abraham P. Frick, As. Surg.; must, into serv., Oct. 15, '61; pr. to Surg. 103d Reg't P. V, 

Nov. 24, '62. 
•George C. Bretz, As. Surg.; must, into serv., Aug. 4, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64 ; paroled. Dec, '64 ; com. Surg., June 20, '65 ; must, out as As. Surg., June 25, '65. 
■William McPherson, As. Surg.; must, into serv., Aug. 3, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, 

Apr. 20, '64; paroled; must, out with Regt., June 25, '65. 
John D. Glenn, Chap. ; must, into serv., Oct. 16, '61 ; res., Aug. 28, '62. 
Amos S. Billingsley, Chap.; must, into serv., Jan. 9, '64; abs. on det. serv. when Regt. was 

must. out. 
William Bell, Sergt. Maj.; must, into serv., Oct. 9, '61; pr. fr. Sgt. Co. K., Apr. 19, '65; 

com. 1st Lt. Co. K., June 1, '65; not must.; must, out with Regt., June 25, '65; Vet. 
•John C. Morrow, Sergt. Maj.; must, into serv., Feb. 21, '62; pr. fr. Sgt. Co. II. June, '63; 

capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died at Andersonville, Ga., Oct. 31, '64; grave 

11, 683; Vet. 
Edward N. Boots, Q. M. Sgt. ; must, into serv., Oct. 29, '61 ; pr. f r. Sgt. Co. H., Nov. 13, 

'62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; died at Andersonville, Ga., 

Sept. 12, '64; gr. 8, 606; Vet. 
' Chas. W. Thompson, Com. Sgt.; must, into serv., Jan. 22, '62; pr. fr. priv. Co. C, June 1, 

'62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; com. Capt. Co. C, June 1, '65; 

not must.; must, out with Regt., June 25, '65; Vet. 
William Thompson, Com. Ser. ; must into serv., Nov. 21. '62; disch., May, '62. 
C. O. Diffenbacher, H. Stew.; must, into serv. Nov. 15, '61; pr. fr. priv. Co. A; capt. at Ply- 
mouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; par., Apr. 21. '65; disch., May 31, '65; to date, May 

18, '65; Vet. 
Geo. H. Slaybaugh, Hos. Stew.; must, into serv., Dec. 14, '61; pr. fr. priv. Co. K, June 1, 

'65; must, out with Regt., June 25, '65; Vet. 



88 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

ROSTER OF COMPANY A. 

David M. Armor, Capt. ; must, into serv., Dec. 14, '61; pro. to Maj., July 1, '62. 

James Sheafer, Capt. ; must, into serv., Oct. 22, 'til ; pr. fr. 1st Lt., July 1, '62; must, out with 

Co., as Capt., June 25, '05 ; disch. amended by War. Dept, Aug. 27, '80, to take effect 

June 2, '65; must, as Col., to date, June 3, '05; must, out as Col., June 25, '05. 
Edgar Lee, 1st Lt. ; must, into serv., Nov. 5, '01; pr. fr. '2d Lt., July 1, '62; com. Capt., 

May 18, '65 ; not must. ; must, out with Co., June 25, '05. 
Charles A. Geissenhainer, 2d Lt. ; must, into serv., Aug. 22, '01; pr. fr. 1st Sgt., Mch. 20, 

'03; res., Feb. 1, '65. 
James M. Johnston, 2d Lt. must, into serv., Sept. 25. 'ill; pr. fr. Sgt. Julv 1, '62; disch. 

Mch. 25, '63. 
Henry M. Johnston, 1st Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 

20, '01; paroled; com. 1st Lt., May 18, '05; not must.; must, out with Co., June 25, 

'65; Vet. 
James Cilmore, Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

escaped and entered Federal lines at New Bern, N. C, Nov. 14, '64 ; com. 2d Lt., May 

18, '05; must, out with Co., June 25, '05; Vet. 
Charles W. Coneby, Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '01; wounded and capt. at Plymouth, 

N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; must, out with Co., June 25, '05 ; Vet. 
John W. Keating, Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 17. '01; pr. fr. Corp., May 1, '05; must, out 

with Co., June 25, '05; Vet.; died, Mch., 1903. 
Henry Leonhauser, Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 17, 01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled; absent on furlough when Co. was must, out ; Vet. 
•George W. Collins, Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 17. '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'04 ; died at Florence, S. C, Oct. 30, '04 ; Vet. 
George Armor, Sgt.; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., June 20, '02. 
Charles C. Small, Sgt.; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '61; disch., Aug. 20, 02, by reason of 

wounds received at battle Fair Oaks, May 31, '62. 
Wash. B. Gallagher, Sgt. ; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01 ; disch. on Surg, cert., July 12, '62. 
David H. Collins, Sgt.; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01; pr. to Corp., Nov., '01; to Sgt., Sept. 

1, '02; disch. on Surg, cert., Dec. 1. '62. 
Thomas R. Boss, Sgt.; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01; pr. from Corp., Jan. 1, '03; disch., Oct. 

27, '04 ; exp. of term ; died July, 1009. 
Edmund C. G Richards, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '01 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, 

Apr. 20. '04; paroled; must, out with Co., June 25, '05; Vet. 
James W. Fletcher, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20. 

'01; paroled; must, out with Co., June 25, '05; Vet. 
Logan M. Truxal, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 17, 01; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; 

Vet. 
John Sheaffer, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '01; capt. at Plymouth. N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

escaped and entered Federal lines at New Bern N. C, Nov. 14, '04; absent on furlough 

when Co. was must out ; Vet. 
Thomas Gallagher, Corp. ; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01 ; capt. at Plymouth, N C, Apr. 20. 

'04; died at Andersonville, Ga., Aug 1't, '04 ; grave 0,328. 
Hiram Gibson, Corp.; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '61; died at White House Landing, Va., 

June 20, '02. 
George W. Sampson, Corp.; must, into serv., 0~* 22 '01; died at Suffolk, Va.. Deec. 13, '02 
William Cameron, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'04; died at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 19, '04; grave 0,330; Vet. 
John S. Taylor, Corp.; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., Feb. 15, '63. 
William M. Taylor, Corp. ; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01 ; disch. on Surg, cert., Mch. 26, '63. 
Daniel Ludwick, Corp.; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01; disch. on Surg. cert.. Mch. 23, '63. 
Christian H. Stotler, Corp.; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01; pr. to Corp., Sept. 1, '03; disch. 

on exp. of term, Oct. 27, '04. 
John Dillhoff, Corp. ; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01 ; det. as nurse at Portsmouth Grove, R. I. ; 

not reporting to Co. ; is marked deserter. 
Harry Small, Music; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Oct. 10, '04; grave, lO.OoO. 
Dale Small, Music; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., Jan. 14, '63. 

PRIVATES 

George W. Askins; must, into serv., Dec. 28, '01 ; on det. serv. with 8th New York Art. 
Samuel Allinder; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., May 14, '63. 
Daniel H. Burke; must, into serv., Aug. 0. '02; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 
James C. Armor ; must, into serv., Feb. 23. '04 ; died at Roanoke Island, N. C. 

paroled ; must, out with Co., June 25. '65. 
David L Beaver; must, into serv.. Aug. 29, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER. 80 

John Basler: must, into serv., Jan. 26, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 

George W. Bumbaugh; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '64; capt, at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 20, 

'04; paroled; at Parole Camp when Co. was must, out; Vet. 
David Boner; must, into serv., Mch. 24, '64; absent on furlough at must, out of Co. 
Charles Baxter; must, into serv.. Oct. 22, 'HI ; died at Suffolk, Va., Jan. 10, '(i3. 
Curtis Bosledo ; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '61; died at Harrisburg, Pa., Feb 11, '62. 
Frederick Botz ; must, into serv., Feb. 25, '02 ; died at Yorktown, Va., in 1862. 
Emanuel Beighley; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Feb. 1, '62. 
Andrew H. Bixler; must, into serv.. Jan. 5, '62; disch. on Surg, cert., Aug. 21, '62. 
S amuel Creelmaq ; must, into serv., Nov. 17, 'til; capt, at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. '20, '64; 

paroled ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
Robert R. Crooks ; must, into serv., Nov. 17, 'CI ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

paroled; must, out with Co., June 25, '65 ; Vet. 
Cassius C. Collins; must, into serv., Feb. 26, '64 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Joseph Collins ; must, into serv., Aug. 22, 'li4 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Henry D. Comfort; must, into serv., Aug. HO, '(J4 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
William A. Corbet; must, into serv., Sept. 3, '04; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
John A. Corbet; must, into serv., Jan. 20, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
John Comp ; must, into serv., Aug. 29, '04 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
David W. Clouse ; must, into serv., Feb. 17, '65 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Charles Campbell; must, into serv., Feb. 18, '65; det. with 8th N. Y. Art. 
George Conway; must, into serv., July 11, '02; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '01; sup- 
posed to have died in prison. 
Frederick Christman ; must, into serv., July 11, 02; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

supposed to have died in prison. 
John VV. Coneby ; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '01 ; killed at Plymoutth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64. 
Titus Crooks; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01; must, out at exp. of term, Oct. 29, 'HI. 
William Crooks; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '64; disch. on Surg, cert., Mch. 1. '(i.'i. 
Thomas Carnahan; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '61; disch., Aug. 16, '61, from wounds rec'd 

at battle of Fair Oaks, May 31, '62. 
Samuel Dile; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '01 ; wounded at battle of Wliliamsburg, Va., May 5, 

'62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20, '04; paroled; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; 

Vet. 
Thomas J. Dasher ; must, into serv., Aug. 31, '64 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65, 
William Davidson; must, into serv., Feb. 17, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '05. 
Lewis H. De Huff; must, into serv., Aug. 20, '04; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
John A. Duff; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled, 

Apr. 9, '05; disch., June 15 to date May 15, '65; Vet. 
William Dile; must, into serv., Mch. 21, '64; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; pa- 
roled ; absent at must. out. 
David Davis; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '01; capt. at Plymouth. N. C, Apr. 20, '04; died at 

Charleston, S. C, Sept. 7, '04; Vet. 
James Debtman ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '65; died 

shortly after paroled, Mch. 11, '05, at Annapolis, Md. 
Robert Dowdle; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '61; wounded at battle of Fair Oaks, May 31, 

'05; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr '.'u, '64; died at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 4, '64; 

grave 4,780; Vet. 
Joseph Day; must, into serv., Jan. 29, '62; disch. on Surg, cert., Feb. 5, '62. 
William R. Divine ; must, into serv., Jan. 12, '63 ; disch. on Surg, cert., June 20, '63. 
Calvin O Diffenbacher; must, into serv., Nov. 15, '01; promoted to hospital steward. 
John Filbey, Jr.; must, into serv., Aug. 31, 04 ; must, out with Co., June 25. '05. 
John Fought ; must, into serv., Sept. 6, '64 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '05 
William J. Graham; must, into serv., Feb. 23. '05; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
James Gruver ; must, into serv., Aug. 24, '04 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '05. 
Henry Glass; must, into serv., Jan. 26, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
George B. Gray; must, into serv., Sept. 13, '01; served as wagoner most of the time; capt. 

at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled, Dec. 10, '04; disch., Feb. 14, '05, to date 

Dec. 16. '64. 
James Grififee; must, into serv., Mch. 23, '64; disch. by General Order, June 8, '65. 
John Hutton; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '01; wounded at battle of Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, 

'62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; paroled; must, out with Co., June 25 '65; 

Vet.; died Sept. 10, '61. 
Joseph N. Hoak; must, into serv., Aug. 12, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Gottl'b Holtzworth; must, into serv., Mch 26, '01; must, out with Co., June 25, '05 
Benjamin Hopple; must, into serv., Sept. 22, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '05. 
John Hindmarch ; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., Oct. 6, '63. 
Lewis C. Hughes; must, into serv.. Oct. 22, '01 ; disch. on Surg, cert., Oct. 6, '63. 



90 LOIS F PF.WSYI.VAXIA KH.IMI.N'T 

A 1 1 1 <> 1 1 1 a llaakc; must, into scrv., Dec. 28, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 1, '63. 

[ohn R lloupl; must, into Serv., Nov. 15, '(il ; discli., Dec. 20, '62, from wounds. 

William J. Ilgenfritz; must, into scrv., Aug. 81, '<M ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 

Thomas Jackson; must, into serv., Feb. 17, '65: must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 

George II Johnston; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '61; disch, on Surg, cert., Nov. 3, '62. 

lie hi y ECutz; must, into serv., Aug. 31, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 

Levi Kutz; must, into serv., Aug. 28, '61; died at Roanoke Island, N. C, Jan. 6, '65. 

Henry Kitiicn ; must, into serv., Mch. 21, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled, Mch. 2, '65; disch. by General Order, June II, '65, 
William Kilner; must, into serv., Jan. 5, '62; killed in battle of Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62. 
James Krippncr; must, into serv., Feb. 5, '62; disch., on Surg, cert., Jan. 31, '63. 
Luther A. Line; must, into serv., Aug 81, '64; must out with Co., June 25, '65. 
William Lytic; must, into serv., Sept. 8, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
William Landsbaugh; must, into serv., Aug. 23, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Jacob M Laidig; must, into serv., Sept. 17, '64; must, out with Co.. June 25, '65. 
Henry Lee; must, into serv., Feb. 17, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Samuel Long; must, into scrv., Nov. 17, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled; must, out with Co., June 25, '65, 
Michael Ludwick; must, into scrv., Oct. 22, '61; died at llarrishurg, Dec. 24, '61. 
John M. Luther; must, into serv., Oct. 22, 'til ; disch. on Surg, cert., Feb. 19, '(i:t. 
John Mates; must, into scrv., Nov. 17, 'til; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled, 

Mch. 1. '65; disch.. July 13, '65; Vet. 
|ohn Masters; must, into serv., Dec. 13, 'til; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled, 

Dec, 10, '61; disch.. Mch. 4, '65. i<. date Dec. 16, 'til. 
Samuel B. Miller; must, into serv., July 5, '(12: deserted at Plymouth, N. C, June 10, '63; 

ret. to Co. and was must, out June 25, '66. 
George W. Miller; must, into serv., Sept. 2, 'til; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Christian Miller; must, into serv., Sept. 16, '64: must, out with Co., June 25, '65, 
William T, Meredith; must, into serv., Feb, 17, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Peter Mouycr; must, into serv., Auk. 31, 'til, must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
lames (' Mates; must, into serv., Sept. 11, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '61; 

paroled; must, .ml with Co., June 25, '65; died about 1:3(1 A. M., Sept. 23, '98, after 

returning from Regimental reunion held at Zelionoplc, Sept. 22, '98. 
Robert II Miller; must, into scrv., Nov. 15. 'til ; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
Samuel Martin; must, into scrv., Nov. 15, '61; disch. from wounds received in battle of 

Fair Oaks, May 31, '62. 
Samuel Miller; must, into scrv., Nov. 15, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Mch. 23, '63. 
John Mitchell; must into serv., Nov. 15, '61; disch. on Surg. cert. Nov. 20, '62. 
Rees McWillianis; must, into scrv., Nov. 17, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
James McClellan; must, into serv.. Mch. 21, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65, 
Willi. mi McCune; must, into serv., Feb. II. '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
John McCorkel; must, into scrv., Dec. 1, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Wesley McKelvey; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '(il; disch. on Surg, cert., Nov. 19, '62. 
Samuel McMannis; must, into serv., Oct. 22, 'til; disch. on Surg, cert., Feb. 1, '62. 
William A, McMannis; must, into scrv., Oct. 22, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Feb. 1, '62. 
Duncan McAlister; must, into scrv., Oct. 22, '61; wounded at battle of Fair Oaks, May 31. 

'62; discli. by reason of wounds, Dec. 10, '62, 
I. u nli Nauss; must, into scrv., Aug. 31, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
John II 1'ilk.iv; must, into serv., Aug. 30, 'til; must, out with Co., June 25, '(15. 
Harrison II. Park; must, into scrv, Oct 22, til; died at Suffolk. Va., Nov. 14, '62. 
Daniel Rears; must, into serv., Feb. 23, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Andrew Parker; must, into serv., Dec. 2. 'til; deserted Jan. lit, '65. 
George Rhulc; must, into scrv., Nov. 17. '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
Samuel Reeder; must, into scrv., Apr. 11, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
William Roberts; must, into scrv, Sept. 15. '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
James Robinson; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; sup 

posed to have died in Confederate prison; Vet. 
Samuel Robinson; must into serv., Nov. 17, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Nov. 24, '62. 
Andrew C. Richey; must, into scrv, Oct, 22, til; disch., Oct. 27, '64; cxp. of term. 
Lewis Rcichard; must, into scrv., Sept. 28, '01 ; disch., Sept. 16, '63, from result of wound* 

received in battle of Fair Oaks, May 31, '62, 
William Ramanti; must, into serv., Dec (i. 'til; deserted Jan. 10, '65. 
Alexander Rodgers; must, into serv., Mch 21, '61; deserted Nov. 30, '64. 
Christian Rothe; must, into scrv., Nov. 17, 'til ; capt at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andcrsonvillc, Ga., Dec. 1, '64; grave 12,206; Vet. 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER. 91 

Jerome ShcafTcr; must, into serv., Nov. 17, V>1 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

returned to Co.; must, out June 25, '65; Vet. 
Thomas R. Stotlcr; must, into serv., Nov. IT, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
William Sampson; must, into serv., Nov. 17, 'til; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; 

must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
George 11. Smith; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; 

must, out with Co., June 25, '05; Vet. 
Adam Schaup; must, into serv., Nov. 17, 'til ; wounded at battle of Fair Oaks, May 81, '02; 

capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; must, out with Co., June 25, '05; Vet. 
Andrew Stussy; must, into serv., Feb. 29, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65 
Henry F. Smith; must, into serv., Aug. 22, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Samuel B. Smith; must, into serv., Aug. 22, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
David L. Souder; must, into serv., Aug. 20, '61; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Henry J. Souder; must, into serv., Aug. 29, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, 65. 
James R. Strathren; must, into serv., Feb. 17, '65 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Jacob L. Shipman; must, into serv., Feb. 17, '05 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Solomon Souder; must, into serv., Mch. 21, 01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 10, '64; grave 6,030; Vet. 
Benjamin Smeigh ; must, into serv., Dec. 28, '01 ; disch. on Surg, cert., Dec. 2!), '62. 
William Townsley; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '01; 

must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Alfred B. Taylor; must, into serv., Aug. 31, '01 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
David Townsley; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., Sept. 17, '62. 
David C. Thompson; must, into serv., Oct. 22, '61; trans. 1st N. Y. Art.; disch. Oct. 31, '64, 

exp. of term. 
John Taylor; must, into serv., Oct. 13, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
William Taylor; must, into serv., Oct. 23, '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
Jonas Walker; must, into serv., Nov. 17, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Mch. 10, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '05; Vet. 
Elliott D. Wilson; must, into serv., Mch. 21, '64; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
William Wilson; must, into serv., Aug. 20, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Jacob M. Wharton; must, into serv., Apr. 9, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Emanuel Wcirich; must, into serv., Sept. 5, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
David Walter; must, into serv., Aug 31, 'lil; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
William Wheeler; must, into serv., Sept 3, '01; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
John Wesley; must, into serv., Aug. 31, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
William White ; must, into serv., Feb. 20, '05 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Lucius C. Wox ; must, into serv., Jan. 13, '62; wounded in battle of Fair Oaks, May 31, '62, 

on account of which he was disch. Mch. 1, '03. 
John L. Wagoman ; must, into serv., Sept. 13, '01 ; deserted Nov. 30, '64. 
John Werling; must, into serv., Sept. 26, '01; died at White Oak Swamps, Va., June 12, '62. 
Joseph B. Zeigler ; must, into serv., Sept. 22, '64 ; must, out with Co., June 25, 65. 
Armstrong S. Zeigler; must, into serv., Dec. 28, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., Jan. 31, '63. 

COMPANY B. 

Victor A. Elliott, Capt.; must, into serv., Feb. 26, '62; disch. Sept. 22, '62. 

Melvin L. Clark, Capt.; must, into serv., Oct. 5, '01; pr. to 1st Sgt., Oct. 19, '61; to 2d Lt., 

Aug. 9, '62; to Capt., Sept. 23, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; 

com. Lt. Col., May 18, '05 ; not must. ; must, out as Capt. with Co., June 25, '65. 
Abram Young, 1st Lt. ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '01; disch. Nov. 2, '62 
Franklin P. Wylic, 1st Lt. ; must, into serv., Oct. 17, '61; pr. fr. pri. to Sgt., Nov. 12, '61; 

to 1st Sgt., Aug. 9, '02; to 1st Lt., Sept. 24, '02; res. Dec. 30, '63. 
George G. Gaylord, 2d Lt. ; must, into serv., Sept. 26, '61; res. Aug. 9, '62. 
Harvey S. Horton, 2d Lt. ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '01; pr. fr. pri. to Sgt., Nov. 12, '61; 

to 2d Lt., Sept. 24, '62; disch. Dec. 19, '63. 
Francis M. Shaw, 1st. Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; pr. fr. pri. to Sgt., Nov. 12, '61; 

to 1st Sgt., Sept. 24, '62; capt. at Plymoutth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled, Mch. 1, '65; 

disch. June 13, '65, by General Order War Dept. ; Vet. 
Dyer J. Butts, Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; pr. fr. Corp., Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Ply- 
mouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled, Mch. 1, '65; com. Capt., June 1, '05; not must.; 

must, out with Co. as Sgt., June 25, '65; Vet. 
Justus B. Clark, Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; Capt. at Plymouth, N. C, April 20, '64; 

paroled, Dec. 6, '04; com. 2d Lt., June 1, '65; not must.; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; 

Vet. 
George Hollands, Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 



92 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

paroled, Dec 9, '04; com. 1st. Lt., June 1. '05; not must.; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; 

Vet. 
Byron M Shaw, Sgt. ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Florence. Feb. 18, '65; Vet. 
Zerbino H. Young, Corp. ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled, Dec. 9, '04; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
Stephen G. Mudge, Corp. ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled, Dec. 9. '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
Ezra Ripley, Corp. ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

paroled, Mch. 3, '65; disch. by G. O., June 13, '05; Vet. 
Solon H. Dewey, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '01; died at Fortress Monroe, Va., Dec, 

1802. 
Perry Hill, Cor.; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth. N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., July 28, '64; grave 4,154. 
Phineas V. Clark, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; disch., June 10, '62. 
George E. Catlin, Corp. ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; disch.. date not given. 
Burr R. Bailey, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 15, '61 ; disch., July, '62. 
John Kelly, Corp. ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '01 ; disch., date not given. 
John W. Brown, Mus. ; must, into serv., Feb. 8, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled, Feb. 26, '65; disch. by G. O, June 20, '65; Vet. 
Israel M. Dair, Mus.; must, into serv., Dec. 30, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, April 20, '64; 

died at Florence, S. C, Nov. 15, '64; Vet. 
Oliver H. Perrv, Mus.; must, into serv., Jan. 31, '62; died at Harrison's Landing. Va., July 

31, '62. 
Seely Johns, Mus.; must, into serv., Nov. 19. '01; disch., Apr. 15, '62. 
James E. Young, Mus.; must, into serv.. Nov. 16, '61; disch., Sep. 8, '62. 
George Mudge, Wagoner; enrolled, Sep. 20. '01; must, into serv., Feb. 24, '62; disch., Apr. 6, 



'62, owing to disability. 



PRIVATES. 



Addison P. Benjamin; must, into serv., Nov. 16, '61; disch., May 25, '62. 

William Bailey; must, into serv., Jan. 31, '02; disch., June 30, '62. 

Amorvin H. Bacon; must, into serv., Jan. 31. '62; disch., Nov. 21, '62. 

Ebenezer Burley; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; died at Philadelphia, Pa., July 22, '62. 

Albert A. Bodine; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '01 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., July 12, '64; gr. 3,210. 
John J. Beach; must, into serv., Nov. 10. '01 ; killed at Fair Oaks, Va., May 30, '62. 
Lawrence H. Bears ; enlisted, Jan. 31, '62 ; at Mansfield, Pa. ; must, into serv., Feb. 24, '62 

date of muster out not given. 
Stephen W. Cochran ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 

paroled, Feb. 26, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '66; Vet. 
Contim Connelly; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 

paroled, Mch. 3, '65; disch. by G. 0., June 13, '65; Vet. 
Wallace Codney; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '01; capt. at Plymouth. N. C, Apr. 20, '04 

paroled, Dec. 6, '04 ; absent at must. out. 
Gideon A. Cornell ; must, into serv., Jan. 31. '62 ; disch., May 5, '62. 
Silas Cummings; must, into serv., Jan. 31. '02; disch., Sep., '62. on Surg. cert. 
Hiram W. Clark, 2d; must, into serv., Nov. 16. '61; killed at Fair Oaks, May 31, '62. 
William R. Cameron; must, into serv., Sep. 15, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Charleston, S. C, Oct. 9, '64. 
Edwin B. Clark; must, into serv., Jan. 8, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died at 

Andersonville, Ga., Oct. 22, '64; gr. 11,309; Vet. 
Hiram W. Clark, 1st : must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20, '04 ; died 

at Florence, S. C, Dec. 6, '64 ; Vet. 
Ora L. Cleveland; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; died at Harrisburg. Pa., Jan. 5, '62. 
William Dair ; must, into serv., Feb. 2, '65 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Patrick Delaney ; date of must, in not given ; disch., Feb., '63. 
Stephen Dickenson ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; disch., Jan. 17, '62. 
James Debtman ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; trans, to Co. A; Vet. 
Reuben B. Dair ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '01 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., June 26, '64 ; gr. 2.630 ; Vet. 
Flisha Fanning; must, into serv., Jan. 14, '02; disch.. Aug. 29, '62; on Surg. cert. 
Frederick T. Fairman ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, 61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Sep. 22, '64; Vet. 
Charles S. Fish ; must, into serv., Sep. 24. '62 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; died at 

Andersonville, Ga., Sep. 22, '64 ; Vet. 
Henry Gaylord ; must, into serv., Feb. 18, '62; wounded and capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 

20, '04 ; paroled. Dec. 9, '64 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65 ; Vet. 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER. 93 

Jonathan Greeley; must, into serv., Feb. 14, '62; disch., Oct. 9, '62. 

William B. Gaylord ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; disch., Feb., '65, on Surg. cert. ; Vet. 

James Henry; must, into serv., Oct., '62; deserted and returned to Co.; must, out with Co., 

June 25, '65. 
Arnold Halligist; must, into serv., Jan. 20, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
John W. Horton; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; disch., Sep. 25, '65. 
Francis Hager; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; disch., Jan. 15, '65. 
John C. Howe; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; disch., Feb. 24, '62. 
George W. Hubbard; must, into serv., Dec. 20, '61; disch., Oct. 9, '63. 
John L. Johnson ; must, into serv., Nov. U, '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
Horace Jaquish; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; disch, Nov. 28, '62. 
Samuel W. Jerield; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; died, July 28, '62, of wounds received at 

battle of Fair Oaks, May 31, '62. 
Thomas Jones; must, into serv., Nov. 12. '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Sept. 29, '64; gr. 9,999; Vet. 
Oliver M. Kelley ; must, into serv., Mch. 4, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Edward Lewis ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; wounded and captured at Plymouth, N. C, 

Apr. 20, '64 ; died at Richmond, Va., Feb. 25, '65 ; Vet. 
David Latterell; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; deserted, Aug. 12, '62. 
Elam Morehouse; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth. N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled, Feb. 26, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
Martin Moore ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; disch., Oct. 20, '62. 
Edwin A. Morley; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Mch. 3, '65 ; disch., May 6, '65, expiration of term. 
Daniel E. Morley; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Mch. 6, '65; disch., May 6, '65, expiration of term. 
Stephen M. Miles; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; disch., July 28, '62. 
Purington Maryott ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; disch., Jan., '62, on Surg. cert. 
Omer Morehouse; must, into serv., Nov. 12. '61 ; disch., Jan. 30, '62, on Surg. cert. 
John W Mapes; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., June 30, '64 ; gr. 2,684 ; Vet. 
John D. Miles; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; deserted, Mch., 1862. 

Frank M. Murdock ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; killed in battle Fair Oaks, May 31, '62. 
Stephen R. Peters; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., 1863. 
Francis Peters; must, into serv., Jan. 6, '62; disch.. Feb. 7, '63, on Surg. cert. 
Ester Palmer; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
George W. Pickens; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; disch., Aug. 25, '62. 
Artemus Ramsey ; must, into serv.. Feb. 27, '64 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Dwight Ripley; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; disch., Mch. 25, '62, on Surg. cert. 
John Rourke ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; disch., Mch. 27, '63, on Surg. cert. 
Andrew J. Reeder; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; disch., Sept. 13, '62, on Surg. cert. 
James H. Shaw; must, into serv., Feb. 22, '64; must, out with Co, June 25. '65. 
Orin Shaw; must, into serv., Feb. 22. '64; must, out with Co., June 25. '65. 
Thomas C. Shaw; must, into serv., Feb. 22, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Andrew Scouten ; must, into serv., Feb. 22, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Harry B. Shaw ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; disch., Mch. 23, '63. 
John W. Sweet; must, into serv., Sep. 15, '62; wounded and capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 

20, '64; paroled, Mch. 3, '65; disch. by G. O, June 13, '65. 
Orson F. Spurr ; must, into serv., Nov. 15, '61 ; wounded and capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 

20, 64; died at Mansfield, Tioga Co., Pa., Mch. 10, '65; Vet. 
Samuel W. Smith; must, into serv., Sep. 24, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., July 28, '64. 
Elisha Smith; must, into serv., Jan. 31, '62; died at Yorktown, Va., July 3, '62. 
Warren St. Johns ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; disch., Feb. 6, '63, on Surg. cert. 
George W. Vance; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

supposed to have died in Confederate prison ; Vet. 
Andrew J. Watkins ; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61 ; disch., July 7, '63. on Surg. cert. 
Reuben Wood; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; disch., May 2, '63. 
Alonzo S. Warren; must, into serv., Feb. 18. '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled, Mch. 1, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
James Wilson; must into serv., Feb. 18, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died, 

Dec. 1, '64; Vet. 
Jacob Wilds; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; deserted, Dec. 30, '61. 

Oscar F. Young; must, into serv., Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 
paroled. Dec. 9. '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 

COMPANY C. 
William Lowry, Capt.; must, into serv., Nov. 21, '61 ; disch., Jan. 16, '63. 



84 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

D. W. D. Freeman, Capt. ; must, into serv., Nov. 22, '61; pro. to 1st. Lt., Nov. 6, '62; to 

Capt., Jan. 1, '63; capt. at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 20, '64; disch., Mch. 14, '65, exp. of term. 
Robert J. McDowell, 1st Lt. ; must, into serv., Oct. 11), '61 ; disch., Nov. 1, '62. 
William C. Davidson, 1st Lt. ; must, into serv., Nov. 4, '61; pro. to 2d Lt., Nov. 6, '62; to 

1st Lt., Jan. 1, '63; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; disch., Dec. 8, '64; exp. of 

term. 
Joseph C. Cubbison, 2d Lt. ; must, into serv., Sep. 18, '61; pro. to 2d Lt., Jan. 1, '63; capt. 

at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; com. 1st. Lt., June 1, '65; not must.; must, out 

with Co., June 25, '65. 
James M. Eckels, 1st Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61; disch., Dec, 1862, on Surg. cert. 
• DeWitt C. Freeman, 1st Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 

20, '64 ; died at Florence, S. C, Oct. 12, '64 ; Vet. 
Nathan Cory, Sgt. ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

paroled, Dec. 11, '64; com. 2d. Lt., June 1, '65; not must.; must, out with Co., June 25, 

'65 ; Vet. 
George H. Fonner, Sgt. ; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled, Oct. 8, '64; disch., Jan. 25, '65; Vet. 
Silas Blair, Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61; died of wounds received at battle of Fair 

Oaks, May 31, '62. 
A. Depue Cole, Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 21, '61; died at Yorktown, Va. 
William C. Eckels, Sgt.; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled, Dec. 10, '64; disch., Mch. 21, '65, to date Dec. 15, '64; exp. of term. 
Robert L. Crawford, Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61: disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
John Coon, Sgt. ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; paroled, 

Feb. 22, '65; disch., Apr. 25, '65, to date Feb. 27, '65; exp. of term. 
William R. Hall, Sgt. ; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
Austin McDonald, Cor. ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

paroled, Dec. 6, '64 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65 ; Vet. 
John Catterson, Cor. ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

paroled, Feb. 26, '65; absent at must, out of Co.; Vet. 
John M. Duncan, Cor. ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled, May 14, '65; disch. by G. O., June 20, '65; Vet. 
Theodore Muchlehouse, Corp.; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61; killed at battle of Fair Oaks, 

Va., May 31, '62. 
John Clark, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Sep. 19, '64; gr. 9,239; Vet. 
Thomas Birkbeck, Corp.; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64 ; died at Annapolis, Md., Mch. 15, '65 ; shortly after paroled. 
John Piersol, Corp. ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; died at Plymouth, N. C, Feb. 18, '64 ; Vet. 
John Quigley, Corp.; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Sep. 22, '64; gr. 9,526; Vet. 
Peter J. Sprinker, Corp. ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

died at Annapolis, Md., Mch. 14, '65 ; shortly after paroled ; Vet. 
J. Steele McCready. Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
Charles J. Dehass, Corp. ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
Daniel W. Ault, Musi.; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled, Dec. 6, '64; disch. by G. O., June 6, 65; Vet. 
Wilson Richey, Musi.; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled, Dec. 6, '64 ; disch. by G. O., June 6, '65 ; Vet. 

PRIVATES. 

James L. Ault; must, into serv., Sep. 28, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 12, '64; gr. 5,511. 
William F. Briscoe; must, into serv., Sep. 28, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled, Dec. 16, '64 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65 ; Vet. 
Samuel Baker ; must, into serv., Jan. 2, '64 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; paroled, 

Dec. 6, '64 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Bernard Bush ; must, into serv.. Nov. 9, '61 ; trans, to Co. F, Oct., '61. 
John Bruce ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; died at 

Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 12, '64; gr. 5,416; Vet. 
James Baker ; must, into serv., Dec. 20, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; died at 

Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 18, '64; gr. 6,061; Vet. 
' David Black ; must, into serv., Feb. 28, '62 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; died at 

Florence, S. C, Oct. 1, '64; Vet. 
Christian Bower; must, into serv., Sep. 28, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 20, '64 ; gr. 6,279. 
' John H. Baker; must, into serv., Jan. 2, '64; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Florence, S. C, Feb. 15, '65. 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER. 95 

Joseph M. Boyd; must, into serv.. Jan. 2, '04; capt. at Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20, '(34; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 21, '64; gr. 6,701. 
William W. Bower; discharge on Surg, cert., only record given. 
Charles Bower; must, into serv., Nov. 6, 'til; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
John H. Baker; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., no date given. 
Henrv Baker; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '(il ; disch. on Surg, cert., no date given. 
Henry Berdox; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
David Carnes; must, into serv., Feb. 10, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65 . 
Thomas Chambers; must into serv., Nov. 6, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
George P. Craig; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61; absent on rescruiting service when Regt. was 

captured; on duty in provost marshal's office at Pittsburg, Pa., when must, out, Dec 

15, '64, expiration of term of service. 
Dill Crider; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61; died at Beaufort, N. C, Oct. 10, '63; buried in 

Nat. Cem., Newbern, N. C, plot 7, gr. 60. 
James Crider; date of must, not given; died at Plymouth, N. C. date not given. 
John Cassidy; must, into serv., Nov. 21, '61; trans, to Co. F, Oct., '61. 
Graham Coulter; must, into serv., Nov. 21, '61; trans, to Co. F., Oct., '61. 
George Cassidy; must, into serv., Nov. 21, '61; trans, to Co. F, Oct., '61. 
Samuel J. Douglass; must, into serv., Feb. 10, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
William Daugherty ; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61; served as wagoner, part time; died at 

Suffolk, Va. 
« Benjamin H. Delrumple ; must, into serv., Jan. 2, '64; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Florence, S. C, Nov. 18, '64. 
Job Fisher; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled, 

Dec. 11, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
William French; must, into serv., Mch. 1, '62; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
David Freed; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
Michael Fry; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
Frank Ford; must into serv.. Nov 21, '61; disch. on account of wounds received at battle 

of Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62. 
William F. Foster; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given, 
lohn S. Foy; must, into serv., Mch. 1, '62; disch. May 18, '65; exp. of term. 
John Flowers ; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '01 ; trans, to 8th Reg., N. Y. Art., Apr., '62. 
Jacob Freed ; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; died at 

Annapolis, Md., Dec. 10, '04 ; shortly after paroled ; Vet. 
William Foster; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled, 

Feb. 26, '65; disch. by G. O., May 4, '65. 

• Isaac Fisher; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died at 

Florence, S. C, Oct. 13, '64; Vet. 
John Funkhouser; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., June 26, '64; gr. 2,530; Vet. 
Jesse Glenn ; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
John Grubbs; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61; trans, to Co. F, Oct., '61. 
William W. Glenn: must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Sept. 26, '64 ; gr. 0,702. 
Patrick Genan ; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61 ; died, date not given. 
Isaac Hilkirk ; must, into serv., Jan. 2, '64 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; paroled, 

Dec. 13, '64 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
John Horn; must, into serv., Sep. 28, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled, 

Dec. 7, '64 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Thomas Horn; must, into serv., Feb. 28, '02; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died at 

Charleston, S. C, Sep. 20, '04; Vet. 
Henry Johnson; must, into serv., Jan. 1, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
David Jones ; must, into serv., Oct. 10, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; paroled, 

Oct., '64; disch., Feb. 10, '65, to date Nov. 14, '64. 

♦ Burton Joseph; must, into serv., Feb. 28, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Florence, S. C, Oct. 10, '64; Vet. 
Adam Kirkwood; must, into serv., Nov. 0, '61; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
Hugh Kirkwood; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Oct. 12, '64; gr. 10,747. 
Adam Klink; must, into serv., Nov. 21, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., July 13, '64; gr. 3.265; Vet. 
David Knowles; must, into serv., Nov. 21, '61; no further record given on muster rolls. 
John Klink; must, into serv., Nov. 21, '61; no further record given on muster rolls. 
Jacob Lewis ; must, in serv., Oct. 10, '01 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; paroled, 

Feb. 26, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
Joseph F. Lowry; must, into serv., Nov. 21, '61; no further record on muster rolls. 
Hill S. Leonard ; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61 ; trans, to 8th Regt., N. Y. Art., Apr., '62. 



96 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

Cyrus C. Leonard ; must into serv., Nov. 6, 61 ; trans, to Co. F, Oct., '61. 

A. Wesley Leonard; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61; trans, to Co. F, Oct., '61. 

John Moore; must, into serv., Jan. 5, '64; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled, 

Dec. 6, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Robert Mitchell; must, into serv., Jan. 5, '64; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled, 

Dec. 6, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
John Moran ; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61 ; no further record on muster rolls. 
John Moore; must, into serv., Oct. 19. '61; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
Alexander Melone; must, into serv., Oct. 1!'. '61 ; disch. on Surg. Cert., date not given. 
Robert H. Mace; must, into serv., Dec. 30, '61; trans, to Co. F, Oct., '61. 
Samuel C. Majors; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61; trans, to Co. F, Oct, '61. 
Joseph A. Morrow ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., June 18, '64; gr. 2,159; Vet. 
Jacob Miller ; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; died at 

Andersonville, Ga., Sep. 8, '64; gr. 8, 122; Vet. 
Timothy McCarty; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
Thomas McLaughlin ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; absent on furlough at must, out of 

Co.; Vet. 
Alfred McFarlin; must, into serv., Feb. 1, '64; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

escaped into Federal lines; absent when Co. was must. out. 
John M. McClurg; must, into serv., Feb. 1, '64; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Oct. 1, '64; gr. 11,119. 
John Naugle ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
James Naugh ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; disch. on Surg. cert. ; no date given. 
Thomas S. Nash; must, into serv., Nov. 21, '61; trans, to Co. F, Oct., '61. 
•Jackson Park; must, into serv., Jan. 2, '64; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Florence, S. C, Nov. 20, '64. 
Theodore J. Plants; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61; killed in battle, Plymouth, Apr. 20, '64. 
James Reed ; must, into serv., Oct. 19. '61 ; disch. Nov. 27, '64 ; exp. of term. 
Lewis Rhinehart; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., no date given. 
John Rutter ; must, into serv., Dec. 10. '61 ; disch. Jan. 6, '65 ; exp. of term. 
- John Reed ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; wounded and captured at Plymouth, N. C, 

Apr. 20, '64; died at Florence, S. C, Sept. 20, '64; buried in Nat. Cem. at Florence. 
Robert Russell; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61; died at Washington, D. C, Mch. 12, '62; 

buried in Mil. Asy. Cem. 
William W. Robinson; must, into serv., Mch. 1, '62; killed in battle of Fair Oaks, May 31, 

'62. 
Tolbert Swagers; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Feb. 26, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
John Stanley ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; disch. on Surg. cert., date not given. 
Joseph T. Stein ; must, into serv., Nov. 21, '61 ; trans .to Co. F, Oct., '61. 
Henry Swagers ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; trans, to Co. F, Oct., '61. 
Robert Stewart; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61; died at Camp Curtin, Harrisburg, Pa., Oct, 

'61. 
John Stewart; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61; died at Washington, D. C, May., '62; bur rec. 

June 6, '62; buried in Mil. Asy. Cem. 
Joseph Swagers ; must, into serv., Oct. 19, '61 ; died at Plymouth, N. C, Sep. 6, '63 ; bur. in 

Nat Cem., New Bern, N. C. plot 7, gr. 107. 
William Thompson; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61; pro. to Com. Sgt., June 1, '62. 
Charles W. Thompson; must, into serv., Jan. 22, '62; pro. to Com. Sgt., June 1, '62. 
* Milo Thompson ; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; died 
at Florence, S. C. Nov. 11, '64; Vet. 
David VanKirk; must, into serv., Jan. 1, '64; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; escaped 

to Federal lines; absent on furlough when Co. was must. out. 
Alexander VanKirk ; must, into serv., Nov. fi. '61 ; died at Fortress Monroe. Va.. Aug. 10. '62. 

COMPANY D 

Alexander Compher, Capt. ; must, into serv.. Feb. 13, '62 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled; disch. Mch. 12, '65, exp. of term. 
David F. Beegle, 1st Lt. ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled; disch., Mch. 12, '65, exp. of term. 
Nathan C. Evans. 2d Lt. ; must, into serv., Feb. 8, '62 ; resigned, Apr. 24. '63. 
J H Longnecker, 2d Lt. ; must, into serv.. Jan. 20. '62; promoted from private to Sgt. Maj. : 

to 2d Lt., May 1, '63; to Adjt, July 26, '63. 
S. J. McEldowney, 1st Sgt.; must, into serv., Jan. 13, '62; disch. by G. O.. June 3, '65; Vet. 
Abraham Rice Sgt. ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20. '64 ; 

paroled, Feb. 27. '65 ; disch. bv G. O., June 22. '65 ; Vet. 
Henry Linn, Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20, '64; 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER. 97 

paroled, Feb. 27, '65; com. Capt., June 1, '65; not must.; absent at camp parole, Annap- 
olis, Md., at must, out of Co. ; Vet. 
Reuben M. Stone, Sgt. ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled, Feb. 7, '65 ; disch., Apr. 5, to date Mch. 4, '65, exp. of term. 
Isaiah Evans, Sgt.; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '65; disch., 1862. 
David Dibert, Sgt.; must, into serv.. Nov. 1, '61; disch., date not given. 
Benj. A. Hanks, Sgt.; must, into serv.. Nov. 1, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Sept. 27, '64 ; gr. 9,892 ; Vet. 
Akers J. Hickson, Sgt. ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 ; died at Harrison's Landing, Va., July 

21, '62 ; bur. in Poplar Grove, Nat. Cem., Petersburg, Va., div. E, sec. E, gr. 384. 
Jacob D. Brown, Corp.; must, into serv., Feb. 1, '64; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled, Dec. 6, '64 ; disch. by G. O., June 12, '65 ; Vet. 
John Besser, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; no 

further record ; Vet. 
Isaac Rice, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Charleston, S. C. Sep. 21, '64; Vet. 
Henry S. Richey, Corp. ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 ; died at Washington, D. C, June 2, '62. 
Isaac F. Shoemaker, Corp.; must, into serv., Dec. 6, '61; died at New Bern, N. C, Nov. 11, 

'64; bur. in old cemetery. 
Jacob C. Hanks, Corp. ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 ; disch., 18l 
Samuel Carnell, Corp.: must, into serv., Nov. 1. '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled, Nov. 20, '64; disch., Mch. 25, '65, exp. of term. 
Levi Kegg, Corp. ; must, into serv.,- Dec. 1, '01 ; disch., 1862. 
George F. Shoemaker, Corp. ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 

2ii. '64; paroled Mch. 1, '65; disch. by G 0., June 3, '65; Vet. 
John F. Keagv, Corp.; must, into serv.. Nov. 1, '61; disch. from wounds received at battle 

of Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62. 
Amos S. Smith, Corp.; must, into serv., Jan. 13. '62: capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '62; 

paroled, Mch. 1, '65; disch. by G. O., June ;. '65; Vet. 
William C. Stuckey, Corp. ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 ; disch. at exp. of term. 
Ephraim Yaughan, Musi.; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Mch. 20, 

I aroled, '65; absent at camp parole, Annapolis, Md., at must, out of Co.; 
Franklin G. Mills, Musi.; must, into serv., Dec. 6. '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled, Nov. 20, '64; disch. by G. O., June 21. '65; Vet. 
John W. Vaughan, Musi.; must, into serv., Nov. 1. '61; disch., June 28, 
John Oler, Musi.; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; died at Harrisburg, Pa., Nov. 2. '62. 

PRIVATES. 

Samuel D. Brown; must, into serv., Nov. 1. '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 
paroled, Dec. 11, '64 ; disch. by G. O., June 13, '65. 

Wm. H. Bequeth; must, into serv., Dec. 6. '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; 
absent at camp parole, Annapolis, Md.. at must, out of Co.; Vet. 

Daniel Barkman; must, into serv., Nov. I, '61; disch., date not given. 

Peter W. Booby; must, into serv.. Nov. 6, 'iil ; disch., '62. 

John W. Brown; must, into serv., Feb. 8. '62; trans, to Co. B. 

Daniel Beam; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; no fur- 
ther record; Vet. 

Peter Clingman; must, into serv., Dec. 6, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20. '64; 
paroled, Dec. 11, '64 ; disch. by G. O., June 12, '65 : Vet. 

George W. Cornell; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 5, '63. 

Robert A. Clark; must, into serv., Dec. 6, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 5, 63. 

Amos M. Cameron; must, into serv., Dec. 6, '61: died at Harrisburg. Pa., Jan. 25, '62. 

Jesse V. Cooper; must, into serv.. Nov. 1, '61; died at Harrison's Landing, Va., July 30, '62. 

Jacob F. Def abaugh ; must, into serv., Dec. 6, '61 ; died at Harrisburg, Pa., Jan. 3, '62. 

Jacob England; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; 
absent at camp parole, Annapolis, Md., at must, out of Co. ; Vet. 

Josiah Emick ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 ; died at Suffolk, Va., Nov., '62. 

Francis L. N. Foor ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20. '64 ; 
no further record ; Vet. 

Wm. B. Filler; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., July 11, '62. 

Wm. C. Filler ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 : disch. on Surg, cert., '63. 

Michael Gilliam; must, into serv., Nov. 1. '61; disch. on Surg, cert., July 11, '62. 

Wilson Gilliam: must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; died at Williamsburg, Va., May 16, '62. 

Daniel L. Hetrick : must, into serv.. Nov. 1, '61: capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 
paroled, Nov. 11, '64; disch. by G. O., June 13, '65; Vet. 

Caleb Hanks ; must, into serv., Nov. 1. '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; no fur- 
ther record ; Vet. 



98 L01ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

David F. Hanks; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '(il ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; no 

further record ; Vet. 
Nelson Hanks; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Sep. 15, '64 ; gr. 8,804 ; Vet. 
Thompson Hanks; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '(il ; disch. on Surg, cert, '62 
Joel B. Hickson ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; died at Suffolk, Va., Oct., '62. 
Alex B. Hageman ; must, into serv., Dec. 6, '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert., '63. 
Simon P. Kegg; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; disch., Nov. 23, '64, exp. of term. 
Win. B. Kennard ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 ; disch. by G. O., July 10, '65 ; Vet. 
David Layton ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; died at New Bern, N. C., Apr. 1, '63; bur. in 

Nat. Cem.. plot 7, sec. 53; gr. 1,197. 
John Layton: must, into serv., Feb. 3, '62; missing in action, June, '62. 
Andrew J. Mills; must, into serv., Feb. 8, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 20, '64; paroled, 

Apr. 21, '65; disch., May 3, to date May 18, '65. 
Matson Miller; must, into serv.. Nov. 1, '61; disch., June 28, '62. 
John H. Mower; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; disch., May 24, '62. 
James P. Martin; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled, Mch. 1. '65; disch. bv G. 0„ June 3, '65; Vet. 
Jacob H. Mills; must, into serv., Jan. 23, '62; disch., May 24, '62. 
Jacob Moss ; must, into serv., Feb. 8, '62 ; disch., date not given. 
John Mortimer; must, into serv., Nov. I. '61; deserted, Apr., '62. 
Martin D. Miller; must, into serv., Feb. 26, '62; killed in battle of Fair Oaks, Va., May 

31, '62. 
G. E. McEldowney; date of must, not given; capt. at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 20, '64; paroled; 

absent at camp parole, Annapolis, Md., at must, out of Co. ; Vet. 
Wm. McDonald ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 ; died at Portsmouth, Va., '62. 
James Oler; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 20, '64; paroled; 

absent at camp parole, Annapolis, Md., at must, out of Co. ; Vet. 
Martin L. Potter ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

paroled, Feb. 27, '65 ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65 ; Vet. 
John Pitman; must, into serv., Feb. 8, '62; disch.. June 21, '62. 
John Fotter ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; disch., Feb. 6. '62. 
Christian Page; must, into serv., Jan. 16, '62; died June 26, '<;'_> 
Abraham Ressler ; must, into serv., Feb. 13, '62 ; died at Yorktown, Va., June 6, '62 ; bur. 

in Nat. Cem.; gr. 310. 
Jonas Robison ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 ; died at Baltimore, Md., June 1, '62. 
John Ruby; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; died at Harrisburg, Pa.. '61. 
John Roberts ; must, into serv., Dec. 23, '62 ; disch. not given. 
William Sparks; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled, Mch. 3, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
James P. Siler: must, into serv., Jan. 13, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; 

absent at camp parole. Annapolis, Md., at must, out of Co.: Vet. 
George W. Smith; must, into serv., Feb. 8, '62; died, date not given. 
Wm. Strong; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61; disch., '63. 
Joseph Smith ; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61 : capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; paroled, 

Mch. 1, '65: disch. by G. O., June 3, '65; Vet. 
Andrew J. Smith ; must, into serv., Dec 6, '61 ; disch., '62. 

Anthony Sheaffer ; must, into serv.. Nov. 1. '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 5, '63. 
Daniel F. Sweitzer ; must, into serv., Feb. 13. '62: disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 5, '63. 
Jacob Shoemaker; must, into serv., Nov. 1. '61; deserted, Sept.. '62. 
George Truax; must, into serv., Nov. 1, '61: died at Suffolk. Va., '62. 
George H. Tate; must, into serv.. Feb. 8, '62; died at New Bern, N. C. July 24. '63; bur. 

in Nat. Cem., plot 7 ; gr. 76. 
Samuel Veach ; must, into serv., Dec. 6, '61 ; died. 1862. 

George W. Wolford; must, into serv., Dec. 6. '61; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
George W. Wilson; must, into serv., Mch. 7, '62; capt. at Plymouth. N. C. Apr. 20. '64; 

no further record. 

COMPANY E. 

James Chalfant, Capt.; must, into serv.. Aug. 10, '61; resigned, Aug. 9, '62. 

Law T Fetterman. Capt. ; must, into serv., Rep. 3, '61 ; pro. from Adjt., Aug. 9, '62 ; disch., 

Feb. 19, '64. 
Gen 11. Fetterman, 1st Lt; must, into serv.. Sept. 3. '61; pro. from 2d Lt.. Aug. 9. '62; 

res. Mch. 9, "63 
James M. Morrow, 1st Lt. ; must, into serv., Sep. 15, '61; pro. to 2d Lt., Aug. 9. '62; to 

1st Lt.. Mch. 11. '63; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled, Feb., '65; com. 

Capt., June 1, '65: not must.; must, out with Co., Tune 25, '65. 
Walter S. McCume. 2d Lt. ; must, into serv.. Sept. 15, '61; pro. to 2d Lt., Mch. 11. '63; 

must, out, Dec 1, '64. exp. of term. 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER. 99 

John Lktighlin, 1st Sgt. ; must, into serv., Feb. 8, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 6, '64 ; gr. 4,857 ; Vet. 
John Gilfillan, Sgt.; date of must, not given; wounded at battle of Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, 

'62 ; died of wounds at Pittsburg, Pa. 
George W. Reel, Sgt. ; must, into serv., Nov. 6, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 20, '64 ; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Dec. 2, '64 ; Vet. 
Wiley Reel, Sgt.; must, into serv., Dec. 30, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled; drowned, Mch. 4, '65; Vet. 
Elias B. Durbin, Sgt. ; must, into serv., Nov. 5, 'til ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

paroled- com 1st Lt., June 1, '65; not must.; absent on furlough at must, out of Co.; 

Vet. 
Robert Story, Sgt. ; must, into serv., Dec. 18, '61 ; disch., date not given. 
Charles Rourke, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 5, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N, C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled ; must, out with Co., June 25, '65 ; Vet. 
Charles Adams, Corp.; must, into serv.. Nov. 5, '61; capt. at Plymouth. N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Oct. 31, '64. 

• Lyle McAllister, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 5. '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Florence, S. C, Oct. 15, '64; Vet. 
William W. Staubs, Corp.; must, into serv., Nov. 5, '61: capt. at Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 20; 

'64; died at Andersonville, Ga.. July 30, 64; gr. 4,345; Vet. 
Crampton, Williams Musi. ; must, into serv., Nov. 5, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64' paroled; absent on furlough at must, out of Co.; Vet. 
John S. Springer, Musi. ; must, into serv., Nov. 5, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Nov. 20, 

'64; died at Andersonville, Ga., June 28, '64; gr. 2,622; Vet. 

PRIVATES. 

John Allender ; date of must, not given; died June 20, '62. 

Eli C. Bruner; killed in battle of Fair Ooks, Va., May 31, '62. 

John Bruner; date of must, not given; died Aug. 1, '62; bur. in Cypress Hill Cem., L. I. 

Matthew Black; date of must, not given; wounded at Fair Oaks and never rejoined Co. 

Thomas Carney; must, into serv., Dec. 2, '63; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; 

must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Ezekiel G. Campbell; date of must, not given; sent to hospital May 10, '62, and never 

rejoined Co. 
James Cupps ; date of must, not given; disch. May 1, '63. 
Samuel Croft; wounded at Fair Oaks: never rejoined Co. 
Thomas J. Clark ; date of must, not given ; wounded at Fair Oaks and disch. Nov. 10, 1862. 

• Win. Z. Cole; must, into serv., Dec. 23, '63; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died at 

Florence, S. C, Nov. 25, '64. 
Peter Connell, date of must, not given ; wounded at Fair Oaks, and never rejoined Co. ; 
charged with desertion, which was subsequently removed, and honorably discharged 
to date May, 31, 1862. 
James A. Davis; must, into serv., Dec. 5, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 2, '64 ; gr. 4,625 ; Vet. 
James Douthett ; must, into serv., Nov. 5, '61 ; wounded and capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 

20, '64; died at Raleigh, N. C, June 16, '64; Vet. 
James Donald; must, in serv., Nov. 5, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

shortly after paroled at Annapolis, Md., Dec. 27, '64 ; Vet. 
James Dougherty ; date of must, not given ; disch. at Camp Curtin, Jan. 30, '62. 
Francis Drew ; date of must, not given ; disch. at New Bern, N. C, Apr. 1, '63. 
Michael Dowd; date of must, not given; disch. at Suffolk, Va., Nov. 29, '62. 
Louis J. Fleming ; date of must, not given ; disch. at Suffolk, Va., Oct. 10, '62. 
Cyrus Fry ; date of must., Nov. 5, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; died at Ander- 
sonville, Ga., Aug. 29, '64 ; gr. 7,198 ; Vet. 
John Flinn ; must, into serv., Nov. 5, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; paroled ; 

absent at must, out of Co.; Vet. 
John B. Green; date of must, not given; killed in battle of Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62. 
Franklin Gilmore ; date of must, not given ; disch. at Camp Curtin, Harrisburg, on affidavit 

of parents that he was a minor. 
Samuel Good ; date of must, not given ; disch. at Hampton, Va., Jan. 14, '63. 
John Graham ; date of must, not given ; disch. at New Bern, N. C, April 1, '63. 
Joseph Harnev; date of must, not given; disch. at Meridian Hill, Washington, D. C, 

Mch. 26,' '62. 
Charles Hague; date of must., Sep. 4, '64; term one year; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
John Hagan; must, into serv., Nov. 5, '61 ; killed in battle of Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20, '64. 
Joseph Q. Henderson ; date of must, not given ; died at Washington, D. C, June 3, '62 ; bur. 

in Mil. Asy. Cem., D. C. 



100 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

• Francis N. Heckman; must into serv., Nov. 5, '6] ; wounded and capt. at Plymouth, N. C, 
Apr. 20, '64; died at Florence, S. C, Oct. 25, 'til; Vet. 
Daniel Hollenback; must, into serv., Nov. 5, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonvillc, Ga., Aug. IT, '64; gr. 5,954; Vet. 
Charles Hague; date of must, not given; wounded at battle of Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62; 

disch., Dec. 14, '62, on acct. of wounds. 
Joseph Kukri; 'late of must., Jan. 21, '02; capt. at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 20, '64; died at 

Andersonville, Ga., Sep. 25, '64; Vet. 
George Koppes; date of must, not given; sick at White Oak Swamps, Va., and taken 

prisoner ; probably died before paroled. 
Daniel Knox; date of must, not given; disch. at Point Lookout, Md., Oct. 30, '62. 
Jacob Knoll; date of must., Feb. 8, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 20, '64; paroled, Dec. 

13, '64; disch. by G. O., June 19, '65; Vet. 
William Longenecker; date of must, not given; died at Suffolk, Va., Dec. 30, '62. 
John Loop ; date of must, not given ; wounded at Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62, and never 

rejoined Co. 
John A. Miller; date of must, not given; deserted from Camp Curtin, Feb. 14, '62. 
Joseph Minnick; date of must, not given; disch. Apr. 29, '63, at Fortress Monroe, Va. 
John McMullen; must, into serv., Dec. 2, '63; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; no 

further record given. 
Patrick McLaughlin; date of must, not given; died at Point Lookout, Md., Aug. 13, '62. 
Hugh McAllister; dale of must, not given; captured at White Oaks Swamp, Va., June 30, 

while dangerous ill ; supposed to have died. 
William McAllister; date of must.. Nov. 5, '61; died May 4, of wounds ree'd at Plymouth, 

N. C. Apr. 24, '04; bur. in Nat. Cem., New Bern, N. C, plot T; gr. 175; Vet. 
Will' . dale of must, not given; disch., date not given. 

i ary; date of must, not given; disch.. date not given. 
tcols; dale of must, not given; died, date not given, 
e Newberry; date of must., Nov. 1, 'ill; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died at 
Andersonville, Ga., Oct. 20, '64. 
Charles Omaley ; must, into serv., Nov. 5, 'HI; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '01; 
paroled; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
I: i Isburn; date of must, not given; disch., date not given, 
u ii ( Isburn; date of must, not given: killed in battle of Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62. 
\|i, lia, 10'] tara; must, into serv., Dec. 30, 'lil ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 'ill; died 

,ii And i , nville, Ga., Aug. 17, 'ill; gr. 5,939; Vet 
Edward Porter; must, into serv., Nov. 22, 'ill ; deserted; ret. and died at New Bern, N. C, 

Feb. I I, '65; burial record, Feb. I 1 . '65; bur. in Nat. Cem., New Bern, N. C. 
Martin Prasper; date of must, not given; deserted Mch. 2!'. '62, at Alexandria. Va. 
Samuel Powell; date of must not given; sent to the hospital from Harrison's Landing, 

dangerously ill and supposed to have died. 
Frank Riley; must, into serv., Dec. 9, 'HI; must, out with Co., June 25. '65; Vet. 
Pre. Uriel; Rodes ; must, into serv., Jan. 21. '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20. '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Sep. 3, 'HI; gr. 7,738; Ve1 
Joseph Rankin; date of must, not given; de erted from Camp Curtin, Harrisburg, Pa., 

Tan, 29, '62. 
Peter Rouse; date of must., Nov. 5, '01 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died at 

Andersonville, Ga., June 20, '64; - ! 15; Vet. 
Jacob Rush; date of must, not given; died Feb. 7, '63, at Point Lookout, Md. 
Giarlcs Rohrbacker; date of must., Nov. 5, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled; absent at must, out of Co.; Vet. 
Wm. Stewart; must, into serv., Nov. 5, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; 

must, out with Co., June 25. '05; Vet. 
Henry Shaffer; date of must.. Nov. 15, '01 ; must, nut by S. O., dated June 17, '65. 
Cornelius Smallman ; date of must, not given; disch. at Pittsburgh, Pa., Sept. 13, '62. 
Wm W. Thompson; must, into serv.. Dec. lit, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 10, '64; gr. 5,179; Vet. 
Henry \'eon; must, into serv.. Dee. 2. '63; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; 

must, out with Co., June 26, '65; Vet. 
Robert Veon; must, into serv., Dec. 23, '63; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; 

must, out with Co., June 25. '65 : Vet. 
Joseph Veon; must, into serv., Nov. 5. '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; 

absent on furlough at must, out of Co. ; Vet, 
Henry Walker; must, into scry.. Jan. 21, '62; absent on furlough at must, out of Co.; Vet. 
Isnac Webb; date of must, not given: left in hospital at White Oaks Sw;amp, Va., June 

30 '62: captured bv the enemy, and supposed to have died while a prisoner of war. 
James li Woodford; dale of must., Dec. 19, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 
died at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 27, '64. 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER. 101 

James Wiley; date of must. Feb. 24, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; 

died at Allegheny City. Pa. ; date not given ; Vet. 
Thomas Williams : date of must, not given ; deserted May 9, 1862 
William White; date of must., Dec. 1, '61; disch., exp. of term. 
Benjamin Wilds ; date of must, not given ; disch. Mar. 26, '62, at Washington, D. C. 

COMPANY F. 

Charles W. May, Capt.; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '61; resigned Jan. 17, '63. 

William F. Dawson. Capt.; must, into serv. Dec. 30, (>1 ; pro. from 2nd to 1st Lt, July 31, 

'62; to Capt., Jan. 20, '63; resigned Mch. 1, '>>'■'■. 
Thomas B. Dawson, Capt.; must into serv. Nov. 9, 'til; pro. ti> 1st Sgt., Sept. 1, '02; to 1st 

Lieut.. Jan. 20, '03; to Capt., Mch. 1, '63; capt. at Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Dec, '64; disch. Jan. 7, '05; exp. of term. 
James S. Rutan, 1st Lieut.; must, into serv. Nov. !l, '(il ; disch. July 18, '62. 
David M. Ramsev, 1st Lieut.; must, into serv. Nov, 9, '6] ; pro. from Corp. to Sgt., July 16, 

'62; to 2d Lt", Jan. 20, '63; to 1st Lt., Mch. 1, '63; Com. Q. M., May 18, '65; Capt., June 

I. '65; must, out with Co., June 25 '65. 
James A. Johnson, 2nd Lieut. ; must, into serv. Nov. 19, '61 ; pro. from Sgt. to 22nd Lieut., 

July 31, '62; to Adjt. 172d Reg. P. V., Dec. 8, '62. 
Joseph F. Werrick, 2nd Lieut., must, into serv. Nov. it, 'til; pro. to 2nd Lieut., Mch. 1, '63; 

capt. at Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled; disch. Apr. 5, '65; exp. of term. 
William II. Sutherland, 1st Sgt.; must, into serv. Nov. 9, 'til; capt. Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 

20, '01; paroled Dec. 13, '64; com. 1st Lieut., June 1, '65; not must.; absent on furlough 

at muster out; Vet. 
David D. Johnson, 1st. Sgt.; must, into serv. Nov. 9, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Aug. 1, '62. 
Clark A Hunter, 1st Sgt.; must, into serv. Nov. 9, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., at Plymouth, 

N. C. 
Brunton W. Smith, Sgt.; must, into mtv. Jan. 1, '62; wounded and capt. at Plymouth, X. C, 

'64; paroled; com, 2nd Lieut. June 1, '65; not must.; absent on furlough at must, out; 

Vet. 
John V. Wynn, Sgt.; must, into serv. Nov. 5, 'ill; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Apr. 21. '65; disch. May 31 to date May 18, '65. 
John Sweaney, Sgt.; must, into serv. Dec. 18, 'til; disch. on Surg, cert., July 14, '62. 
William S. More-land, Sgt.; must, into serv. Nov. 9, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'(if; paroled Dec. 11, '64; must, out Mch. 8, '65; exp. of term. 
James R. Bruce, Sgt.; must, into serv. Dec. 1^, til; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Sept. 10, '64; grave 8,363; Vet. 
Jacob E. Wench, Sgt.; must, into serv. Nov. 19, '(il ; deserted Apr. 10, 'ti 3 
James McCarroll, Sgt.; must, into serv. Xov. 9, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., Aug. 7, '62, 
Ebenezer Springer, Corp.; must, into serv. Dec. 18, '61; capt. at Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled Feb. 27, '65; disch. by Gen. Or., June 22, '65; Vet. 
William H. Toms, Corp.; must, into serv. Jan. 1, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 'til; 

paroled Mch. 1, '65; disch. by Gen. Or., June 28, '65; Vet. 
Henry E. Cook, Corp.; must, into serv. Nov. 9, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Dec. 13, '64 , disch. Melt. 21. '65, to date Dec. 18, '64; exp. of term. 
William P. Deal, Corp.; must, into serv., Xov. 9, '(il ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '(if; 

paroled Dec. 13, '64 ; disch. Mch. 21, '65, to date Dec. 18, '64 ; exp. of term. 
A. Wesley Leonard, Corp.; must, into serv. Nov. 21, '(il ; disch., date not given. 
Thomas McGaffic, Corp.; must, into serv. Xov. 0, 'til; disch. on Surg, cert., '63 
John M. Ramsey, Corp.; must, into serv. Xov. 1!', '(il ; disch. on Surg, cert., Dec. 21, '62. 
Thomas Barkley, Corp.; must, into serv. Xov. 9, '61; died at Roper's Church, Va., June 

15. '02. 
• John L. McCarroll, Corp. ; must, into serv. Xov. 9, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 20. 

'64; died at Florence, S. C, Nov. 24, '64. 
Joseph T. Elder, Musi.; must, into serv. Dec. 18, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled May 5. '65; absent on furlough at muster out of Co.; Vet. 
Bernard Bush, Musi.; must, into serv. Xov. 0, 'til; disch. on Surg, cert.; date not given. 
•Cyrus C. Leonard, Must.; must, into serv. Xov. 21, '61; capt. at Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 20, 

'til; dte.l at Florence, S. C, Mch. 2. '05; Vet. 

PRIVATES. 

Joseph Allison, must, into serv., Xov. 19, '61; disch. on Surg. Cert.; date not given. 
Ly'n B. Arkwright ; must, into serv. Xov. 9. '61 ; deserted from hospital at Philadelphia. 
Milo Barnes; must, into serv. Dec. 18, '61; died; date not given. 

Harvey Brown ; must, into serv. Nov. 9, 61 ; capt. at Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; died at 
Andersonville, Ga., Apr. 20, '64; Vet. 



10a LOIST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

Samuel \\ ( hamberi . musl mi" sen I >« • is, 'M ; wounded and capt, at Plymouth, N. C, 
Apr. 20, '64; paroled Dec. 18, '64; absent on furlough at must, out of Co.; Vet. 

Benjamin ( hambers; must, into Berv, Dec, 18, '61; capt, at Ply uth. N. G, Apr. '20, '64; 

paroled Dec, 16, '64; absent on furlough at must, out of Co.; vet, 

(..mm Cassidav . Mini inln <i\ \m 'I, 'i.l, ..i|il .ii Plj lli. \ i , \pi 20, 'lit. 

paroled Dec LI, '64; absent on furlough :>i muster out of Co.; Vet. 
Graham Coulter; must, into Ben Nov. 21, 'HI ; trans, from Co. C; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, 

Apr, 20, iii; paroled Dec. 18, '64; absent sick at muster out of Co.; Vet, 
Nicholas Calhoun; must, into serv. Nov. 0, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Feb, 27, '65; must, out with Co., June- 25, '65; Vet 
Samuel Cox; musl into serv, Nov. 18, '64: must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
John Court; must, into serv, Nov. !), 'til; disch, Auk. 29, '62, for wounds received at Battle 

of hair Oaks, Va., May .11, '62 

iniin Cassiday; must, into serv, Nov. '21, 'til; died at Harrisburg, Pa., Jan. 10, '62. 

lli as Dailej . must, into serv., Nov. L9, 'til ; capt, at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, I Kill . paroled. 

Nov. Ii. 'til; absent on furlough at musl. out of Co.; Vet. 

Thomas Devine; must, into serv. Dec, 80, 'til ; disch on Surg, cert., 1868. 

William Dailcy: musl into saw, Nov. 9, 'til ; disch mi Surg, ceil., dale not given, 

Daniel Dailey; must, into serv. Nov. 9, '61; disch, on Sure, cert., 'tin. 

I uthei M Eaton; mU9t. into serv, Dee. IS, 'til ; died at While Oak Swamp, Va., June 23, '62. 

I' dm A Eakin; must, into serv. Nov. 19, 'til; disch, on Surg. cert. July H, '62. 
M.n lui \\ Elliott; must, into serv. Nov. 9, 'til; disch,, date not given 
William French; must, into serv. Nov, 9, 'til; disch. Nov. !t. ill; exp. of term, 
|ohn Grubbs; must, into serv \1cc. .'Ill, 'ill; capt, at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 2U, 'ill; died at 
Vndersonville, Ga , Sept. L5, 'HI; Vet. 

William tlolsworth; musl. into serv. Nov. 9, 'ill; disch. on Surg, cert., date not given. 
William Mall; must into serv. Nov. 9, 'til; disch. Nov. IT, 'ill; c\p. of term. 

Samuel Helm; must into sen Nov, 9, 'til; died at Newport News, Va,, Apr. 20, '62. 
George \ Hunter; must, into serv, Nov. 9, 'iii ; died at Suffolk, Va., Oct. .'II, '62. 
I In mi. is | Johnson; musl into serv. Nov. 0, 'til; capt at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. '20, '64; 
paroled Dec, 9, '64; absent on furlough at must, out of Co.; Vet. 

James Leonard; must, into serv. Nov. It, 'lil ; wounded and capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 

20, 'til; paroled; disch Jan, 26, '65; exp, of term. 
Cornelius Lester; must, into serv. Nov, l!>. 'til; disch. on Surg, cert., [862, 

• William Lackey; must, into serv, Nov, lit. 'in ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Florence, S C, Oct. 26, '64. 
Alexander Mitchell; must, into serv. Sept, 19, '<H; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 

Jacob C. Morion; musl. into serv. Nov. 9, 'til ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 'til; paroled 

Apr, '65; disch, June 3d, to date May is, '65. 

Samuel Mome; inn. I into sei \ . Nov. 19, 'til; capl. at Plymouth, S. C, Apr. '20, 'ill; died 

at Ami. i mi\ die, Ga., Oct, '.'I. 'ill; grave 11,887, 
George Mansfield; must, into serv Nov. I!', 'til; capl. at Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20, 'ill; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Oct. lit, 'ill; grave 11.112; Vel 

Robert II Mace; musl into sciv, Dec. .'Ih. 'til; disch. on Surg. cert.. 1868, 

Benjamin Morgan; must, into serv. Dec. is, 'ill; disch. on Surg, cert., Oct. 22. ii ' 
lames Mansfield; must, into serv, Nov. 9 'til; capl. at Plymouth, N. I , Vpi 20, 'HI; paroled 
Feb, 28, '65; disch May s, to dale Mch, d. '65 

Jackson Marie; must, into serv. New. 9. 'lil; disch. on Surg, ceil., Mch. 28, '62. 
Samuel C Majors ; musl. into serv., Oct. 19, '61 J trans, to Co. < i, Ian. i. 'ill ; \ . I 
Calvin Morgan; must, into serv. \)ic IS. '61; trans, to 1(12(1 Regt. P. V., 1864. 

Web, S. Matthews; nans, to Co. 1 1. 

[ackson Met nil; must, into scr\. Nov 9, 'ill ; disch on Surg, cert., Mch. 2.'!. '112. 
I. urns McElduff; must, into serv. Ian. I, '62; disch. on Surg, cert , date not given. 
Joseph McKean; must, into serv. Nov. 9, 'lil; disch. on Surg, cert., 1862, 
William McFadden; must, into serv. Nov. 9, '61; disch. on Surg, cert,. July II, '(12. 

* Ross McKenzie; must, into serv, Nov, 9, 'ill; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 'ill; died 

at him. nee, s C. Nov. I, '64; Vel 

Thomas S. Nash; must into serv. \ov. 21. 'ill | disch. on Surg cert., Jan. 27, '62 

John M. Porter; musl. into serv. D«C. IS, '(II; capt, at Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20. 'ill; paroled 

Feb, 22, '65; must, out with Co., June 2."., *65; Vet. 
I limn. is Parks; must, into serv. Nov. 9, Ml; capl ai Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; paroled 

Feb 28, '65; absent on furlough at must, out of Co.; Vet 
Reuben Patterson; musl into serv, on Nov. 1, 'ill; trans, to Co. II. 

Peter Kainho; must, into Sen Dec IS, 'lil; disch, on Surg, cert., June 19, '62. 

I. dm Risinger; must int.. serv, Nov. 9, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died at 

Charleston, S. C. lice, 2.'.. '64 
Thomas Swagers; must, into serv. Dec, 28, 'OH; capt. at Plymouth, N C. Apr 20, '64; 

paroled Dei 18, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 



KKCIMK.N I \l R0S1 ER 106 

William Smith; must, into serv. .hen. I, '62; capt. al Plymouth, N. C. Apr, 20, '64; paroled 

Dec. 15, '64; absent on furlough ;>i mustei out oi Co.; Vet. 
Milton S wagers; must, into serv, Dec, I*. '61; capt, at Ply uth, N, C. Apr, 20, '64; died 

.it Vndersonville, Ga., Aug 29, '64; grave 6,882; Vet. 
f Henry Swagers; must, into serv. I » « » 80, '61; capt, al Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; died 

at Florence, S. C, I let. 15, '64 . V< I 
William B, Smith; must, into serv, Dec, 80, '61 : died at Portsmouth, Va., date not given, 
Joshia Sheldrake; must, into serv, Nov, 9, 'til : disch, on Surg cert, 1868, 
Joseph T, Sting; must, into serv, Dec, 80, '61; deserted from Camp Curtain, rlarrisburg, 

Jan., '62 
Samuel Tennis; must. Nov. 9, '61; disch. "ii Surg, cert., 1863 
Jesse Wallace; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; capt. a1 Plymouth, \. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Feb 20, '65; disch, May 22, to date Apr 6, 65 
Hamlin Wyrm ; must, into en Nov 9, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N, C, Apr 20, '64; died at. 

Andersonville, Ga., Sept, 4, '64; Vet. 
Edward Young; must into serv, Nov. 9, '61; died at New York, Dec 29, '62; buried i« 

Cypress Hill cemetery, L. 1. 

COMPANY G. 

William Ii. Sprague, (apt.; must, into serv, Feb. 20, '62; disch, Jan 10, 68 

David W. Mullin, Capt.; must into sen Feb 20, '62: pro, from 1st Lieut. Jan. 21, '68; 

eapt at Plymouth, N. C, \pr, 20, '64; paroled Feb., '65; com Maj May 18, '(i. r >; not 

must. ; di I h M.r, 16, '65 
Isaiah Conley, 1st hunt . mu I into serv. Feb. 20, '62; pro ft !nd Lieut, Jan. 21, '68; 

capt, at Plymouth, N. C., Apr 20, '64; paroled Nov, 13, '64; 'apt May 18, '65; 

not musl , must "tit with Co., June 25. '65 
John Ii. Helm. 2nd Lieut.; must, into serv. Oct, 8, '61; pro, p. 1st Sergt, Dee,, '62; to 2nd 

Lieut .\Mi 9, '63; capt at Plymouth, N. C, Apr 20, '64; paroled; com, 1st Lieut. May 

IS. '65; not must ; absent, Sick at must. out. 

Samuel M. Lawrence, 2nd Lieut.; ••! into serv. < ). t 8, 'til, pro to 2nd Lieut Jan. 21, 

'68 ; 1 1 igm 'I Mile It, '68. 

John Paul, 1st Sgt; must, into serv Dec ', '61; capt .it Plyi th, N I . Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Dec, hi. 'til, pro from S >,•, i . Mch. I, 'ti-'>; com, 2nd I. nut Inn.' I, '65; not 

must.; must, mil with Co. June 25, 65; Vet. 

S. J. Chamberlain, 1st Sgt.; must, into serv. Dee. ■„', 'til; di ch on Surg '''t Oct. 9, '62. 
William !•'.. Dougherty; t. into serv. 1 >ec, '_'. 'til , pro, to 1st Sgt., date not given ; wounded 

and capt. at Plymouth, N, ('., Apr, 20, 'til; paroled; disch, on acct, "i w Is after 

parole; Vi I 
Ganet \i I raighead; must, into sen Dei I 61 capt at Plymouth, N C, 

paroled Feb !4, '65; mu I out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet, 
William M, Torrence, Sgt.; must, into serv. Dei 2, '61; eapt. at Plj uth, 

20, ''ii paroled Feb 24, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet 

Jacob Z, Over, Sgt.; t into 9en Feb 18, '62: di ch on Surg cert Apr, 

William A. Long, Sgt . i into en Dei ! '61; 'apt. at Plymouth, N, C, 

died at Richmond, Va . hi b -'I, '65; V I 
[bel Martin. Corp.; must int" serv, Dec 2, '61; capt. al Plymouth, N C, 

paroled hel). 24, 'ti"', must, out with Co, June 25, 'ti">; Vet. 

A. Lightningstar Corp.; mu t mi'' sen , ''ii ; cap! at Plymouth, N. (', Apr 

.nit with Co., June 'jr., '65; Vet. 

William II. Knipple, Corp.; must, into en i' 1 ' 28. '61; capt .'i Plyn th. 

20, '<il; paroled Feb 24, '65; must .out with Co., June 25. '65; Vet 
Harvey Shepler, Corp ; must int" sen Dei ;'. 'til; '-apt at Plymouth, N I 

paroled Feb. 24, '65; must out with ( o rum 25 '65 Vet 
Samuel C Majoi M i i ; must, ii let 19, 'til; capt, at PI) ith, ,\'. 

'64; paroled Apr. 21, '65; disch Ma; 31, to dati May 12, 'ii. r .; Vet 
George R. Garretson, Musi. ; must, into er I Ii 18, '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert Dd 11, '62 
Franklin G Norton, Mu i.; must, into ei Dei 18, ,|; l ; died al Ffarrisburg, Jan 21, 

I'UIVA'I I 

James Anderson; must, into serv Dee. 28, '61; eapt. at Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 20, ''it; died 

at Savannah, ' .a . I lee. 1, '64 ; V I 
Augustus Vhlborn; must, into 9erv. Dec, 28, 'til; deserted Feb., '62, 

Simon I' I'.irney; must into serv, Dei ! 61; capt at Plyi uh, N. C, Apr, '-'<», ''if; 

parol. ,i 1 1 bet hi. '64; must out with < o., June 25, ''i ; ' , Vet 

I" ' i,h I Brown; must into 9erv Dei 28, 'til; wounded and '.'pi. at Plymouth, N. C, 

Apr. 20, 'til. pa, "I..1 Feb, 26, v.; must, out with Co., June 25, '(i. r .; Vet. 



Apr 


10, 


i,l, 


. N. 


c, 


Apr. 


;,. '68 
Vpi 


20, 


''■I; 


Apr. 


20, 


'til; 


10, '64 ; must. 


i, N, 


C, 


Apr 


Apr 


10, 


'di. 


r. c, 


Apt 


■. 20, 



104 L01ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

John Bennetl ; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '(il ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Feb. 25, '65; nmst. out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet, 
Henry Boerkamp; must, into serv, Dec. 28, '(il ; disch. Feb. 5, '63, for wounds received at 

Battle of Pair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62. 
Joseph J. Bannon; must, into .serv. Feb. 18, '62; disch. on Surg, cert., July 23, '62. 
Leonard Boyer; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; died at Portress Monroe, June 25, of wounds 

received at battle of Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62. 
Abraham Beltz; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

on transport Baltic Dec. 3, '64; buried at Annapolis, Md. 
Charles Brower; date of must, not given; transferred to Co. I. 
William Conkle; must, into serv. Dec, 2. 'ill; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Dec. Hi. '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
Samuel Coulter; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; disch. on Surg. cert. Jan. 12, '63. 
J. S. t hamberlain; must, into serv., Dec. 2, '61; died at Whitehouse, Va., June 9, '62. 
James B. Caldwell ; must, into serv., Dec. 2, '61 ; died at Whitehouse, Va., June 12, '62. 
James L. Cook; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '65; died at Point Lookout, Md., Aug. 7, '62. 
John Dunn; must, into serv., '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled Dec. 16, 

'ill; must, out with Co., June 25,- '65; Vet. 
John Defibaugh; must, into serv., '61; wounded and capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; 

died at Andersonville, Va., Aug. 16, '64; Vet. 
William 11. Evans; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '61; died June 27, '62; buried in National Cem- 
etery, Yorktown, Va., sec. D; gr. 294. 
James Al. Fickes; must, into serv. Feb. 18, '62; disch. on Surg, cert., Nov. 8, '62. 
Samuel Foster; must, into serv. Feb. 18, '62; disch. Feb. 5, '62, for wounds received at 

Battle of Fair Oaks, Va., 1862. 
Nicholas Fogle; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; died at Portsmouth Grove, R. I., July 7, '62. 
William Glenn; must, into serv. Men. 3, '62; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 4, 63. 
i Justice Gollipher; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Florence, S ('., Oct. 16, '64; Vet. 
Solomon Geller; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '61; wounded and capt. at Battle of Fair Oaks, 

Va . May 31, '62; died of wounds at Richmond, Va., June 16, '62. 
Jacob A llile; nmst. into serv. May .'!, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
David llile; must, into serv. May 3, '64; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Michael Harlan; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; disch. on Surg, cert.. May 14, '63. 
John Householder; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; disch. Mch. 16, '64, for wounds received 

at Fair Oaks, Va.. June 31, '62. 
Abraham A Hartford; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '(II; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 5, '63. 
William I! Huffman; must, into serv. Dec. 28, 'til; disch., 1863, for wounds received at 

Battle of Fair Oaks. Va., May 31, '62. 
Abraham Hull; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Jan. 21, '(12. 
Moses Hazlett; must, into serv. Dei. 28, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Feb. 26, '65; disch. June 22. '65; Vet. 
William Howard; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '61; deserted Feb., '62. 
John Hoffman; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '61; died at Washington, D. C, May 20, '62;- 

buried in .Military Asylum cemetery. 
Calvin Harding; must, into serv. Aug. 20, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled; died at Annapolis, Md., Jan. 28, '65. 
John Irwin; must, into serv., '(il ; trans, to Co. I. 

Andrew J. Kuipple; must, into serv, Feb. IS. '62; disch. on Surg, cert., Jan. 12. '63 
Thomas King; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '61; pro. to Quar. Master Sgt. Dec, '61. 
David I aird; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '(il ; disch. on Surg, cert., Dec. 26, '62. 
Robert Long; must, into serv. Aug. 1, '63; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '(il; paroled; 

died at Annapolis, Md., Mch. 1 1, '65 
Solomon Link; must, into serv. Dec. 28, Nil; died at Philadelphia, Aug. 21. '62; buried at 

Cypress Hill Cemetery, L. I.; gr. 130. 
Martin Lybarger; -mist, into serv. Dec. 28, '61; capt. at Plvmouth. N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

al Savannah. Ga . Nov. 30, '64; Vet. 
George Lewis; must, into serv. Dec. 'Ill: trans, to Co. I. 
John Miller; nmst. into serv. Pec 28, '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert., Dec. 5, '62. 
John Mansfield; must, into serv., Dec. 2, '(il; capt. at Plvmouth, N. C., Apr. 20, '64; died 

Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 24, '64; gr. 8.216; Vet 
William II Murray; must, into serv. Dec, '61; died at New York, July 17, '62; burial 

record Inly "1. '62; buried at Cypress Hill Cemetery, L. I. 
Thomas 11 Moo,, ; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; died at Suffolk, Va., Dec 20, '62. 
John Miller; must, into serv. Oct. 16, '62; descried; returned; capt. at Plvmouth, N. C, 

Apr 20, '64; died at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 16, '64; gr. 5,704. 
Harvey May; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '61; deserted Mch. 31, '62. 
John t. McKee; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Oct. 9, '62. 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER. .. L05 

Peter McCloskey; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; disch. on Surg. cert.. '63. 
Alexander McGaughan ; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Dec. 5, '62. 
James McClure; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., '62. 
•Samuel McCormick; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Florence, S. C, Nov. 14, '64. 
Samuel Neissbcntcr; must, into serv., Oct. 30, '62; deserted; returned; capt. at Plymouth, 

N. C, Apr. 20, '64. 
Finley Osborn ; must, into serv. Feb. 20, '62; disch. on Surg, cert., Oct. 14, '62, 
Henry Ott; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '61; died at Point Lookout, Md., Dec. 26, '62. 
Josiah Osborn; must, into serv. Dec, '61; trans, to Co. E. 

William T. Phillips; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Midi, 8, '63. 
John C. Pfeiffer; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Feb. 26, '62. 
George J. Rock; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., Nov. 29, '62. 
Thomas W. Slick; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Feb. 20, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65; Vet. 
: L Smith; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '01 ; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 0, '63. 
William D. Sterling; must, into serv. Dec. 2. '01 ; disch. on Surg, cert., Oct. 7, '62. 
William Slick; must, into serv. Feb. 18, '62; disch. on Surg. cert.. Aug. 20, '02. 
Frederick Shauer; must, into serv. Feb. 20, '62; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 5, '63. 
Cornelius Shauer; must, into serv. Feb. 20, '62; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 5, '63. 
Joseph S. Smith; must, into serv. Dec. 2, 'til ; died near Bottom Bridge, Va., June 5, '02. 
William Showman; must, into serv. Dec. 2. '01; died at New York, July 9, '02; buried in 

Cypress Hill Cemetery, L. I. 
Samuel K. Slick; must, into serv. Sept. 28, 'id : died at rlarrisburg, Pa., Dec. 19, '62. 
\\ a hington Speice; must, into serv. Dec, '61; trans, to Co. I. 

George W. Taylor; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '01 ; died at Savage Sta., Va., June 5, '02. 
Emmet C. Trimble; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '01 ; died at Pittsburg, Pa., Mch. 18, '65. 
Hugh Warren; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Feb. 9, '03. 
Web. W. Wagoner; must, into serv. Dec. 2, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., Aug. 29, '02. 
Jacob Wike; musl into erv. Dec. 2, '61. 
Robert Wray; date of must, not given; transferred; command not given. 

COMPANY II. 

Alex. W, Taylor, Capt.; must, into serv. Dec. 3, '61; pro. Major Nov. 13, '62. 

Win. Mays, Capt. ; must, into serv. Nov. 12, '61 ; pro. to Capt. Nov. 12, '62. ; capt. at 

Plymouth. N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled Jan., '65; disch. Mch. 0, '65, exp. of term. 
James B. Kirk, 1st Lieut.; must, into serv. Dec. 3, '01; pro. from 2nd Lieut. Nov. 13, '62 

capt at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20. '(14; paroled Jan. '05; must, out Mch. 13, '65. 
Samuel S. Tavlor, 2nd Lieut.; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01; pro. from Sergt. ; disch. Feb 

15, '65. 
Eugene K. Fleeson, 1st Sergt.; must, into serv. Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr 

20, 'til; paroled; dale of must, out no) given; Vet. 
James i> Harris, 1st Sergt; must, into serv. Oct 29, 'til; wounded and capt. at Fair Oaks 

May HI, '02; died at Richmond. Va.. May. 22, '02. 
• Alexander Prentice, Sergt.; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr 

2H, '64 ; died at Florence, S. C, Dec, '01 ; Vet. 
John McDannel, Sergt.; must, into serv., Oct. 29, 'til; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20 

'64; died at Andersonville, Ga., date not given; Vet. 
Mack Johnston, Sergt.; must, into serv. Nov. 1.2, 'til • disch. on Surg, cert., May 22, '62, 
James Graham; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01; disch. Nov. 17, '04, exp. of term. 
Edward N. Boots; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01; pro. to Quar. Sergt. N*\ 13, '62; died at 

Andersonville, Ga. 
John C. Morrow, Sergt.; must, into serv. Feb. 21, '62; pro. to Sergt. Maj. May 1, '63. 
Cvrus W. Webb; must, into serv. Nov. 12, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

dicl at Andersonville, Ga., Nov. 23, '01; gr. 12,129; Vet. 
John 11. Swick, Corp.; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

no further record. 
Edmund R. Roots, Corp.; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 5, '63. 
Robert Mann, Corp.; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01; disch. Dec. 12, '02, on Surg. cert. 
Addison Sloan, Corp.; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01 ; disch. on Surg, cert., Baltimore, Md., '62. 

ph L. Gibson. Corp. ; must, into serv. Now 12, '01 ; disch. on Surg. cert.. 1863. 
Hamilton Creamer; must, into serv. Dec. 29, 'til ; died at Plymouth, N. C, 1863. 
Byron M Fisher; must, into serv. Oct. 2!', '01; wounded and capt. at Plymouth. N C. Apr 

20, '01 ; <Uv>\ at Andersonville, Ga.. July 13, 'til; gr. 3,258; Vet. 
John W. Barnes; must, into serv. Nov. 12, '01; wounded and capt. at Plymouth N C 

Apr. 20, 01; died at Andersonville, Ga., July 8, '64; gr. 3,051. 
James C. Jelley, Corp.; must, into serv. Nov 12. '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; died at Andersonville, Ga., Dec. 15, '01; gr. 8,853; Vet. 



10« Ml ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

How. S. Morehead, Corp.; must, into serv. Dec. 29, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 

20, '04 ; paroled ; died on board transport Dec. 16, '64, en route to Camp Parole ; Vet. 
Samuel W. Prentice, Corp. ; must, into serv. Dec. 12, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 

20, '64; died at Annapolis Mar. 16, '65. 
Thomas Robinson; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '61; disch. in 1803. 
William II. Acher, Musi.; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled Feb. 24, '65; disch. by G. O, June 12, '65; Vet. 
Samuel Myers, Musi.; must, into serv. Nov. 15, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled Nov. 30, 'til; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 

I'klVATES. 

'Matthias Hrowman; must, into serv. Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Florence, S. C. ; Vet. 
John C. Bond; must, into serv. Dec. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; ditd 

at Andersonville, Ga. 
Elijah Baxter; date of must, not given; disch. on Surg, cert., Mcii. 29, '62. 
William C. Barnes; date of must, not given; det. in artillery. 

John II. Burnet; must, into serv. Oct. 29, 'HI; killed at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; Vet. 
Jeremiah Bale; must, into serv. Dec. 2!), '(II; drowned in Potomac river, Apr. 24, '65; Vet. 
Aliiii.M lirown; must, into serv. Oct. 27, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Dec. 10, '64; gr. 8,356. 
Thomas S. Baird ; must, into serv. Dec. 1'.', 'lil ; transferred to signal corps in 1864. 
William Cole; wounded at Fair Oaks, May 31, '02; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Dec. 13, '04; must, nut with Co., June 25, '05; Vet. 
James B. Cole; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; paroled 

Feb. 24, '65; disch. by G. O., June 10, '63; Vet. (wounded at Fair Oaks, May 31, 62). 
John Creese; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; capt. at 

Fair Oaks, May 31. '62 and excha. ; paroled Dee., '64; absent on fur. at must, out of 

Co.; Vet. 
George II. Coleman; must, into serv. Dee. •'!, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., July 24, '02. 
Daniel Cristy; must, into serv. Dee. 12, '61; killed at Battle of Fair Oaks, May 31, '62. 
Robert Cavin ; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01; killed at Battle of Fair Oaks, May 31, '62. 
•Francis W. Carter; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Florence, S. C, Oct. 14, '64; Vet. 
G. H. Collenbough ; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01; transferred into artillery. 
Ruber! !•'. Cooper; must, into serv. Dec. 3, '62; no further record. 
Jonathan J. Dilks; must, into serv. Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Dec. I:', 'lil; must, out with Co., June 25, '05; Vet. 
Robert Dal/ell ; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01 ; killed at Battle of Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62. 
Rush E. Davis; date of must, not given; disch. on Surg, cert., 1803. 
John Kckcnrolh; must, into serv. Dee. 13, '01; must, out with Co., June 25, '05. 
William Flceson ; must, into serv. Dec. 12, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Ma\ 30, '03. 
Solomon D. Friday; must, into serv., Oct. 29, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., fune D, '64; gr, 2,099. 
Henry J. Friday; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '61; drowned in Potomac river, Apr. 24, '05; Vet. 
David Fisher; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01; killed at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 04; Vet. 
James French; must, into serv. Dee. 19, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga.. Aug. 25, '64; gr. 6,890, 
John (ioddard; must, into serv. Dee. 12. 'til; capt. at Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20, '64; sup- 
posed to have died in prison; Vet. 
Thomas Graham; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01; disch. Aug. 4, '64, exp. of term. 
Philip Carman; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., Mch. 23, '63. 
Harrison Graham; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Feb. 7, '63. 
Alexander Gear; must, into serv., '01; died at Suffolk, Va., Oct. 10, '62. 
Clark M. Hunter; must, into serv. Feb. 2!*, 'til; must, out with Co., June 25, '65. 
Joseph Horner; must .into serv. Oct. 29, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; sup- 
posed to have died in prison. 
David W. Horner; must, into serv. Dec. 21. '03; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 

supposed to have died iii prison. 
Joseph Hoover; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 

paroled Apr. 9, '05; disch. June 15, to date May IS, '05. 
James L. Hall; must, into serv. Sept. 19, '02; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 

supposed to have died in prison. 
William H. Hunter; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. G, Apr. 20, '64 

paroled Dec. 13, '64; disch. Apr. 4, '65; to date Dee. 19, '64. 
Matthew I. Ha/en: must, into serv. Dec. 3, '61; capt. at Plymouth Apr. 20, '64; died at 

Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 26. '01; grave 7,020; Vet. 
Julius M. Hazen ; must, into serv. Dee. il. '61; died at fortress Monroe June 4. '62. 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER. 10T 

William Issard; must, into serv., Jan. 21, '62; capt. at Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 20, '64; died at 

Charleston, S. C, Dec, '64. 
Oliver Johnson; must, into serv. Nov. 12, '61; died Nov. 10, '62. 
William Johnson; must, into serv. Nov. 12, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., '62. 
George Johnson; must, into serv. Nov. 12 '61 ; died at Yorktown, Va., May 3, '62. 
William Klepper; wounded and capt. at Battle of Fair Oaks, May 31, '62; died at Rich- 
mond, 1862. 
Lewis Kelly; must, into serv. Dec. 3, '61; left Co. May 7, '62, for hospital; no further 

record ; marked deserted. 
John Milliron; must, into serv. Oct. 29, 'ill: disch. en Surg cert., Apr. 5, '63, 
Cunningham Murray; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

supposed to have died in prison. 
Web. S. Matthews; must, into serv. Dec. 3, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, X. C, Apr, 24, '64; died 

at Andcrsonville, Ga. ; date not given. 
Levi B. May; must, into serv. Nov. 1-', 'HI ; transf. to artillery. 

William 11. 11. Musser ; must, into serv. Sept 19, '62; died at Plymouth, X. C, in '63. 
William C. Magaw ; died at Portsmouth Grove, R, I., July 8, 't>2. 
Robert McClcary; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '61; capt. at Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

wounded; died in Andcrsonville, Ga. ; date not given. 
James M. McDannel; must, into serv. Feb. 29, 'til; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, ill; 

supposed to have died in prison. 
John C. McCarthy; must, into serv. Dee. :>, 'ill; disch, on Surg, cert., May, '62. 
William McGill ; must, into serv. Dec. 29, '61; transf. to regular army. 
John W. McKean ; must, into serv. Nov. 12, '61; capt. at Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville July 17, '64; grave 3,481. 
William R. Nowry; must, into serv. I lee. ."., 'til; capt. at Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Feb. 20, '65; must, out with Co., June 25, '65 ; Vet. 
John Neely; must, into serv. Oct. 29, 'til; disch. Nov. 17. 'til, exp. of term, 
Samuel W. Porter; must, into serv. (Jet. 29, HI; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Dec, '64; absent at Camp Parole at must, out of Co.; Vet. 
David Porter; must, into serv., '64; capt. at Plymouth. X. C, Apr. 2", '64; died at Ander- 
sonville, Ga., June 28, '64 ; grave 2,590. 
Hugh Z. Porter; must, into serv. Oct. 29, 'til ; disch. on Surg, cert., Sept. 21. '62. 
John Porter; must, into serv. Oct. 29, 'til; disch. on Surg, cert., Nov. in, '62. 
Reuben Patterson; must, into serv. Dec. 3, 'til; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., July 7, '64; grave 4,049; Vet. 
Charles Powell; must, into serv. Oct. 29. 'ill ; died near Richmond, Va., June 9, '62. 
John Rutter; must, into serv. Oct. 29, 'til ; disch. on Surg, cert., Jan. II, '63. 
James Robinson; must into serv. Oct. 29. 'lil ; disch. on Surg. cert.. 1863. 
John C. Robertson; must, into serv. Dec. 19, '(12; disch. on Surg, cert., March 23, '63. 
William C. Rutter; must, into serv. Feb. 11. '62; died at New Bern, N. C, Oct. 1, '64; 

buried in National Cemetery; plot 7; grave 75. 
John A. Reed; must, into serv. Dec. 3, '61; capt. at Plymouth. X. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Dec. 10, '64; disch. May 15, '65, to date Dec. 17, 'til, exp. of term. 
Robert F. Ruby; must, into serv. Oct. 29. 'til ; died at Xew Bern, X. C, May 30, '63; buried 

in Xat. Cem. ; plot 7 ; grave 124. 
Daniel W. Swick; must, into serv. Feb. 29, 'lil; must, out with Co., June 25, '65, 
Jackson Sloan; must, into serv. Oct. 29, 'til; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 'til; supposed 

to have died in prison. 
Russell Smith; must, into serv. Nov. 12. '(il ; disch. on Surg, cert., lei. ii, '62. 
Elijah Sands; must, into serv. Nov. 12. '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Mch. 29, '62, 
James Thomas; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '61; disch. on Surg. cert. Feb V. '63 
Cyrus Vandevoort; must, into serv. Oct. 29, '61; died at New York, Sept. 8, '62. 
♦ Robert L. Wilson; must, into serv. Feb. 27, '64; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 'til; died 

at Florence, S. C, Oct. 30, 'til. 
John W. Wagner; must, into serv. Oct. 29, 'til ; died at Suffolk, Va.. Dee. 17, '62. 
Philip S. Young; must, into serv. Oct. 29, 'til ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga. ; date not given. 

COMPANY I. 

George W. Bowers, Capt.; must, into serv. Jan. 3, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 
'04; escaped Nm :',. '64 ; must out with Co. Jan. 2, '65, exp. of term. 

John C. Fletcher, 1st Lieut.; must, into serv. Oct, 21, 'til; resigned Feb. 28, '63. 

George L. Brown, 1st Lieut.; must, into serv. Jan. 3, '62; wounded and capt. at Plymouth, 
N. C, Apr. 20, '64; must, out with Co. Mch. 11, to date Jan. 2, '65; exp. of term. 

James R. Gardner, 2nd Lieut.; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; resigned July 14, '63. 

Robert Welsh, 1st Sergt. ; must, into serv. Dec. 27, '61; Com. 2nd Lieut. July 14, '63; not 
must.; died on board U. S. trans. "Northern Light," Dec. 12, '64; Vet. 



108 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

John M Osborne; 1st Sergt.; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 

20, '64; died at Andersonville, Ga., Sept. 2, '64; grave 7,552; Vet. 
John Parry, Sergt.; must, into serv. Dec. 27, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 20, '64; 

disch. Mch. 3, '05; com. Capt. June 1, '05; not must.; must, out with Co. June 25, 

'65; Vet. 
Richard Morris, Serg. ; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 24, '64; 

disch Dec 13, '64; com. 1st Lieut. June 1, '65; not must.; must, out with Co. June 

25, '65; Vet. 
William R. Lewis, Sergt. ; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64 ; paroled Dec. 13, '64 ; disch. by G. O. June 8, '05 ; Vet. 
Isaac B. Coats, Sergt.; must, into serv. Oct. L5, 'ill ; disch. on Surg, cert.; date unknown. 
John W. Wilson, Corp.; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled Dec. 13, '64; disch. by G. O. June 12, '05; Vet. 
Jos. O. Thompson, Corp.; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., 1862. 
Washington Spiece, Corp. ; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61 ; disch. on Surg cert., 1862. 
James Campbell, Corp.; must, into serv. Feb. 10, '02; disch. by G. O. July 18, '65; Vet. 
John E. Murphy, Corp.; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; killed at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; Vet. 
James B. Phillips, Corp. ; must, into serv. Dec. 27, '01 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04 ; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 14, '04; grave 5,010. 
John W. Morrison, Corp.; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '01; died Jan., '65. 
Uriah Anient, Corp.; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 

died at Florence, S. C, Nov. 12, '04; Vet. 
Israel Lauffer, Corp.; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 

died at Charleston, S. C, Oct. 12, '64; Vet. 
Daniel Downer. Muc. ; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '01 

paroled Mch. 3, '05; absent at camp parole, Annapolis, Md., at must, out; Vet. 
Robert D. Mongar, Muc; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '01; disch. on Surg, cert.; date unknown. 

PRIVATES. 

James L. Alter, must, into serv. Dec. 30, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Sept. 18, '04; bu. rec. J. L. Allen, died Sept. 8, '04; grave 8,185. 
4 Henry Acaly, must, into serv. Dec. 20, '01 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04 ; died at 

Florence, S. C, Oct. 9, '04; Vet. 
Henry Bergman, must, into serv. Dec. 2.. '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; paroled 

Doc. 13, '64; must, out with Co. June 25, '65; Vet. 
Samuel Brighton; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '01; disch., date unknown. 
Thomas Ballictt ; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '61; disch. on Surg, cert.; date unknown. 
William Bickerstaff; must, into serv. Oct. 19, 'ill; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Sept. 10, '64; grave 8,358. 
* William Beham; must, into serv. Oct. Ill, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '01; died 

at Florence, S. C, Nov. 29, '04. 
William F. Brabson; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; died at Philadelphia, Pa., July 13, '02; 

bu. rec. bu in Portsmouth Grove Cem., K. I. 
Johnson Browers; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; deserted 1861. 
Charles Brower ; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61 ; not on must, out roll. 
Isaac B. Cole; must, into serv. Feb. 18, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; paroled 

Mch. 3, '65; must, out with Co. June 25, '65; Vet. 
Samuel Cams; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; des. ; ret.; must, out with Co. June 25, '65. 
John D. Cooper; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '01; disch. Mch. 23, '65, exp. of term. 
Josiah Cauffman; must, into serv. Feb. 10, '62; died, date unknown. 
Martin Cummings ; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '61 ; died at Pittsburg. Pa. ; date unknown. 
Thomas Cooper ; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '01 ; died at Point Lookout, Md. ; date unknown. 
Hugh Cowan; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; des. 1861 
Peter Cams; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '01; des. 1862. 

John M. Davis; must, into serv. Oct. 15. '01 ; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 5, '63. 
Jacob Deeter; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '01; died at New York June 15, '62. 
James E. Davis; must, into serv. Dec. 20, '01 ; died at Plymouth, N. C, Nov., '03; bu. rec. 

Feb. 5. '04; bu. in Nat. Cem., New Bern, plot 7, grave 41. 
Robert B. Dougherty; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 13, '04; grave 5,468; Vet. 
Andrew J. Ellis; must, into serv. Jan. 3, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; Vet. 
Evan Evans; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '61; des. 1862. 
John M. Fritz; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '01; wounded at Fair Oaks, Va., May 31. '02; disch. 

on Surg, cert., Feb. 15, '03. 
William Griffith; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '01: disch. on Surg, cert., '62. 

Alexander Horley; must, into serv. Oct. 15, 'ill; des.; ret.; must, out with Co. June 25, '65. 
John Howard; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '01; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 5. 'ii:; 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER. 109 

Samuel K. Heck; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Apr. 21, '65; disch. May 31, to date May 18, '65; Vet. 
Reese Hopkins; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61 ; disch. on Surg. Cert., Apr. 5, '63. 
George Horley ; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., '62 
Rohert F. Hill ; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61 ; killed at Fair Oaks, Va„ May 31, '62. 
James Hoy; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 20, '64; died at 

Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 13, '64 ; bu. rec. Aug. 27, '64 ; grave 7,000 ; Vet. 
Andrew J. Hill ; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61 ; disch. Feb. 21, '62 ; by reas. of trans, to navy. 
John Irwin; must, into serv. Dec. 3, '61; died at Point Lookout, Md., Jan. 11, '63. 
Barney Johnson; must, into serv.-Oct. 15, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 5. '63. 
Thomas R. Jones; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 19, '64; grave 6,197; Vet. 
Robert Johns; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C., Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 5, '64; grave 4,817. 
Junior John ; must, into serv. Dec. 3, '61 ; not on must, out roll. 
Spencer King; must, into serv. Dec. 3, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C. Oct. 20, '61; paroled 

Dec. 12. '64; must, out with Co. June 25, '65; Vet. 
George W. Kellv ; must, into serv. Dec. 3, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Apr. 28, '65"; disch. June 12, to date May 18, '65; Vet. 
Jeremiah Kennedy; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Sept. 17, '64 ; grave 9,067 ; Vet. 
Cyrus Kirkling; must, into serv. Oct. 15. '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 5, '63. 
Alexander Kelly; must, into serv. Dec. 3. '61; killed at Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62. 
William H. Lane; must, into serv. Dec. 3, '61; disch. on Surg, cert 
James S. Lane; must, into serv. Feb. 16, '62; disch. on Surg, cert., 'ii_' 
David Long; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; cant, at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died at 

Andersonville. Ga., July 30, '01; grave 4,312; Vet. 
George W. Lewis ; must, into serv. Oct. 15. '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C. Apr. 20. '64 ; 

disch. on Surg, cert., '62. 
John Mulholland; must, into serv. Feb. 18, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Dec. 13, '64; must, out with Co. June 25, '65; Vet. 
Richard Morgan; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; disch. Jan. 25, '65; to date Dec. 18. '64. exp. 

of term. 
Patrick Murphy; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 24. '62. 
Hugh Marshall": must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Florence, S. C, Nov. 1, '64. 
William Morgan; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; died at Baltimore, Md., Jan., '65; Vet. 
Alexander M'Whorter ; must, into serv. July 21, '62 ; wounded at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64; paroled May 7, '65; disch. June 10, to date May 23. > 

Isaac O'Donnel ; must, into serv. , '62; des. Jan., '63. 

Teddy Padden; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Dec. 6, '64; must, out with Co. June 25. '65; Vet. 
William Powell; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., '62. 
John Prothero; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., Apr. 5. '63. 
Tohn D. Powell; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '61; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Oct. 13, '64 ; grave 10,858 ; Vet. 
Robert Phillips; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61; des., date unknown. 
Levi W. Richman ; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

paroled Dec. 16, '64; must, out with Co. June 25, '65; Vet. 
Samuel Rule; must, into serv. Jan. 3. '62; disch. on Surg, cert., Dec, '62. 
Robert Ray; must, into serv. Oct. 18, '61; disch. on Surg, cert., May 18, '63. 
John Reese ; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61 ; died at Yorktown, Va. ; date unknown. 
Joel Strauser ; must, into serv. Dec. 27, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; paroled 

Feb. 27, '65 ; must, out with Co. June 25, '65 ; Vet. 
Henry C. Straub ; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '61 ; died in Schuvlkill county, Pa., Jan. 14, 

'65; Vet. 
Joseph Tonkinson ; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

paroled Feb. 27, '65 ; must, out with Co. June 25, '65 ; Vet. 
Thomas Thomas ; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert., '62. 
John Tantingler, must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61 ; killed at Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62. 
Adam Wingenfield ; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Dec. 11, '64; must, out with Co. June 25, '65; Vet. 
John Wyott ; must, into serv. Mch. 21, '64 ; must, out with Co. June 25, '65. 
James L. Wilson ; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; paroled 

Feb., '65 ; absent at must, out ; Vet. 
Henry Winder ; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '61 ; disch. on Surg. cert. ; date unknown. 
Jacob Wise ; must, into serv. Dec. 30, '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert., Aug., '62. 



110 L01ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

Aug. II. Whitman; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert., '62. 
John Wilds; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '(il ; not on must, out roll. 

COMPANY K 

Henry Chritzman, Capt.; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; disch. Feb. 4, '63. 

Henry S. Benner, Capt.; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; pro. from 1st. Lieut. Feb. 5, '63; 

capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20 ,'64; paroled Mch. 1, '65; com. Maj. June 1, '65; not 

must. ; must, out with Co. June 25, '65 ; Vet. 
Thos. H. Heppard, 1st Lieut. ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61 ; pro. from Cor. to 2nd Lieut. 

Oct. 8, '62, to 1st Lieut. Feb. 5, '63; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled Mch. 

1, '65; com. Capt. June 1, '65; not must.; must, out with Co. June 25, '65. 
James Crossen, 2nd Lieut.; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; pro. to Adjutant Oct. 6, '62. 
Thaddeus L. Welty, 2nd Lieut.; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61; pro. from 1st Sergt. Feb. 5, 

'63; disch. May 4, '65. 
Thomas Bushman, 1st Sergt.; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; pro. from Sergt Feb. 5, '63; 

capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled Feb. 24, '65; absent on furlough at 

must, out ; Vet. 
Thomas J. Shorb, Sergt. ; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61 ; wounded at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 

20, '64; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled Feb. 24, '65; disch. June 10, 

to date May 18, '65; Vet. 
Conrad Snyder, Sergt. ; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

paroled Dec. 12, '64; com. 2nd Lieut. June 1, '65; not must.; absent on furlouggh at 

must, out ; Vet. 
Franklin Groff, Sergt. ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61 ; pro. from Cor., date unknown ; capt. 

at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled Dec. 12, '64; absent on furlough at must. 

out; Vet. 
Joseph E. Abbott, Sergt. ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61 ; disch. ; date unknown. 
William Bell, Sergt.; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61; pro. to Corp., to Sergt., to Sergt. Maj., 

Apr. 19, '65; Vet. 
Edward Wird, Sergt. ; must into serv. Nov. 5, '61 ; pro. from Corp. ; killed at Fair Oaks, 

Va., May 31, '62. 
Oliver H. Blocher, Corp.; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 

'64 ; paroled Dec. 12, '64 ; must, out with Co. June 25, '65 ; Vet. 
Edward A. Priestly, Corp.; must, into serv. July 15, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 

20, '64 ; paroled Dec. 12, '64 ; must, out with Co. June 25, '65. 
John A. Martin, Corp.; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Feb. 24, '65; must, out with Co. June 25, '65; Vet. 
Josiah F. Clarke, Corp.; must, into serv. Aug. 2, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Nov. 30, '64; disch. by G. O. June 15, '65. 
Elisha S. Kelly, Corp. ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

paroled Feb. 24, '65 ; absent on furlough at must, out of serv. ; Vet. 
Jacob H. Doll, Corp. ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 24, '64 ; 

paroled Feb. 24, '65; disch. by G. O. June 21, '65. 
Washing'n Spurtzel, Corp.; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; disch., date unknown. 
LaFayette Brenizer, Corp. ; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61 ; disch., date unknown. 
Joseph M. Miller, Corp.; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; disch., date unknown. 
John F. Coe, Corp. ; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61 ; disch., date unknown. 
Adam Bright, Corp.; must, into serv. Oct. 16, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., Sept. 5, '64 ; grave 8,073. 
William H. Carter, Corp. ; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, Apr. 20, '64 ; 

died at Andersonville, Ga., June 10, '64; grave 1,829; Vet. 
Lewis M. Crossen, Muc. ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61 ; disch., date unknown. 

PRIVATES. 

Josiah Adams ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61 ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64 ; paroled 

Feb. 24, '65 ; must, out with Co. June 25, '65 ; Vet. 
John Arendt, Jr.; must, into serv. Dec. 28, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; Vet. 

Joseph Adams; must, into serv. ; disch., date unknown. 

John Arendt, Sr. ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61 ; disch., date unknown. 

John A. Adams ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61 ; disch., date unknown. 

David Adams; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; disch., date unknown. 

Chaunc'y B. Abbott; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; disch., date unknown. 

Jacob A. Alter; must, into serv. Oct. 11, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Charleston, S. C, Dec. 15, '64. 
Henry W. Byers; must, into serv. Apr. 13, '65; must, out with Co. June 25, '65. 

William Bauman ; must into serv. — ; disch., date unknown. 

John Bowers; must, into serv. Apr. 13, '65: disch., date unknown. 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER 111 

Eli H. Bentley; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61; disch.. date unknown. 

James A. Bingaman ; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '01; disch., date unknown. 

George W. Beck; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '01 ; killed at Plymouth. X. C, Apr. 20, 'til; Vet. 

Daniel Buck; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '(il ; deserted; date unknown. 

Owen Cunningham; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; 

must, out with Co. June 25, '63 ; Vet. 
Patrick Clark; must, into serv. Oct. 11, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Dec. 12, '04; must, out with Co. June 25, '65. 
Josiah C. Collins; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Apr. 29, '65; disch. June 10 to date May 18, '65; Vet. 
Peter Coarse; must, into serv. Dec. II. 01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Feb. 24, '05; absent at Camp Distribution, Va., at must, out.; Vet. 
Daniel Comfort; must, into serv. Now 5, '01 ; disch. Nov. 11, '64, exp. of term. 
Andrew \V. Cassatt ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '01; killed at Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62. 
■ John M. Cleckner; must, into serv. Dec. 14, 'til; capt. at Plvmouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 
died at Florence, S. C, Jan. 21, '65; Vet. 
Michael Collins; must, into serv. Oct. 11. '62; capt, at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Oct. 1, '04; grave 8,121. 
John Clark; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '01; not on must, out roll. 

James Donald; must, into serv. ; disch., date unknown. 

Jeremiah Dillon; must, into serv. Oct. 11, '62; killed at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '01. 
Franklin Donohoe ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '01 ; wounded and capt. at Plymouth, N. C, 

Apr. 20, '64 ; died at Raleigh, N. C. ; date unknown ; Vet. 
Thomas Doyle; must, into serv. Oct. 11, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; died 
at Florence. S. C, Nov. 13, '64. 
• John Delozier; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '01; capt. at Plvmouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 
at Florence, S. C, Jan. 21, '65; Vet. 
Robert Delozier; must, into serv. Dec. 14. '01; des., date not known. 
Alvin Ewig; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; disch., date unknown. 
Michael Gill; must into serv. Dec. 11. 'ill; disch., date unknown. 
John Gallagher; must, into serv. Oct. 11, '62; capt. at Plvmouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Charleston, S. C, Dec. 15, '64. 
Jacob Gruner; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61; des., date unknown. 
Daniel Gilbert ; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61 ; disch., date unknown. 
Valentine H. Groff ; must, into serv. Dec. 29, '63; not on must, out roll. 
Amos E. Hartman ; must, into serv. Apr. 13, '65; must, out with Co. June 25, '65. 
Amos Hensal ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '04; paroled 

Feb. 24, '65; absent on furlough at must, out; Vet. 
Emory Hensal ; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61 ; disch., date unknown. 

John Hines; must, into serv. ■ — •; disch., date unknown. 

Adam Holtzworth ; must, into serv, Nov. 5, 01; disch., date unknown. 

George Hoopy ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '01; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., Oct. 16. '04; grave 11,033; Vet. 
Robert H. Hardy; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; died at Plymouth, N. C, June 21, 01; Vet. 
Rudolph Johns, must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61 ; disch., date unknown. 
Wm. H. Johnston ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61 ; disch., date unknown. 
David Keim; must, into serv. Aug. 27, '02; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Feb. 24, '65; must, out with Co. June 25, '65. 
Franklin Keim; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Feb. 24, '65 ; absent on furlough at must, out ; Vet. 
Abraham Keim; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61; disch., date unknown. 
Joseph Keitz ; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61 ; disch., date unknown. 
Henry L. Krise; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; disch., date unknown. 

Thomas Keigan ; must, into serv. — ■ ; disch., date unknown. 

Edward Kelly; must, into serv. — ; died at Suffolk, Va., date unknown. 

Peter Ketterman ; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61 ; des., date unknown. 

John Lawhead; must, into serv. Oct. 11, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Feb. 24, '65; must, out with Co. June 25, '65. 
Josiah W. Lower ; must, into serv. Apr. 13, '65 ; must, out with Co. June 25, '65. 

Charles Lecouvre; must, into serv. ; disch., date unknown. 

Amos J. Lady; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died at 

Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 6, '64 ; grave 4,885 ; Vet. 
Levi Lawrence; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61 ; disch. on Surg, cert., date unknown. 
Charles Murphy ; must, into serv. Oct. 23, '62 ; must, out with Co. June 25. '65. 

Patrick Murphy; must, into serv. ; must, out with Co. June 25, '65. 

Pat'k Montgomery; must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Feb. 24, '65 ; absent in hosp. at must, out ; Vet. 
Charles Maloy; must, into serv. ; disch., date unknown. 



112 MIST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

Charles Mams ; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61; disch., date unknown. 

Isaiah J Matchett; must, into serv. Nov. 5, '61; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 64; 
died' at Andersonville, Ga., June 16, '64; grave 2,058. 

Edw'd P. Matchctt ; must, into serv. Pec. II. HI; died at Blackuclls Island, N. Y., bept. 

(I '62; bu in Cypress Hill Cera., 1.. [., grave 898 
James Moan; must, into serv. Oct. 11. '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; died at 

Andersonville, (la., Aug. 1. 'til; grave 4,546. 
John Mulholland; must, into serv. Oct. 11. '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 04; died 

at Andersonville, Ga., June 28, '64; grave 1,982. 
Alexander Miller; must, into serv. Nov. ■">. '61; deserted; date unknown. 
Adam M'l Iroy; must, into serv. Dec. II. '61; disch., date unknown. 

Sam'l M'Cutcheon; must, into serv. ; disch., date unknown. 

- fames M'Nallj ; must, into serv. Oct. lit, '62; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 64; died 
at Florence, S. C, Nov. 2, '64. _ 

Dennis McCarthy; must, into serv. Oct. 11, '62; capt. at Plymouth. N. C, Apr. 20, 04; died 

Andersonville, Ga., Aug. 11, '01 ; grave i,415 
John Nagle; must, into serv. Dec. 11. '61; des., date unkm 

Weslej G Og must, into serv. Nov. 5, iii; capl at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; 

paroled Feb, 24, '65; must, out with Co. June Vet. 

Weslej D. Oyler;must into sen Dec. 14, '61 ; capt. al Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

disch. bj (',. i>. Inly T. '65; Vet. 
lolm I.. Oyler; must, into serv. Nov. ■">. 'id ; capl louth, X. ( , April 20, '01; died at 

Camp Parole, Annapolis, Md., Dec. 12. 'ill; Vi 
lacol, C. Pensyl; must, into sen Dei I. 'id; capt. al Plymouth, X. C, Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

Dei i '. 'ill; must, out with Co. June 25, '65; 
fohn Patchell; must, into serv. Dec. 11. 'HI; disch., date unknown. 

11. '62; capt. at Plymouth, X, C, Apr. '20, 'ill; died 
Andersonville, Ga., Oct. 8, '64; bu. rec, F. I' p1 L6, '64; grave 8,877. 

must. int. i serv. Nov. 5, 'id; trans, to Co. E, Jan.. '62. 
must, into serv. I let. 11. '62; | • pr 20, 64 ; died at 

An. , Ga., Aug. I" i 

must, into serv. Dec. 14, '61 1 
Emanuel G Stover; must, into serv. Apr. 13, '6 u with Co. June 2 

Q e0 i| siabaui '61; pro. to Hos. Steward June 1, '65; Vet. 

I laniel Shi idler; must, into • i \ I've. 14, 61; disch., d unknown 

join keely; must, into serv. date unknown. 

nis Sullivan; must. inn. a1 Plymo Apr. 20, 64; died 

indersonvil I grave 1,105. 

George Shultz ; must, into serv. Dec. 11, 'id; d( iwn. 

Joseph Tomlinson : must, into serv. Pec. 1 1, 'id ; trans, to Co. I . LOTth Reg , 1'. V . Jan 1 
«T hn II' in Nov. 5, 'id ; capt. at PI I . Apr. 20, '64 ; dii d 

' at Fl 

Noah Tracy; must, into serv. Nov. 5, id; des.. date unknown. 
Samuel Warren; must, into II ; capl al Plymouth, X (V. Apr. 20, '64; paroled 

nil ; Vet. 
Adam Walker- must, into serv. Pec. II. 'id; disch., d wn. 

Geo Weismantle ; must, into serv. Nov. 5, 'id; disch.. dati i. 

ed'k Williams; must, inti • L4, 'id; i -nth, N. C. Apr. 20, '64; 

at \ndersonville, (.a. May HI. '64; g 94 ; Vet. 

Francis \\ eakland ; must. inn. ... Dei P. '61 . i apt, at Plymouth, N. C, Apr. 20, 'HI; died 

ill, Ga Sept. 5, 64; grave r,91 P. Vet. 
John Wilson Sr.: mist, into serv. Nov. 5, '01; died at Georgetown, D. C, July 21, 02; 
bu, m Mil. Asy. Cem. 

d'k Wisotzky; must, into serv. Nov. 5, id ; .1' da - unl n .wn. 
Joseph 1'. Walt's- must, into serv. Now .\ 'ill ; capt. at Plymouth, N. C, Apr, 20, '64; died 
on board P S. trans, Apr, 6, '65; Vet. 

RECRUITS FOR Till'. REGIMENT. 

In the spring of [865 eighl new companies, with the full complement of com- 
missioned officers, arrived ;it Roanoke Island, N. C, from Pennsylvania to fill up 
the depleted tanks of the Regiment. Tt was the intention of the authorities to con 
the remnant of the veteran Regiment into two companies and reorganize 
the Regiment by keeping the new companies intact and muster out the superfluous 
commissioned officers from the veteran companies. However, the Confederacy 




KOTE. 

Fori Ri,grriau.'hrnli>udrtthcempttti nmacf 

fv ft- J 1 1 i,i I*,<1 

Max;- of t*.i fmW«rfw<«ml (iran* SuUmrtui 
KiK and um /hm !»• *M»' n6i/ Of 



it»t. m - In 



MAP OF THE OPERATIONS AT ROANOKE ISLAND, N. C. 
(From the official records.) 

The plate from which the above map is printed is the property of the State of North 
Carolina and was prepared for "North Carolina Regiments." It Is used here by courtesy of 
the state. 

Roanoke Island was captured by Gen. Burnside Feb. 7, 1S62. The Confederate names 
of the forts are given in the map. These were changed after Its capture by the Federal 
commander in honor of the commanders of the three brigades participating In the capture: 
Brig. Gens. John G. Foster, Jesse L. Reno and John G. Parke. Ft. Bartow became Ft. Foster; 
Ft. Blanchard, Ft. Reno, and Ft. Huger, Ft. Parke. 

After the capitulation of Plymouth, April 20, 1S64, Roanoke Island became the head- 
quarters of the Sub-District of the Albemarle, and was garrisoned by fragments of the regi- 
ments captured at Plymouth until the war was practically ended. 



REGIMENTAL ROS'I ER. 



113 



collapsed before the reorganization was effected. The date of muster into the 
service only is given in the roster. Except as otherwise noted, all the officers and 
enlisted men were mustered out with their respective companies at New Bern, N. 
C, June 25, 1865, receiving their discharges and final pav at Harrisburg, Pa., July 
13. 1865. 

COMPANY A 2ND. 



Levi Musser. Capt., Mch. 14, '65. 
Henry P. Owens, 1st Lt., Mch. 14, '65. 
John T. Metlin. 2nd Lt., Mch. 14, '65. 
Samuel M. Elliott, 1st Sergt., Mch. 8, '65. 
George Goshen, Sergt., Mch. 10, '65. 
William B. Hawk, Sergt., Mch. 8, '65. 
Frederick Weiman, Sergt., Mch. 8, '65. 
Annanias G. Brown, Sergt., Mch. 10, '65. 
Jacob Kauffman, Corp., Mch. 11, '65. 



John N. Copeland, Corp., Mch. 8, '65. 
John A. Kauffman, Corp., Mch. 10, '65. 
Alexander Patterson, Corp., Mch. 8, '65. 
Frederick Cassel, Corp., Mch. 8, '65. 
John Marshman, Corp., Mch. 10, '65. 
Jerome F. Wimer, Corp., Mch. 8, '65. 
Robt. A. Reynolds, Corp., Mch. 10, '65. 
Rainier Alpneus, Muc., Mch. 11, '65. 



Martin B. Bear, Mch. 8, '65. 

William Barton. Mch. 8, '65. 

Lewis Bond, Mch. 8, '65. 

Isaac Brubaker, Mch. 11, '65. 

Philip Cline, Mch. 4, '65. 

Samuel Cassel, Mch. 8, '65. 

Daniel Cassel, Mch. 8, '65. 

J. H. Cunningham, Mch. 10, '65. 

George Doughman, Mch. 10, '65. 

Earnest Dipple, Mch. 10, '65. 

Alfred L. Dalton, Mch. 8, '65. 

Isaac Etka, Mch. 10, '65. 

John Etka, Mch. 8, '65. 

Daniel Fay, Mch. 4, '65; not on muster-out roll. 

Joseph File, Mch. 14, '65. 

John R. M. Fink, Mch. 8, '65. 

Jacob G. Fink, Mch. 8, '65. 

William Gro, Mch. 11, '65. 

Theodore Gable, Mch. 11, '65. 

Orin S. Groninger, Mch. 10, '65. 

George M. Hess, Mch. 8, '65. 

Jacob Heikes, Mch. 10, '65. 

Daniel M. Heister, Mch. 10, '65. 

Thomas B. Hittle. Mch. 8, '65. 

David Haller, Mch. 8, '65. 

Thomas Hardv, Mch. 8, '65. 

John Houtz, Mch. 8, '65. 

David P. Kuntz, Mch. 8, '65. 

John Riser, Mch. 8, '65. 

John Kauffman, Mch. 8, '65. 

Henry Link, Mch. 8, '65; died at Roanoke Isl- 
and, N. C, Apr. 10, '65 

Joseph C Leyder. Mch. 11, '65. 

George D. Leattor, Mch. 11, '65. 

George W. Linthurst, Mch. 10, '65. 

Joseph Long, Mch. 10. '65. 

Henry Long, Mch. 8, '65; absent in arrest at 
muster-out. 

David Louder, Mch. 8. '65. 

Toseph Landis, Mch. 8, '65. 

Tacob Miller. Mch. 11, '65. 

Frederick Markley. Mch. 8, '65. 

Thomas Morrissey, Mch. 14, '65. 



Evard O. Meloy, Mch. 8. '65. 
Alexander Meloy, Mch. 10, '65. 
facob Mahlon, Mch. 8, '65. 
Hiram M'Donald Mch. 8, '65. 
Abner M'Donald, Mch. 8, '65. 
George R. Owens, Mch. 4, '65. 
John S. Oberlin, Mch 28, '65. 
Armstrong C. Powell. Mch., '65. 
lames B. Ross, Mch. in, '65. 
David Reese, Mch. 8, '65. 
Septimus W. Stout. Mch. 8, '65. 
James B. Souders, Mch. 8, '65. 
Washington Sheets, Mch. 11, '65. 
lames B. Sheets, Mch. 11, '65. 
David G. Stewart, Mch. 11, '65. 
Emanuel Smith, Mch. 11, '65. 
Luther A. Swope, Mch. 14, '65. 
ronas Sellers, Mch. 14, '65. 
David Sellers, Mch. 11, '65, 
Henry Stewart. Mch. 10, '65 
John V. Savior. Mch. Id, '65. 
Alfred Steel, Mch. 8, '65. 
Thaddens Switzer, Mch. 8, '65, 
Solomon S. Shirk. Mch. 8, '65 
John Strayer, Mch. 8, '65. 

Sa3 lor, Mch. 8, '65 
H. Shellenberger, Mch. 8, '65. 
Thomas W. Trout, Mch. 8, '65. 
John Thomas. Mch. 10, '65. 
Daniel Toy, Mch. 4. '65. 

■ Ill Ubil, Mch 11, '65. 
John N. Vanormer, Mch. 8, '65. 
William II. Wise. Mch. 8. '65. 
Charles Wareham, Mch. 8, '65. 
John Wagoner, Mch. 8. '65, 
Tohn Wadsworth, Mch. I. '65. 
John H. Whitehead, Mch. 11, '65. 
William Walters. Mch. 11. '65. 
Toseph Winter, Mch. 11, '65. 
Eli L Voder. Mch. 11. '65. 
William Veaman. Mch. 11, '65. 
William Yoder. Mch. 11, '65. 
Win. Zimmerman. Mch. 8, '65. " 



COMPANY R, 2ND. 



William S. Harrah, Capt., Mch. 15, '65. 
Tacob D. Kettering, 1st Lt., Mch. 15, '65. 
James M'Cauley, 2nd Lt., Mch. 15. '65. 



Augustus H. Derby, 1st Sgt, Mch. 7, '65. 
Jos. W. M. Kelvey, Sergt. Feb. 27, '65. 
Michael K. Hensel, Sergt , Mch 7, '65. 



114 



MIST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 



James A. Matterson, Sergt., Mch. 10, '65. John Hurst, Corp., Mch. 7, '65. 

James Carnahan, Sergt.; Mch. 10, '65; dis. bv Joseph J. Anderson, Corp.; Mch. 9, '65; 

G. O. June 14, '65. by G. O., June 14, '65. 

Oliver Cope, Corp., Mch. 3, '65. John Q. A. Beistel, Corp., Mch. 9, '65. 

Randall Dresser, Corp., Mch. 4, '65. Wm. A. M'Knight, Corp., Mch. 10, '65. 

William M'Curdy, Corp., Feb. 27, '65. William E. Welsh, Muc, Mch. 8, '65. 

Hugh Best, Corp., Mch. 3, '65. George W. Reed, Muc, Mch. 6 '65. 



dis. 



PRIVATES. 



William Anderson, Mch. 10, '65; dis. by G. O., 

June 14, '65. 
Joshua Burkey, Mch. 4, '65. 
Daniel B. Boynton, Mch. 4, '65. 
Samuel Blair, Mch. 1, '65. 
Henry Bvers, Mch. 6, '65. 
George B. Brown, Mch. 7, '65. 
Thomas J. Bell. Feb. 27, '65. 
George M. Brant, Feb. 27, '65. 
George Balentine, Mar. 1, '65. 
George Barger, Mch. 10, '65. 
George Bollinger, Mch. 10, '65. 
Henry F. Beistel, Mch. 9, '65. 
Jacob Beistel, Mch. 9, '65, must, out with Co., 

June 25, '65 ; died at New Bern, N. C, July 

5, '65 ; buried in Nat. Cem., plot 7, grave 43. 
Harrison Beisel, Mch. 9, '65. 
David Beatty. Mch. 8, '65. 
Henrv Bossart, Mch. 10, '65. 
John R. Berrv. Feb. 27, '65. 
John G. Campbell, Mch. 9. '65. 
M. M. Campbell, Mch. 10, '65. 
Philip Carries, Mch. 2, '65: dis. by G. O., June 

14, '65. 
Alex. C. Cramer. Mch. 6, '65; dis. bv G. O., 

July 27. '65. 
James S. Campbell. Mch. 9, '65. 
James Cribbs, Mch. 10, '65. 
Isaac F. Chestnut, Mch. 7. '65. 
Daniel S. Croft. Mch. 7, '65. 
Zachariah Clemm, Feb. 27, '65. 
Philip A. Deemer, Mch. 7, '65. 
Henry Deemer, Mch. 10, '65. 
James Daugherty. Mch. 7, '65. 
James Donaldson, Mch. 11, '65. 
Jos. Drummond, Mch. 4, '65. 
Absalom Darr, Mch. 4. '65; dis. bv G. O., Tune 

14. '65. 
Milton Foreshoe. Feb. 27, '65. 
James Freeman, Mch. 10, '65; dis. by G. O., 

Tune 6. '65 
James M. Getty. Feb. 27, '65. 
John Guv. Mch. 6, '65 ; dis. by G. O., June 14, 

'65. 
Abram H. Hurst, Mch. 7, '65. 
William S. Harris. Mch. 6, '65. 
Samuel Henry. Mch. 7, '65. 



John G. Hessinger, Feb. 28, '65. 

Jerome Hartzel, Mch. 10, '65. 

John Helm, Mch. 11, '65. 

John Hanger, Mch. 9, '65. 

Hamilton Jacobs, Mch. 3, '65. 

Michael Kunkle, Mch. 1, '65. 

James Kakoe, Mch. 6, '65. 

Thomas T. Keibler, Mch. 9, '65. 

Daniel M. Kimmel, Mch. 6.' 65. 

Samuel Koodman, Mch. 10, '65 ; not on muster- 
out roll. 

Solomon Lininger, Mch. 6, '65. 

Basil Lewis, Mch. 9, '65. 

Carl Myers, Mch. 3, '65. 

George W. Myers. Mch. 13, '65. 

Joseph M. Marshall, Mch. 6. '65. 

Thomas Martin. Mch. 7, '65. 

William M'Millan. Mch. 7, '65. 

Jos. M. Matthews. Feb. 28, '65. 

David Mardis, Mch. 4, '65. 

Tohn C. Morrison, Mch. 10, '65. 

Thos. P. B. Mikeset, Mch. 7, 65. 

Robert S. Magill, Mch. 6, '65; dis. by G. O., 
June 14, '65. 

Wilson M. Piper, Mch. 8. '65. 

Daniel Parks, Mch. 10, '65. 

James W. Ross, Mch. 2, '65. 

Harrison Russel, Mch. 9, '65. 

Samuel Roadman, Mch. 10, '65. 

Wm. E. Robbins, Mch. 9, '65. 

Thomas Robbins, Mch. 10, '65. 

Jesse Rector, Mch. 10, '65. 

Adam Rager. Feb. 27, '65. 

Jacob Ross, Feb. 27, '65 ; dis. by G. O.. June 14, 
'65. 

John Shaffer, Mch. 2. '65. 

Thomas Stimmel, Mch. 2, '65 

John S. Stewart. Mch. 4, '65. 

Hiram Shirev. Mch. 10, '65. 

Bennett Stadtmiller, Feb. 27, '65. 

Tohn G. Watt. Mch. 7, '65. 

Sam'l Wadsworth, Mch. 6, '65. 

John A. Wolford, Mch. 6._'65. 

Samuel Young. Mch. 3, '65. 

Cyrus Yealv. Mch. 10, '65. 

Hiram Yealy, Mch. 11. '65. 



COMPANY C. 2ND. 



William Fichthorn, Capt.. Mch. 18, '65. 
Samuel B. Reber, 1st Lt., Mch. 18, '65. 
Hublev Albright, 2nd Lt., Mch. 18, '65. 
John D. L. Bear, 1st Sgt.. Mch. 10, '65. 
Jacob L. Worley, Sergt, Mch. 11, '65. 
Christian H. Kerr, Sergt., Mch. 8, '65. 
David G. Alter, Sergt., Mch. 8. '65. 
Frank C. Stoughton, Sergt., Mch. 8, '65. 
Wm. H. Cawley, Corp.. Mch. 8, '65. 



Edward Stevens, Corp., Mch. 4, '65. 
Wm. H. M'Cabe, Corp., Mch. 10, '65. 
Jacob Machamer, Corp., Mch. 14, '65. 
Jacob Sheaffer, Corp., Mch. 1, '65. 
Jonathan Miller, Corp., Mch. 4, '65. 
David M. Suloff, Corp., Mch. 8. '65. 
David James, Corp., Mch. 8, '65. 
Benjamin O. Rudy, Muc, Mch. 14, '65. 
Elias Yeisley. Muc, Mch. 10, '65. 



[ENTAL ROSTER. 



115 



Moses Archer, Mch. 14, '65. 
Alfred Albert, Mch. 1, '65. 
Enoch Arnold, Mch. 8, '65. 
Isaiah Barkev, Mch. 8, '65. 
John Boyle, Mch. 8. '65. 
Thomas Brackbill, Mch. 8, '65. 
David A. Cassalt, Mch. 11, '65. 
David Childs, Mch. 8. '65. 
Brantley Chalfant, Mch. 8. '65 
Adam Chronister, Mch. 11, '65. 
Amon Chronister, Mch. 11, '65. 
John G. Culvey, Mch. 8, '0", : desertei 

given. 
George P. Derr, Mch. 10, '65. 
Henry C. Derr. Mch. II, '65. 
George Day, Mch. 1, '65. 
Thomas Dewire, Mch. 1 1. '65 
William Dewire, Mch. 14, '65. 
Peter Erb. Mch. 11, '65. 
Jacob L. Fodder, Mch. In, '65 
Moses R. Furman, Mch. 11, '65. 
Adam Getz, Mch. 14, '65. 
Geo. F. Goodman, Mch. 8, '65. 
Fred'k Gougler, Mch. 10, '65. 
\Y. S. Gibbony, Mch. 11, '65. 
Wm. M. Group, Mch. 1, '65. 
Howard W. Group, Mch. 1. '65. 
John A. Gardner, Mch. 8, '65 
Joseph Griswite, Mch. 14. '65. 
John Hostler, Mch. 8, '65. 
Thomas J. Henck, Mch. 8. '65 
Ephraim Hertzler, Mch. 8, '65. 
Mark H. Harris. Mch. 10, '65. 
Samuel Heffner, Mch. 10, '65 
John C. Hoffman, Mch. 1. '65 
George Hollinger, Mch. 1, '65. 
Jas. A. Hildebrand. Mch. 1, '65. 
Cyrus M. Henck, Mch. 8, '65. 
Obediah Jacobs, Mch. 1, '65. 
Hiram Junkins, Mch. 4, '65. 
Lehman L. Koons, Mch. 8, '65. 
Wm. Klingman, Mch. 10. '65. 



PRIVATES. 

John E. Logan, Mch. 16. '65. 
Joseph E. Long, Mch. 10, '65. 
Edward Mack, Mch. In, '65 
John H. Mauck, Mch. 8, '65. 
Peter A. Mertz, Mch. 10, '65. 
John Maister, Mch. 14. '65. 
Wash'n S. Myers Mch. 11. '65. 
Peter H. Myers Mch. I, '65 
Howard Miller. Mch. 11, '65 
William Makin. Mch. 7. '65 
Henry B. Mussinia, Mch. 8, '65. 
date not Hugh M'Meen, Mch. 8, '65 

John A. M'Elwee, Mch. 16. '65. 
Charles M'Ghee, Mch. 10, '05. 
Chas. A. M'Killip. Mch. In. '65. 
Alvin Nesbit, Mch. 8, '65. 
Amos Peters, Mch. 1. '65. 
Geo. W. Robison, Mch. 1". '65. 
John C. Raum, Mch. 10, '65. 
Jacob Rudy, Mch. 14. '65 
Elias Reamer, Mch. 14, '65. 
Isaac Simmers, Mch. 8, '65. 
John C. Sechler. Mch. 14. '65. 
Jacob Swartz, Mch. 1, '65. 
Robert M. Stewart. Mch. 1. '65. 
Frank Spealman. Mch. 1. '65. 
Isaac Slaybaugh. Mch. 11. '65 
Howard Snyder, Mch. 11. '65. 
Jacob Snitzel. Mch. 7, '65. 
Chas. M. Thompson, Mch. 14, '65 
Samuel Taylor. Mch. 10, '65 
Sylvester S. Troup, Mch. 1, '65. 
Gibson Trimmer, Mch. 11, '65. 
John H. Trimmer. Mch. 11. '6.".. 
Solomon Vanada, Mch. 14. '65. 
James Wilson, Mch. 8, '65. 
Amos Whitner. Mch. 16. '65 
Wm. Wilkerson, Mch. 1ft, '65. 
Morgan Wright, Mch. 10, '65. 
Samuel Wolf, Mch. 1. '65. 
George Yeager, Mch. 15, '65. 
Elijah R. Zeigler, Mch. 10. '65. 



COMPANY D. 2ND. 



M. H. Winehrenner, Capt.. Mch. 22, '65. 
Reuben S. Reed, 1st Lt., Mch. 22. '65. 
Daniel Winters. 2nd Lt. Mch. 22. '65. 
John S. Himes. 1st Sergt., Feb. 21, '65. 
Nathan Posev. Sergt., Mch. 10, '65. 
John B. Lingle. Sergt.. Mch. 7, '65. 
Samuel Wise, Sergt., Mch. 2, '65. 
James Harry, Sergt. Feb. 21, '65. 
D. S. Espenshade, Corp. Mch. 1, '65. 



William H. Moore, Corp. Mch. 10, '65. 
lohn H. Martz, Corp., Feb. 25, '65. 
Richard F. Epler, Corp., Mch. 15, '65. 
Adam S. Rhoads. Corp., Feb. 21, '65. 
Thos. Hinkle, Corp., Mch. 7, '65. 
Elijah Stout, Corp., Feb. 25, '65. 
George Newman, Corp., Feb. 21, '65. 
James P. Hippie. Musi.. Mch. 8, '65. 
Valent'e Baumback. Musi.. Mch. 10, '65. 



Aaron Anthony, Mch. 16, '65. 
Edward F. Brown. Mch. 14, '65. 
Jacob Bergner, Mch. 8, '65. 
James M. Bear, Feb. 9, '65. 
Andrew Brown, Mch. 4, '65. 
William Behm. Feb. 21. '65. 
John H. Bortnott. Feb. 21, '65. 
Christian Behm, Feb. 21, '65. 
William H. Brown. Feb. 21, '65. 
Henrv I. Brown, Mch. 10, '6:,; dis. by G. 0., 
May 10. '65. 



Thomas Boyer, Mch. 7, '65 
Adam Countryman, Mch. 1. '65. 
Benjamin Copeland, Feb. 20, '65. 
John M. Carl, Feb. 25, '65. 
George W. Dibler, Mch. 8. '65. 
Jas. D. Daugherty, Mch. 10, '65. 
Reuben B. Danner, Mch. 8, '65. 
Warren B. Dean. Mch. 4, '65. 
Samuel Etzwiler, Feb. 21, '65. 
Daniel Fettrow. Mch. 16, '65. 
Zachariah Gerbrich, Mch. 8, '65 



'116 



101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGLM I \ I 



William Graff, Mch. 10, '65. 

Allison Geiger, Mch. 7, '65; dis. by G. O., June 

14, '65. 
Henrv Hetrich, Mch. II. '65. 
John 'II. Huffnagle, Mch. 14, '65. 
Henry Mover, Mch. 8, '65. 
Samuel Hampton, Mch. 7, '65; must, out with 

Co., June 25, '65; died at New Hern, N. C., 

Inly I. '65; buried in Nat. Com., plot 7, grave 

42. 
John H. Howard, Mch. 7, '65. 
John S. Hamilton, Mch. 16, '65. 
Frederick Hotiser. Feb. 21 '65. 
Wm. M. Hughes, Mch. 8, '65. 
James Hunt, Mch. 7, '65. 
Thomas B. Hughes, Mch. 7, '65. 
I evi llarron, Feb. 15, '65. 
Peter Hoerner, Mch 10, '65. 
James Halm, Apr. 12. '65. 
David James, Mch. 13, '65. 
Jonas Kissinger, Mch. 8, '65. 
Felix Krizer. Mch. 8, '65. 
Levi W. Kurtz, Feb. !>, '65. 
Christ'r Kccncy. Feb. 21, '(>. r ). 
William H. Kepner, Mch. 7, '65. 
George Koontz. Men. 2, '65. 
Tbrrence Keenan, Mch. 1, '65. 
Lewis 1''. Lindley, Mch. 1. '65; deserted Mch. 

7, '65. 
John H. Miller, Mch. 8, '65. 



Wm. L. Maulfair, Mch. 7, '65. 

Thomas Moran, Mch. 7, 65. 

Mm Miller, Mch. 20, '65. 

Percival Ney, Mch. 7, '65. 

Michael 1 'cipher, Mch. 8, '65. 

John 11. Peters, Mch. 7, '65. 

Thomas Painter, Mch. in, '65. 

Jacob Ramsey, Mch. 7, '65. 

William Kani>ey. Mch. 7, '65. 

Solomon Roop, Mch. 1, '65. 

Christian Roop, Mch. 1, '65. 

Alex A. Rhoads, Feb, 10, '65. 

Philip H. Showers, Mch. 8, '65. 

Joseph S. Saul, Mch. 7. '65. 

John Shnev. Mch. 16, '65. 

Adam Shney, Mch. 16, '65. 

Christ'n F. Snyder, Feb. 9, '65. 

William Starr, Feb. 9, '65. 

Ferdinand Stout, Mch. 22, 'C. r >. 

Squires Shipley, Apr. 12, '65. 

Henry Wertz, Mch. 11, '65. 

William A. Wilson, Mch. 20, '65. 

John Winters, Mch. L8, '65. 

Jacob Weirich, Mch. L0, '65. 

John W. Wolford, Feb. 10, '65. 

George Welm, Mch. 1, '65. 

Nathaniel Watkins, Feb. IS. '65; deserted Mch. 

7, '65. 
John Vengst, Feb. 21, '6.".. 



COMPANY E. 2ND. 



Cornelius M'CIellan. Capt., Mch. 23, '65. 
Benjamin Geipe, 1st Lt., Mch. 23, '65. 
Joseph Vanormer, 2nd Lt., Mch. 23, '65. 
Corbel I). Sinner, 1st Sergt., Mch. 10, '65. 
Alonzo II. Fasick, Sergt., Mch. 10, '65. 
Stephen Seitz, Sergt., Feb. 21. '65. 
Joseph Martin, Sergt.. Mch. 14, '65. 
Benj. H. Lamott, Sergt., Feb. 21, '65. 
Henry Spitler, Corp., Mch. 10, '65. 



Henry H. Lamott, Corp., Mch. 7, '6. r >. 
Wm. V. Shirk, Corp., Mch. 10, '65. 
Thomas Leonard, Corp., Mch. 10, '65. 
Cloyd M. Parker, Corp., Mch. 14, '65. 
Martin Kerr. Corp., Mch. 22, '65. 
Henry K. Schnell. Corp.. Feb 24, '65. 

Charles Gantz, Corp., Feb 25, '65. 
George Devinney, Muc., Feb 27, '65. 
Cloyd Wise, Muc, Mch. 25, '65. 



Wesley Andrews, Mch. 15, '65. 

lames Adams, Mch. 7, '65; deserted Mch. 

'65, 

David Becker, Mch. 17. '65. 
lohn Blvmer, Mch. 16, '65. 
Samuel Bailey, Mch. 22, '65. 

Nicholas Bride. Mch. lit. '65. 

Thaddeus Hook. Mch. 10, '65. 
Jacob Bailey, Mch. 22, '65, 
Sylvester Cassel, Mch 10, '65. 
Jacob Dennens, Feb 27, '65. 
lohn Dinst, Mch. 15, '65. 
Ka.ic Dice. Feb. 21, '65, 
Uriah Dice. Feb. 24, '65. 
John Diehl. Mch. 10, '65. 
George Delancey, Mch. 22, '65. 
William 11. Fence. Mch. 7, '65. 
William Foltz, Mch. 10, '65. 
Allen B. Fasick, Mch. 14, '65. 
Isaac X. Gingerich, Mch. 10, '65, 
Israel Garman, Mch L0, '65. 
Richard M. G\ishard, Mch. 14. '65. 
James C. Gilson, Mch. 22, '65. 
Louis Gladfelter, Mch. 22, '65. 



PRIVATES. 

John Housner, Mch. 7. '65. 
10, George Ham, Mch. 10, '66. 
John 11. llerbst, Feb 2:., '65. 
George Heck, Mch. 10, '65. 
Daniel Hcrtzler, Mch. 15, '65. 
Stewart Hertzler, Mch, 15, '65 
Jesse 1 lowe Mar. I I, '65. 
John N. Howe. Mch. 14, '65. 
Robert C. Howell. Mch. 22, '65 
Tohn E. Ilgenfritz, Fell. 22, '65. 
John Klotz, Mch. 11, '65. 
Jacob Kerchner, Mch. 14, '65. 
John Keiler. Feb. 26, '65. 
Rudolph Kauffman, Mch. 14, '6.j. 
Joseph Kauffman, Mch. 14, '65. 
Nathan Kecley. Mch. 23 '65. 
Isaac D. Leib. Mch. 10, '65. 
Charles W. Mitzel, Feb. 27, '65. 
Aaron Markle, Feb. 22, '65. 
Louis Markle. Feb. 24. '65. 
John E. Monahan. Mch. 10. '65. 
Joseph W. Martin. Mch. 22. '65. 
Emanuel Mitzel, Feb. 28, '65. 
Geo. M'Laughlin. Feb. 25, '65 



H CENTAL ROSTER. 



117 



And. J. M'WiIliam,. Mch. In, '65 
Wm. A. M'Cahren, Mch. 14, '65. 
Thos. R, M'Cli llan, Mch. 11. '65 
John A. M'Glaughlin, Mch 22, '65. 
William Ort, Mch. 7, '65. 

Philip Papst, Feb. 24, '6 
Daniel Panebaker, Mch. 10 
David Patterson, Mch 10, '65. 
Israel Shanabrook, Mch 9, '65 
George W. Shup, Feb. 28, '65. 
Jacob Slanterbach, Mch. 10, '65. 
George ShrefHer. Mch. 10, '65. 
Frederick Straub, Mch. 15 '65. 



E. Shellcnbarger, Mch. 11, '65. 

Roberl Vanormer, Mi h 23, '05. 

Henry Wilson, Feb. 28, '65. 

Richard Weakley, Mch. L6, '65; dis. by G. O., 

June 1 1, '65. 
Henry Word, Mch. 15, '65. 
ob Hi e, Mch L0, '65 
Henry D. Weller, Mch. Li I 
William B. Wright, Mch. 10, 6 
Charles W. Weitzel Mch. L0, '65 
William B. Walls, Mch. 11. '6 i 
Shem ('. Voder. Mch 22, '65. 



COMPANY F. 2ND. 



William B. Wolf, Cap!., Mch. 24, '65. 
John W. Mount?., 1st Lt., Mch. 24, '65. 
Thomas H. Finney, 2nd Lt., Mch, 24, '65. 
John Hoffert, 1st Sergt, Mch. 15, '65. 
John D. Day. Sergt., Mch. 7, '65. 
Sam'l P. Kauffman, Sergt., Mch. 14, '65. 
Frederick Goodyear, Sergt., Mch. 23, '65. 
David Finney, Sergt., Mch. 16, '65. 
George A. Turbett, Corp., Mch. 7, '65. 



William L. Sour, Corp., Mch. 8, '65 
i rancis D. Dace. Corp., Mch. 7. '65 

n Wolf, Corp., Mch. 9, '65, 
George Hanford, Corp., Mch. 7, '65. 
Stewart M. Johnson, Corp., Mch. 7, '65. 
Daniel Sarver, Corp., Mch. 9, '65. 
Geo. W. Kauffman, Corp, Mi h I 
John Dougherty, Muc, Mch 9, '65. 
John A Huppman, Muc, Mch 15, '65. 



John Alter, Mch. 15, '65. 

Wm. K. Anderson, Mch. 15, '65. 

Joseph Beistline, Mch. 8, '65. 

Jos. Boughammcr, Mch. 15, '65. 

Michael Beistline, Mch. 9, '65 

Isaac Boldosher, Mch. 9, '65. 

Joseph P. Boner, Mch. L3, '65. 

Christian Bushman, Mch. 21, '65. 

George Crouse, Mch. 21, '65. 

Timothy F. Day, Mch. 7, '65. 

John C. Deiner, Mch. 9, '65 

Jacob K. Diller, Apr. 6, '65. 

John B. Dunbar, Mch. 9, '65. 

"William H. Day, Mch. 13, '65. 

Richard F. Dickson, Mch. 9, '65 ; dis. by G. O., 

June 29, '65. 
Hugh F. Duff Mch. 9, '65. 
Daniel Drummond, Mch. 9, '65. 
Leo. Fuller, Mch. 15, '65. 
Andrew M. Fuller, Mch. 9, '65. 
Preston Fuller, Mch. 9, '65. 
Fred'k L. Goodvear, Mch. 8, '65. 
Levi Gates, Mch. 23, '65. 
David K. Hamilton, Mch. 28. '65. 
George W. Harter, Mch. 21, '65. 
Philip Hartman, Mch. 14, '65. 
Jacob B. Hoover, Mch. 13, '65. 
Abraham Ilornheck, Mch. 9, '65. 
William Johns, Mch. 15, '65. 
Abraham M. Kistler, Mch. 22, '65. 
Adam Klcindcnst, Mch. 28, '65. 
W H. Landenberger, Mch. 9, '65. 
John Mavberry, Apr. 6, '65. 
Jonathan "Mavberrv, Mch. 9, '65. 
Samuel G. Miller, Mch. 15. '65. 
Johnson Moritz, Mch. 23, '65. 
Augustus Miller. Mch. 16. '65. 
George Mummair, Mch. 7, '65. 
Robert J. Mullin, Mch. 1, '65. 
Levi Miller, Mch. 9, '65. 
Francis Mullin, Mch. 13, '65. 



Henry Murry. Mch. 13. 6 
'ohn M'Laughlin, Mch. 15, '65. 
John M'Caughanny, Mch. in, '65. 
Henry McLaughlin. Mch. 11, '65. 
James M'Collistcr, Mch. 9, '115 
Andrew M'llwaine, Mch. 11, '65. 
iheodore Noaker, Mch. 9, '65. 
Henry C. Newman, Mch. 27, '65. 
David Palm. Mch, 27, '65. 
John II. Ployer, Mch. 16, '65. 
H. Rickabaugh, Mch. 28, '65 
J. L. Rickabaugh, Apr. 6, '65 
Levi Rudy, Mch. Hi. '65. 
Charles Ringley, Mch. 13, '65; not on muster- 
out roll, 
facob Sour, Mch. 1.'!. '65. 
David W. Sour, \hh s. '65. 
John Stammel, Mch. 2:*,, '65. 
John E. Swonger, Mch. 23 '65 
S un'l Shoemaker. Mch. 7 'ii5. 
William D. Shuff, Mch. 7. '65 

hi in C. Sarver, Mch. 10, '65. 
Silas C. Toner, Mch. 20. '65. 
John H. Troup. Mch. 23. '65 
[ohn W. Thomas, Mch. 8, '65. 
Conrad Throne, Mch. 23, '65 
Samuel Throne, Mch. 23, '65. 
Eli D. Toner, Mch. 13, '65. 
William Throne. Mch. 9. '65. 
Edward Toner. Mch. 10, '65. 
loin, H. Weigel, Mch. 10, '65. 
George Wagoner, Mch II. '65 
Enoch T. Woodrow. Mch. 28, '65. 
David A. Winters, Mch. 1 1. '65 
Wm. Windomaker, Mch. 7, '65. 
John A. Wagoner, Mch. 7, '65 
Joseph T. Weise, Mch. 13. '65. 
lames E. Wise, Mch. 9 '65. 
William P. Wolf, Mch. 9. '65 
Robert Whigham, Mch. 9, '65. 



118 



101ST PEXXSYLVAXIA REGIMEXT 



Augustus Werner, Mch. 10, '65; not on muster- George P. Wagoner. Mch. 8, '65. 

out roll. Charles Yengst, Mch. 10, '65 ; absent sick at 

Martin V. Whetsel, Mch. 9, '65. muster-out of Co. 

COMPANY G. 2ND. 



Theodore C. Norris. Capt., Mch. 25, '65. 
Robert George, 1st Lieut.. Mch. 25, '65. 
Samuel A. Young, 2nd Lt, Mch. 27, '65. 
James H. Cobean, 1st Sergt, Mch. 13, '65. 
David H. Clark, Sergt., Mch. 8, '65. 
James Patton, Sergt., Mch. 8, '65. 
B. G. Hollebaugh, Sergt., Mch. 13, '65. 
John Coshin, Sergt., Mch. 13, '65. 
Hugh P. Miller, Corp., Mch. 8, '65. 



John Smith, Corp.. Mch. 13, '65. 
John Setter, Corp., Mch. 13, '65. 
Rufus C. Duttra, Corp., Mch. 13, '65. 
Richard J. Ladley, Corp., Mch. 8, '65. 
William G. Black, Corp., Mch. 13, '65. 
John Booth, Corp., Mch. 13, '65. 
Samuel W. Allison, Corp., Mch. 13, '65. 
Wallace Zeigler, Muc, Apr. 30. '65. 
Wattles W. Wolf, Muc, Mch. 15, '65. 



Jonathan L. Allison, Mch. 13, '65. 

Smith Barr, Mch. 13, '65. 

Wn J. Burkhart. Mch. 8, '65. 

Charles Boenig. Mch. 2, '65. 

George Bancroft, Mch. 3, '65. 

Amos Cump, Mch. 13, '65. 

Lewis Carbaugh, Mch. 13, '65. 

Joseph A. Crabs, Mch. 10, '65. 

Samuel Cump, Mch. 13, '65. 

Ferdin'd Cootes, Mch. 13, '65. 

Jacob Cable, Mch. 8, '65. 

David M. Creal, Mch. 8, '65. 

William Crusan, Mch. 8, '65; dis. by G. O., 
July 19, '65. 

D. H. Creighton, Mch. 11. '65. 

Samuel Davis, Mch. 3, '65. 

J. C. Eckenrode, Mch. 25, '65. 

John Engelhart, Mch. 10. '65. 

John C. Emerick, Mch. 8, '65. 

William H. Feeser, Mch. 13, '65. 

Geo. W. Hoffman, Mch. 13, '65. 

David Hartzell, Mch. 13, '65; absent sick, at 
muster-out of Co. 

William Homan. Mch. 13, '65. 

Frank D. Hesson, Mch. 13, '65. 

J. B. Hinchberger, Mch. 8, '65 ; dis. by G. O., 
July 19, '65. 

David Harris. Mch. 8, '65. 

James House. Mch. 2, '65. 

Max Hirst, Feb. 27, '65. 

Jacob Kline, Mch. 25, '65. 

Joseph H. Keefer, Mch. 25, '65. 

George W. Keefer, Mch. 13, '65. 

James W. Keefer, Mch. 25, '65. 

Thaddeus Keefer, Mch. 13, '65. 

Washington King, Mch. 13, '65. 

John Kuhns, Mch. 13, '65; absent sick, at mus- 
ter out of Co. 

Jacob A. Keller, Mch. 13. '65. 
Philip Long, Mch. 13, '65. 

Peter T. Lawrence, Mch. 13, '65. 

George" W. Lutes, Mch. 8. '65. 

H. W. Lightner, Mch. 25. '65. 

Leander Mundorf, Mch. 13, '65. 

Gregory Meder, Mch. 22, '65. 



Burns Myers, Mch. 11, '65. 
John Moore, Feb. 28, '65. 
Jos. S. Moore. Feb. 28, '65. 
L. M. M'lLaine, Mch. 13. '65. 
Edward J. M'Cauley, Mch. 8, '65. 
Robert M'Bratney, Mch. 11, '65. 
James Obold, Mch. 15, '65. 
George D. Plank, Mch. 25, '65. 
John W. Picking, Mch. 13. '65. 
James Pangburn, Mch. 8, '65. 
Samuel Pangburn, Mch. 8, '65. 
Theo. Podulskey, Feb. 27. '65. 
William Patterson, Mch. 25, '65. 
John Rebert, Mch. 13, '65 ; dis. by G. O , July 
24, '65. 

Tohn Ramsev, Mch. 8, '65. 
Lawrence Rufus, Mch. 2, '65. 
John Rufus, Mch. 2, '65. 
George Ross, Mch. 2, '65. 

David L. Smith, Mch. 25, '65. 
Levi Spangler. Mch. 25, '65. 
John N. Seltzer, Mch. 13, '65. 

George Smith. Mch. 10. '65. 
Joseph Spangler. Mch. 13, '65. 

David L. Spangler. Mch. 13, '65. 

Jos. Shonnessay, Mch. 13, '65. 

Jeremiah Sellers, Mch. 13, '65. 

Henry F. Slonaker, Mch. 13, '65. 

J. J. Swearengen, Mch. 13, '65. 

Henrv Sellers, Mch. 13 '65. 

Tohn'H. Smith, Mch. 8, '65. 

Chas. A. Stephens, Feb. 28, '65. 

Tere Southworth, Feb. 28, '65. 

George W. Trostle, Mch. 26, '65. 

James Tropper, Mch. 13, '65. 

Martin S. Witmore, Mch. 25, '65 ; dis. by G. O., 
July 24, '65. 

Emanuel Weikert, Mch. 25, '65. 

Rufus Wilt, Mch. 13, '65. 

Charles Weikert. Mch. 13, '65. 

George J. Winkler. Mch. 8, '65. 

W. W. Waggoner, Mch. 8, '65. 

James A. Wright, Mch. 2, '65. 

Peter Weisentine, Mch. 2, '65. 



COMPANY H. 



Henrv W. Larimer, Capt., Mch. 27, '65. 
Bradlev D. Salter. 1st Lt., Mch. 27, '65. 
Hugh M. Hall, 2nd Lt., Mch. 22, '65. 
Thomas B. Gunnett. 1st Sgt, Mch. 15, '65. 



George F Weitzel, Sergt., Mch. 25 '65. 
Lee S. Smith. Sergt., Mch. 14. '65. 
William May, Sergt., Mch. 15, '65. 
Peter H. Beech, Sergt., Mch. 14, '65. 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER. 



119 



Alex. H. M'Cord, Corp., Mch. 14, '65. 
Robert J. Wilson, Corp.. Mch. 15, '65. 
Richard Jones, Corp., Mch. 14, '65. 
William Metzgar, Corp., Mch. 23, '65. 
Daniel Linderman. Corp., Mch. 17, '65. 



Joseph Cook, Corp., Mch. 14, '65. 
Henry Reichard, Corp., Mch. 23, '65. 
Henry King. Corp., Mch. 14, '65. 
George L. Glenn, Muc, Feb. 17, '65. 



D. E. Atkinson, Mch. 8, '65. 

John Brown, Mch. 11, '65. 

Joseph Berk, Feb. 15, '65. 

James Black, Mch. 15, '65. 

James Bonebrake, Mch. 14, '65. 

Thomas W. Brown, Feb. 28, '65. 

John W. Blanchard, Feb. 28, '65. 

Max Conrad, Mch. 23, '65. 

Frank Coleman, Mch. 23, '65. 

David Clark. Mch. 7, '65. 

Thomas M. Carroll, Mch. 25, '65. 

John Conley, Mch. 3, '65. 

William Coskery, Mch, 23, '65. 

Kinsev S. Drain, Mch. 11. '65. 

John Dahlem, Mch. 23, '65. 

Wm. F. Dougherty, Mch. 23, '65. 

Jas. D. Dougherty, Mch. 23, '65. 

William Fowler, Mch. 17, '65. 

Daniel Ferguson. Mch. 25, '65. 

William Ganster, Mch. 7, '65. 

Samuel A. Gettys, Mch. 14, '65. 

Jacob Gater, Feb. 28, '65. 

James Hopkins Mch. 25, '65. 

John Hann, Mch. 2, '65. 

Henry Heckler, Mch. 23, '65. 

Charles Hornick, Feb. 15, '65. 

Joseph Harvester, Feb. 28, '65. 

Alex Harbaugh, Feb. 28, '65. 

William Harris, Mch. 14, '65. 

Anthony Hannon, Feb. 16, '65 ; deserted 

28, '65. 
John Ireland, Mch. 25, '65. 
William Jones, Mch. 14. '65. 
Owen W. Jones, Mch. 14, '65. 
Emanuel List, Mch. 2, '65. 
Patrick Long, Mch. 7, '65. 
James Munn, Mch. 11, '65. 
Alexander Miller. Feb. 19, '65. 
Adam Meixner, Mch. 23, '65. 
John Meixner, Mch. 23, '65. 
Christian Marquart, Mch. 23, '65. 
Abraham G. Meyers. Mch. 23, '65. 



John L. Martin, Mch. 14. '65. 

Amos Martin, Feb. 17, '65 ; deserted Mch. 31, 
'65. 

James Mason, Mch. 31, '65; not on muster- 
out roll. 

Robert R. M'Cleary, Mch. 7, '65. 

Jas. C. M'Clintock, Mch. 7, '65. 

George B. M'Kee, Mch. 16, '65. 

Francis M'Dermott. Mch. 14, '65. 

Wm. B. M'Cullum, Feb. 28, '65. 

Elijah R. M'Coy, Feb. 28, '65. 

Hugh MTntyre, Mch. 25, '65. 

Samuel Norman, Mch. 25, '65. 

Christ'r Netchkev, Mch. 23, '65. 

Michael O'Hare, Mch. 14, '65. 

John Plotser, Mch. 7, '65. 

John Riley. Feb. 28, '65. 

John Reese, Mch. 14, '65. 

Charles Snyder, Mch. 25, '65. 

Powell Seifried Mch. 23, '65. 

Wm. Sanderson, Feb. 28, '65. 

John H. Smith, Mch. 14, '65. 

Patrick Sheveland, Mch. 14, '65. 

William Smith, Mch. 14, '65; deserted Mch. 
27. '65. 

Crispin Saddon, Mch. 31, '65 ; not on muster- 
out roll. 

Bradley D. Salter, Feb. 14, '65; not on muster- 
out roll. 
Feb. Albert A. Thomas, Mch. 11, '65. 

Edward Timmony, Mch. 17, '65. 

William Thompson, Mch. 25 '65. 

Henrv Walker. Mch. 7, '65. 

Robt." S. Wilkinson, Mch. 24, '65. 

Harvey Washburn, Mch. 16, '65. 

Wm. H. Walters, Mch. 23, '65. 

Matthias Wilhelm, Mch. 14, '65. 

Sam'l Whitehouse. Mch. 14, '65. 

Geo. Whitehouse, Mch. 14, '65. 

Tohn Williams, Feb. 28, '65 ; deserted Mch. 19, 
'65. 

Cary Yoder. Mch. 2, '65. 



ROSTER OF DETACHMENT. 

In addition to the eight foregoing companies that came to the Regiment in 
the spring of 1865, the following drafted men and substitutes were designated as 
belonging to the 101st Regiment. When they joined the Regiment is not indi- 
cated by the records. Those marked D were drafted, and S indicates they were 
substitutes. They were all mustered out with the Regiment, without being 
assigned to companies June 25, 1865. 

PRIVATES. 

David Adams ; must, into serv. Oct. 7, '64 ; 1 yr. ; S. 
John Allen; must, into serv. May 26, '64; 3 yrs. ; D. 
John J. Allen ; must, into serv. May 26, '64 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
Ezra Aspey; must, into serv. June 30, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
William Aldridge ; must, into serv. July 14, '63 ; 3 yrs. ; S. 



120 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

Hiram Alter; must, into serv., July 9, '63; 3 yrs. ; D. 
William A. Ball ; must, into serv. June 6, '64 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
Martin L. Raum, must, into serv. Sept. 22, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
George Bilyon ; must, into serv. May 20, '64 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
Samuel B. Black; must, into serv. June 18, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
George Boothe; must, into serv. June 15, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
David F. Brown; must, into serv. June 1, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
William A. Brown; must, into serv. June 27, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Charles Beigchekzt; must, into serv. Aug. 24, '63; 1 yr. ; S. 
Benj. F. Barker; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Richard Buner; must, into serv. July 21, '63 ; 3 yrs.; S. 
Christian Baker; must, into serv. July 27, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Peter Bowers; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Squire S. Bradley; must, into serv. July 16, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Theodore M. Brown; must, into serv. Feb. 9, '65; 1 yr. ; S. 
Asa A. Cooley ; must into serv. Sept. 30, '64 ; 1 yr. ; D. 
Andrew Compton ; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
John S. Caldwell; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Wm. C. Clawson ; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Anderson Clawson; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
J. Morris Criley ; must, into serv., July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Joseph Coup ; must, into serv. Sept. 31*, '64 ; 1 yr. ; D. 
Simon P. Connor; must, into serv. Aug. 13, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Adam Cook; must, into serv. Nov. 30, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
David Daugherty; must, into serv. June 1, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Elias H. Dawson; must, into serv. Feb. 8, '65; 1 yr. ; S. 
Gustav's DeAlonzo; must, into serv. Nov. 21, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Joshua Denman ; must, into serv. July 13, '63 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
Robert Ellis; must, into serv. June 16, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Samuel Earhart ; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Eden Eakman ; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Joseph Eichenloub; must, into serv. Sept. 19, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
Michael Faith; must, into serv. June 1, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
James Faulkner; must, into serv. June 2, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
George Fink; must, into serv., June 20, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Robert Forsythe ; must, into serv. Sept. 25, '64 ; 1 yr. ; D. 
R. H. Fitzsimmons; must, into serv. Sept. 25, '64.; 3 yrs.; S. 
George Forner ; must, into serv. May 27, '04; 3 yrs.; D. 
Gideon Frain; must, into serv. May 30, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Thomas Fenster; must, into serv. Sept. 3, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
John H. Forker; must, into serv. Mch. 3, '65; 1 yr. ; S. 
James A. Ferguson; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Henry Fish ; must, into serv. July 16, '63. ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
Jacob Farrier ; must, into serv. July 13, '63, 3 years. ; D. 
William Gibson; must, into serv. Nov. 21, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
William Gordon ; must, into serv. Mch. 25, '65. ; 1 yr. ; S. 
Christian Grav ; must, into serv. May 27, '64 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
James L. Griffin; must, into serv. May 30, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
John J. Graham ; must, into serv. July 30, '63 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
Jacob Grove; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Roland F. Gardner; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs. D. 
Martin Gruver; must, into serv. July 10, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Jonathan Gibson ; must, into serv. July 13, '63 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
Simon P. Grossman: must, into serv., Oct. 14, '64; 1 vr. ; S. 
Theodore D. Hall; June 20, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Leo Herbert; must, into serv. Sept. 20, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Joseph Hepling; must, into serv. June 24. 'Of; 3 yrs.; D. 
Richard Milliard; must, into serv. Sept. 20, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
Davis Hamilton; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Jas. K. Hamilton; must, into serv. July 30, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Reese Harris; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Christopher Hertman; must, into serv. July 18, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
James Heckman ; must, into serv. July 18, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
John W. Humbert; must, into serv. Oct. 19, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
John P. Hyle; must, into serv. June 30. '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Jacob 11 ingles; must, into serv. June 6, '04; 3 yrs.; D. 
David Jacobs; must, into serv., June 23, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
James S. Johnston; must, into serv. June 10, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Jasper A. Jones; must, into serv June 23, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 



REGIMENTAL ROSTER. 121 



John L. Jones; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs. ; S. 
Thomas Jordan; must, into serv. July 15, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Jacob Kanarr; must, into serv. June 1, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Fred'k Kauffield; must, into serv. Sept. 20, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
Reuben Kuhns; must, into serv. Oct. 12. '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
Peter Kirk; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Addison Kirk; must, into serv. July 24. '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Finley A. Kepple; must, into serv. July 14, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Thomas J. Kent; must, into serv. July 15, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Israel Krepps ; must, into serv. July 27, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Philip Laughner; must, into serv. June 30, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Lewis M. Lamaden; must, into serv. Oct. 19, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Lucia Leech ; must, into serv. Sept. 30, '64 ; 1 yr. ; D. 
William H. Lutes ; must, into serv. Feb. 18, '65 ; 1 yr. ; S. 
Charles Loucks ; must, into serv. June 23. '64; 3 yrs.; S. 
Benjamin F. Lee; must, into serv. June 25, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Harrison D. Leezer; must, into serv. July 30, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
George Ludwig; must, into serv. July 14. '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Rufus Lucore; must, into serv. Oct. 15, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Jesse Matthews ; must, into serv. Oct. 14. '64 ; 1 yr. ; S. 
Seth Mapes; must, into serv. June 10, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
John Merriman; must, into serv. June 2, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
William S. Merritt ; must, into serv. June 15, '64; 3 yrs.; S. 
J. Milton Miller; must, into serv. Sept. 22, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
Philip Miller; must, into serv. Sept. 20, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Joseph Miller; must, into serv. Jan. 18. '65; 3 yrs.; S. 
Albert Mildred; must, into serv. Feb. 8, 65; 3 yrs.; D. 
John Minner; must, into serv. June 20. '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
Silas Moever; must, into serv. Oct. 14, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Hiram Moore ; must, into serv. Sept. 22, '64 ; 1 yr. ; S. 
Joseph Morgan; must, into serv. Mar. 1, '65; 1 yr. ; D. 
Joseph Morehead; must, into serv. July 13. '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
George W. Mowell; must, into serv. July 24, '63; 3 yrs. S. 
Joseph Mester; must, into serv. July 15, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Michael Mock; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
James F. Miller; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
John Miller; must, into serv. June 30, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Conrad Mexner; must, into serv. Dec. 7, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
Robert A. M'Adoo; must, into serv. June 1, '64; 3 yrs.; S. 
J. L. M'Annulty; must, into serv. June 28. '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
Benj. F. M'Ewan; must, into serv. June 16, '65; 1 yr. ; S. 
John D. M'Farland; must, into serv. May 25, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Pat'k M'Laughlin; must, into serv. June 21, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
William A. M'Nutt; must, into serv. Sept. 20, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Robert McConnell ; must, into serv. June 11, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Andrew McCullough ; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Wm. M'Clymonds; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
M. C. M'Cormick; must, into serv. Sept. 17, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Joseph M'Mahan; must, into serv. July 10, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
James M'Nall ; must, into serv. July 14, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
James Neal ; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
John Palmer ; must, into serv. July 13, '63 ; 3 yrs. D. 
Jonathan Pike; must, into serv. June 11, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Joel Phelan; must, into serv. May 21, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Daniel Pittman : must, into serv. Feb. 8, '65; 1 yr. ; S. 
Wm. H. D. Phillips ; must, into serv. June 4, '64 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
Joseph Province; must, into serv. May 27, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Joshua Pilet; must, into serv. Oct. 7, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
Henry A. Rinehart ; must, into serv. Sept. 1, '64 ; 1 yr. ; D. 
Chas. W. Robinson ; must, into serv. July 13, '64 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
Robert Robinson; must, into serv. Aug. 24, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Samuel Robinson; must, into serv. Nov. 18, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
George Roader; must, into serv. May 31. '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
William C. Richell; must, into serv. July 15, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Jas. Roxborough; must, into serv. July 15, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Henry Rinsland; must, into serv. July 15, '63; 3 Vrs. ; D. 
Duncan J. Ramsay; must, into serv. July 16, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Job Ridgeway; must, into serv. June 11, '64; 3 yrs.; S. 



122 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

John H. Rehren ; must, into serv. Oct. 8, '64; 1 vr. ; S. 
Samuel Sanford; must, into serv. June 10, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
John Schroth ; must, into serv. June 2, '64 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
David Seniff; must, into serv. Oct. 17, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Henry Shankle; must, into serv. June 1, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Calvin C. Sykes; must, into serv. May 31. '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
John Smeltzer; must, into serv. July 30, '64; 3 yrs.; S. 
Gard. R. Snider ; must, into serv. June 22, '64 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
Lawrence Stilwagon; must, into serv. Oct. 4, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Henry Stimmel ; must, into serv. June 30, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
L. J. Storsnyder; must, into serv. Oct. 19, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Wm. H. Sweeny; must, into serv. Sept. 30, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
Daniel Sweeny; must, into serv. Sept. 20, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
Francis Swyter; must, into serv. Jan. 6, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Samuel Sutton ; must, into serv., Sept. 19, '64 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
Charles J. Scott ; must, into serv. Sept. 14, '63 ; 3 yrs. ; S. 
Abraham Stiver; must, into serv. July 15, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Jonathan Shaffer ; must, into serv. July 14. '63 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
John M. Smeltzer ; must, into serv. July 14, '63 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
Andrew B. Smiley; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Peter Shoaf; must, into serv. July 15, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Joseph Shank ; must, into serv. July 15, '63 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
Ferdinand Shirey; must, into serv. Oct. 14, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
John D. Stiner; must, into serv. Oct. 14, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Henry Stands; must, into serv. Sept. 20, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
M. Schreckengost ; must, into serv. Sept. 21, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
Levi S. Siper; must, into serv. Nov. 18, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
Charles Sullivan; must, into serv. Feb. 1, '65; 1 yr. ; S. 
Jacob W. Tims; must, into serv. June 23, '64; 1 yr. ; D. 
William H. Thompson; must, into serv. May 31, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
George Tniesdell ; must, into serv. June 22, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
William Turner; must, into serv. Feb. 16, '65; 3 yrs.; D. 
Henry Tendall ; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
J. G. Throckmartin; must, into serv. July 16, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Elisha Travilla ; must, into serv. July 8, '63 ; 3 yrs. ; D. 
William R. Truby; must, into serv. Aug. 29, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
B. J. Tedrick; must, into serv. Sept. 30, '64; ] yr. ; D. 
Sylvester Underwood ; must, into serv. Sept. 28, '64 ; 1 yr. ; D. 
John H. Veach ; must, into serv. Mch. 2, '65 ; 1 yr. ; S. 
Abram D. Vantine ; must, into serv. July 14. '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
John R. Weisenborn; must, into serv. June 28, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Ira G. West; must, into serv. Oct. 6, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
Asher Williams; must, into serv. Aug. 17, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Joseph P. Wilson; must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
William Wilson ; must, into serv. July 13, '63 ; 3 years. ; D. 
John H. Woods; must, into serv. July 16, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
Samuel Wampler ; must, into serv. Julv 14, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 
Seth W. Whitesell; must, into serv. Oct. 6, 64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Robert Wortz; must, into serv. Sept. 28, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
Jonathan Worley; must, into serv. Mav 30, '64; 3 yrs.; D. 
William Wyke; must, into serv. Oct. "7, '64; 1 yr. ; S. 
William C. Wallace; must, into serv. Tuly 11, '63; 3 yrs.; D. 
John Wolf: must, into serv. July 13, '63; 3 vrs. ; D. 
Nathaniel Young; must, into serv. Feb. 16, '65; 1 yr. ; D. 
Robert Young; must, into serv. July 23, '63; 3 yrs.; S. 

UNASSIGNED MEN NOT ACCOUNTED FOR 



Annanias Allman ; must, into serv. Feb. 28, '65; 1 yr. 
Edward Bush; must, into serv. Feb. 18, '64; 3 yrs. 
Henry Strough ; must, into serv. Feb. 12, '64 ; 3 yrs. 
Jacob Yahn; must, into serv. Feb. 27, '64; 3 yrs. 




BRIG. GEN. HENRY W. WESSELLS. 



BA [TLE OF PLYMOU I ll 123 

APPENDICES. 

The articles which follow appear as appendices to tlie History of tin L03d Regiment 
Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers, issued contemporaneously with this volume. While not 
necessarily a part of the history of the lOlsl they are concomitant to it, describing compre- 
hensively important events in which it participated. 

THE BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH. 

Death of Lieutenant-Commander Flusser -Sinking of the Southfield — 
Capitulation of Gen. Wessells' Command — Biographicai Sketches 
of Lieut. Com. Flusser and Brig. < rEN. Wessells. 

By General Orders, No. 62, issued by the general commanding the 18th Army Corps, 
dated April 22, 1803, the Department of North Carolina was divided into three districts. 
The Second, then designated the District of the Albemarle (soon thereafter known as the 
Sub-District of the Albemarle), embraced Plymouth, Roanoke Island and such other posts 
as might be established from time to time in the territory bordering or contiguous to Albe- 
marle sound. The command of this district was assigned to Brig. Gen. II. W. Wessells, with 
headquarters at Plymouth. Although Gen. Wessell's command had embraced more than 
his old brigade, and the latter had been commanded by others, yet it was always regarded 
as Wessell's brigade, and when the general moved his headquarters to Plymouth, he took 
his brigade with him. On August 31, 1803, the troops in the Sub-District of the Albemarle, 
comprised the 85th, 92d and 96th New York Vols., and the 101st and 103d Pcnna. Regiments, 
these being known as the First Brigade, commanded by Col. T. F, Lehmann, and a company 
of the 12th New York Cavalry and a battery of artillery— 24th New York; the two latter, 
not being brigaded, taking their orders direct from the commanding general of the district. 
The original Keim's brigade, which was intact when Gen. Wessells assumed command, com- 
prised the 85th, 101st, and 103d Penna., and 96th New York. The 85th Penna. was 
detached from the brigade shortly after the Goldsboro expedition, much to the regret of 
the comrades of the other regiments, as it was regarded as the peer of any regiment in the 
service, and it was the general opinion of the men who had participated in the battle of 
Kinston that its commanding officer, Col. Howell, should have been promoted to briga- 
dier general rather than Gen. Hunt; surely so, if gallantry and coolness in action deserved 
recognition. 

When Wessell's brigade arrived at Plymouth there were less than five hundred inhab- 
itants not connected with the army and navy, a majority of whom were negroes. A line 
of intrenchments, only partially completed, extended around the southern and western limits 
of the town, the eastern limits depending on the gunboats for defense. There were two 
reasons for this: First, the garrison was too meager to man intrenchments around the 
entire town; second, the eastern border of the town was a wooded swamp regarded as 
almost impenetrable by troops. The river bordered the north side of the town, and the 
opposite land being a marshy island, the gunboats of the navy afforded ample protection 
from that direction. In the center of the line of defense was a large earthwork, not quite 
completed, called Fort Williams, mounting four 32-pound guns and two 6-pound brass pieces. 
Fort Williams was named after Brig. Gen. Thomas Williams, the first general officer who 
had commanded in the Department of North Carolina to be killed in battle. He fell in 
action at Baton Rouge, La., August 5, 1862. 

Plymouth is situated on the south bank of the Roanoke river, a tributary of the Albe- 
marle sound, about eight miles from the mouth of the river. The history of Plymouth 
ante-dates the Revolutionary War. A descriptive write-up of the town by F.dward L. Conn, 
which appeared in the Raleigh News and Observer, in its issue of June 11, 1909, gives the 
following account of its founding and growth, its prosperity and depression, and the 
"ups and downs" it experienced during the Civil War: 

"Engirt by the two principal railroads of northeastern Carolina with the waves of the 
historic Roanoke kissing her feet, Plymouth, century old, and Phoenix-like twice risen from 
her own ashes * * * is the synonym of opportunity. * * * The present site of the 
town was established in 1780, consisting of 100 acres, divided into 172 lots. * * * After 
the Revolutionary War Plymouth quickly built up a large coastwise trade in naval stores, 
ship timber, such as masts and spars; juniper and cypress shingles, cooperage material and 
farm products. * * * Washington county was taken from the territory of Tyrrell in 



124 L01ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

1799, and Plymouth became the county scat in about that time. Plymouth was incorporated 
Dec. IT, 1807. * * * As early as 1820 Plymouth had more tonnage than any other town 
in Eastern Carolina. In those days it was not an uncommon sight to witness two hundred 
sailing vessels on the river, and as late as I860 the importance of the town as a great trading 
and shipping point was maintained. After the war the customs house was transferred to 
Edenton, and later to Elizabeth City. As late as the seventies steamers were operated from 
this town to Norfolk and Baltimore. Schooners drawing twenty feet of water can navigate 
the Roanoke even above Plymouth. If as a mart of trade Plymouth had won distinction, 
she was destined to become much more famous for her sufferings and dire misfortunes. 
The beginning of the Civil War found her people animated by a devotion to the Southland 
that prompted any sacrifice for the protection of their liberties. Under the brave leader- 
ship of Mai. L. C. Latham a company of 152 strong, joined the First Regiment of North 
Carolina State troops which was organized at the race track, near Warrenton, in the spring 
of 1861. When on the eighth day of February. 1862, Burnside captured Roanoke Island, 
Gen. David Clark assembled the militia of several adjoining counties at Plymouth, forming 
a quite formidable army in numbers thus attracting the attention of the Federal authorities 
to Plymouth at the very outset of active hostilities. Later Gen. Clark withdrew to Williams- 
ton, and Federal soldiers occupied the town in comparative peace until the morning of Dec. 10, 
1862, when Col. John C. Lamb, with his regiment [17th N. C] and the assistance of one 
company of infantry, one of cavalry and a battery of artillery, surprised the garrison at 
day break, capturing a number of prisoners and more stores and munitions of war than 
they could get away with. This tight occurred in the streets of the town, the defenders 
using the duellings and customs house as screens from the hail of bullets poured upon them 
by their fearless assailants. The gunboats in the river opened fire on the town at short 
range, setting fire to the buildings, and when the conflict had terminated scarcely a dozen 
were left standing within the corporate limits. And for a long period after this every few 
years Plymouth suffered a disastrous fire. Col. Lamb and his little army not being able to 
drive off the gunboats in the river, withdrew from the town, and the Federal authorities 
immediately undertook its fortification. They made fruitful use of their time for a year 
or more, building forts, erecting breastworks and cutting away the forest growth near the 
town." 

At the time of the above raid on Plymouth, it was garrisoned by Co. I 3d Mass. 
Infantry (Nine months men) and Co. C 1st North Carolina Infantry, and a company ofl 
the 1st North Carolina Cavalry, in all, a force not much over 200, commanded by Capt. 
Barnabas Ewer, Jr., of the 3d Mass. Regiment. 

From the time Gen. Wessells had assumed command of the District of the Albemarle, 
with headquarters at Plymouth, minor changes had been made in the garrison from time to 
time. The general was always on the alert to know what the enemy was doing, and he 
became firmly convinced, from the information he had secured from trustworthy sources, 
that the adversary was liable to pounce on him at any moment, and he realized, when he 
came, it would be in overwhelming force. For a year the enemy had been constructing a 
formidable iron-clad vessel, above Plymouth on the Roanoke river, at Edwards Ferry, within 
less than a day's journey, when aided by the swift current of the Roanoke. 

On Feb. 4, be notified his superior officers that a formidable expedition was in prepara- 
tion by the enemy with the object of recovering possession of the Roanoke river, and 
requesting that re-enforcements be sent to Plymouth. On Feb. 7, he again wrote to the 
commanding general at NewBern as follows : 

"I believe it is perfectly reliable to state that a naval brigade has been organized in 
Richmond for the purpose of operating in these sounds and tributary rivers, and that they 
may be heard from any moment. * * * but as it is better to prevent than to invite an 
attack on a small force, I request reinforcements, 3,000 effective men, until the emergency 
has passed, or till the designs of the enemy are fully developed." (O. R. Ser. 1, Vol. XXXIII, 
pages 537-538.) 

Repeating this request on Feb. 10, he said : 

"The State of North Carolina is of infinite importance to both hostile parties, and as 
the points occupied arc so weak as to be harassed at any moment with impunity, I feel 
justified in repeating mv request for re-enforcement, as I desire to have it on record." 
(O. R. Series 1, Vol. XXXIII, page 551.) 

Subsequent to this he frequently reported to his superiors in command that the indica- 
tions were that Plymouth would be attacked in force and that his command was inadequate 
to successfully defend the place. Both Gen. Peck, commanding the Department of North 
Carolina, and Gen. Butler, commanding the Department of Virginia and North Carolina, 



BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH. 125 

treated his warnings and requests as of no particular moment. Under date of Feb. 20th, 
Gen. Butler wrote to General Peck, saying: 

"I believe Plymouth is as safe as Fortress Monroe provided you keep from being 
surprised." On March 20, in a letter to Gen. Wessells, Gen. Peck said : 

"Without a naval force they might as well attack Fort Monroe. Demonstrations may 
be made, but no serious operations." 

Within four days of the attack on Plymouth, April 13, at 5 P. M., having received 
information from several disconnected sources that the enemy was assembling on the 
Roanoke river in force and in conjunction with an iron-clad boat, that an attack was to be 
made on his command within the week, he again wrote to Gen. Peck, sending a copy of this 
letter direct to department headquarters at Fortress Monroe, as follows : 

"At all events I do not feel disposed to neglect their warnings, and in view of their 
importance I request a temporary reinforcement of 5,000 men. The presence of the gun- 
boat, Com. Perry, now I believe in James River, would, I think, put a stop to any further 
threats from the iron-clad above us on the river. I should regret making any report not 
justified by future events, but must depend upon the best information within my reach, and 
there is too much at stake to neglect any reasonable warning." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXX, 
p. 281.) 

To this request Gen. Peck replied in part as follows: 

"This is the time in April for rebel demonstrations in North Carolina, just in advance 
of the opening campaign in Virginia. Have they as many available troops in North Carolina 
as in April of 1803, when Longstreet made feints in order to deceive me and take my forces 
at Suffolk? Would not heavy detachments now endanger the operation of Lee? Under 
all the circumstances I think their demonstrations will be light." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XXXIII, 
P. 877.) 

The troops in the garrison of Plymouth, April 17, 1864, were composed as follows: 
85th New York Vols., Col. E. H. Fardella, 450 men; nine companies 16th Conn. Vols., Col. 
Francis Beach, 400 men; nine companies 101st Penna. Vols., Lieut. Col. A. W. Taylor, 300 
men ; nine companies 103d Penna. Vols., Col. T. F. Lehmann, 464 men ; Companies G and 
H, 2d Mass. Heavy Artillery, Capt. Ira B. Sampson, 200 men ; Companies B and E, 2d 
North Carolina, Capts. Johnson and Haggard, 150 men ; 24th New York Independent Bat- 
tery, Capt. Cody, 100 men ; detachments from Companies A and F, 12th New York Cavalry, 
Capt. Charles H. Roche, 100 men ; unattached recruits, including negroes that had been 
enlisted at Plymouth, 200 men, aggregating 2,300 effective men. A glance at the fortifica- 
tions surrounding Plymouth will show that this force was inadequate for a successful 
defense from an overwhelming attack. 

Three roads approach Plymouth, one from the southwest, known as the Washington 
road, entering the town at the southwest corner ; one from the south, known as the Lee's 
Mills road, or Acre road, entering the town almost in the direct center, being a continuation 
of Washington street, and the Columbia road, which approaches the town from 
the east, almost perpendicularly to the Lee's Mills road. Above Plymouth and west 
of it, there are two creeks emptying into Roanoke river, the land between them 
being known as Warrens Neck. Between this inland peninsula and the upper 
or western border of Plymouth was a woody marsh, extending from the river for two or 
three miles southwest. Immediately above the town, and just outside of the fortifications 
was a morass extending around to the southwest corner to within one hundred and fifty 
yards of the Washington road where it entered the town. A little over a half mile beyond 
the southeast border of Plymouth, running in a southeasterly direction and flowing into the 
Roanoke river, about a mile below the town, is Coneby creek. This creek was bordered on 
the north and west by a deep, woody swamp, regarded as almost impassable, reaching 
almost to the town at the extreme southeastern limits. About 200 yards south of the town 
limits and about 100 yards north of the Columbia road, extending north to the river, was a 
miry swamp from one hundred and fifty to two hundred yards in breadth, regarded as 
impassable. 

Two miles above the town, on Warrens Neck, on the south bank of the Roanoke 
river, was erected a formidable earthwork, called Fort Gray, named in memory of the 



126 i 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

intrepid Col Gray of the 96th New York Vols., who was killed at the Kinston bridge Dec. 
14, 1862. A half mile southwest of the town, on Sanderson's farm between Fort Gray and 
the Washington road, and, like Fort Gray, completely isolated from the other fortifications, 
a small earthwork was erected, called Fort Wessells, generally known as the 8oth Redoubt, 
after a detachment of the regiment which erected and garrisoned it. Close to the town 
limits, extending from the river above the town around to the southeast corner of the town, 
was a continuous line of breastworks, interrupted only by Fort Williams, the center of the 
line of fortifications on the south side of the town. The fortifications below the town, on 
the west side, were not continuous, due to the swampy condition of the ground. 

Close to the town limits between Third and Fourth streets on Latham's farm, was an 
earthwork, called Coneby Redoubt. Four hundred yards in advance of Coneby Redoubt, on 
Bateman's farm, was another earthwork bordering on the Columbia road, on both sides, 
and north of this work, midway between the Columbia road and the miry swamp that 
bordered on the river, was another redoubt called Fort Comfort. Inside the breastworks, 
on the bank of the river on the west side of the town, an earthwork was erected, called 
Battery Worth, in which a 200-pound rifled gun had been mounted, for the special purpose 
of commanding the river, and sinking the enemy's armored vessel, should it come in range. 

The chief reason for Gen. Wessells' superior officers' faith in this small command 
being able to defend the town was due to the protection afforded the flanks by the gun- 
boats. A small fleet, composed of four gunboats, under the command of Lieut. Com. C. W. 
Flusser, was co-operating with Gen. Wessells in the defense of Plymouth. This fleet con- 
sisted of the following vessels: Miami, commanded by one of the most gallant officers of 
the navy, Lieutenant Commander Charles W. Flusser ; Southfield, commanded by Acting 
Volunteer Lieutenant Charles A. French ; Whitehead, commanded by Acting Ensign George 
W. Barrett ; Ceres, commanded by Acting Master Henry H. Foster, and an army transport, 
Bombshell, commanded by Acting Ensign Thomas B. Stokes. 

The Miami carried six 9-inch guns, one 100-Parrott rifle, and one 24-pounder smooth- 
bore howitzer; the Southfield, which had formerly been a ferry boat at New York or Phila- 
delphia, carried five 9-inch Dahlgren guns, one 100-pounder Parrott, and one 12-pounder 
howitzer ; the Whitehead and Ceres carried several 20-pound Parrott guns and howitzers. 

The 17th of April, 1864, was an ideal spring day, being neither too warm nor too 
cool for comfort. The enlisted men of Wessells' brigade had one topic as the chief subject 
of discussion — when they would start homeward to visit the loved ones they had not seen 
for more than two years. More than two-thirds of the 101st and 103d Penna. Regiments 
had re-enlisted nearly four months before this, one of the conditions as they understood 
the re-enlistment to be, a thirty days' furlough within sixty days of the date of re-enlist- 
ment. Only a week before the following order had been read to the 101st and 103d Regiments : 

Headquarters Sub-District of the Albemarle, Plymouth, N. C, April 9, 1864. 
General Order, No. 23: 

In accordance with directions from the commanding general of the army and District 
of North Carolina, the following from Maj. Gen. Butler, commanding Department of 
Virginia ami North Carolina, is published for the information of the Veteran Volunteers of 
this command: 

"The paymaster has been ordered down to pay these troops. The continued threat- 
ening of the enemy has rendered it impossible to give them the furloughs which it is the 
desire of the commanding general they should have; but the time they have been delayed he 
will endeavor t<> make up to them by extra time at home." 

By command of Brig. Gen. H. W. Wessells. 

D. F. Beeglc, Lieut. A. D, C and A, A, A, G. 

The paymaster was prompt in making his visit in accordance with the promise in this 
order. The $100 bounty for the first enlistment, and the first installment of bounty on 
re-enlistment ami several months' pay, had been drawn and held in possession by each one, 
in anticipation of this visit. New clothes had been secured and every member of the 
regiments who had 1 'eteranised, was equipped with the finest uniform the Government 
furnished, each wanting to look his best when he returned among his friends. The less 
than three years that had elapsed since they had left their native state seemed like a decade. 



BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH. 127 

From raw, uncouth recruits they had become veterans more than in name. They felt that 
they were the peers of any men who wore the uniform of Uncle Sam, and they believed that 
the men who had worn this uniform with honor for years were superior to any other men 
on earth. They could hardly avoid giving evidence of superciliousness when thrown in 
contact with the ordinary citizen who had not seen service. The regular Sunday inspection 
required very little extra work, as everything was neat and trim in readiness for the order 
they expected to come by the arrival of the next boat from New Bern. The boys not on 
camp guard or picket duty were lolling in their tents awaiting the call for dress parade, 
writing letters home or discussing the contemplated visit. The anticipation of that visit is 
beyond description, even by one who experienced it. 

About four o'clock a few shots fired in rapid succession in advance of the picket line 
put every one on the qui vive to know what was to follow. Firing on the picket line in 
broad daylight was a more serious matter than after dark. In a few moments a cavalry 
vidette comes galloping in as though it were a matter of life or death with him. He never 
halts until he gets to Gen. Wessells' headquarters. Almost instantly a company of the 12th 
New Ycrk Cavalry, with Lieut. Russell in command, goes hurriedly to the front, but only 
to return in a few minutes as rapidly as it had gone out, bringing with it the commanding 
officer severely wounded. It was now apparent that this appearance of the enemy was more 
than the ordinary picket raid so frequently made on the Plymouth pickets. Co. G, 103d 
Penna., commanded by Capt. Morrow, and details from the other regiments, were sent out 
the Washington road, who were soon engaged with the enemy's skirmishers west of the 
road. Fort Wessells, Fort Williams and the '24th New York Battery shelled the woods on 
both sides of the Washington road, while the contest was waged between the skirmishers, 
which ceased when darkness came. A desultory exchange of shots continued between the 
skirmishers during the night, but nothing more than was to be expected from opposing 
skirmishers within a few yards of each other. 

The appearance of the enemy on the Washington road was soon followed by a heavy 
artillery assault on the isolated Fort Gray above the town. This was discontinued when 
darkness came. The garrison of Fort Gray made a vigorous response to the enemy's guns, 
and with the exception of a few casualties and the destruction of the flagstaff, which was 
shot away, received no damage. Gen. Wessells now felt that his forebodings were realized 
and that his little garrison was confronted by an overwhelming force. 

Maj. John W. Graham, 56th North Carolina Regiment, in the Fifth Volume of North 
Carolina Regiments, edited by Judge Walter Clark, now Chief Justice of North Carolina, 
gives an exhaustive description, from the Confederate side, of the assault on Plymouth, 
under the title of "The Capture of Plymouth." Of the Confederate force that participated, 
and the first day's demonstration, he says : 

The Confederate forces on this expedition under command of Brig. Gen. R. F. Hoke, 
were Kemper's (Virginia) brigade, under Col. Terry; Hoke's brigade, composed of the 21st 
Georgia, Gth, 21st, 43d and 54th North Carolina Reg'ts, under Col. Mercer, of the 21st 
Georgia, the senior colonel; and Ransom's brigade, under Brig. Gen. M. W. Ransom com- 
posed of the 24th, 25th, 56th, 8th, and 35th North Carolina Regiments. The 8th, which 
belonged to Clingman's brigade, had been temporarily substituted for the 40th, left on picket 
duty on the Chowan river. There were also a part of a regiment of cavalry under Col. 
Dearing, and several batteries of artillery, under Lieut. Col. Branch and Maj. Reid, all from 
Virginia, except a section of Capt. Miller's (Co. E, 10th N. C. Regiment), Capt. Lee's 
Montgomery Blues, of Alabama, and Bradford's (Mississippi). * * * 

"The Confederate forces had been collected rapidly at Tarbaro, from which the 
expedition started on April 15, 1864, and arrived within five miles of Plymouth by 4 P. M. 
on Sunday, the 17th, capturing the pickets and routing a company of cavalry. The 1st 
Virginia Regiment, under Maj. Norton, was thrown forward as skirmishers, and Kemper's 
brigade, with Dearing's cavalry and two batteries of artillery under Maj. Reid, turned off 
on a road to the left leading to Warrens Neck, to threaten the town from that direction; 
and Gens. Hoke and Ransom, with their brigades, not following the direct road from 
Jamesville, as the bridge across the creek had been destroyed, turned to the right and, 
crossing the troops on a mill-dam, made a circuit around into the Washington road, a mile 
below its junction with the Jamesville road. Sending on a company of cavalry, two 
Yankees were killed of the picket at this post (Red Top), two only escaping. 

"Soon we hear the 'long roll' of the enemy, and our line is formed to recover a 



128 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMEXT 

shelling. Gen. Hoke's brigade is some distance in advance and on both sides of the road, 
and Ransom's further to the right and along a road which goes perpendicular to the line 
of breastworks on the south of the town. Skirmishers are sent forward by both sides, the 
enemy also opening briskly with his artillery. Night soon comes on, and all is quiet on this 
part of the line except an occasional interchange of shots between the skirmishers." 

Capt. Robert D. Graham, in the history of his regiment (56th North Carolina), gives 
this preliminary description of the Plymouth Campaign: 

"14 April. The '24th, 25th and 56th N. C. State Troops, under Gen. M. W. Ransom, 
set out by rail and reported to Brig. Gen. R. F. Hoke at Tarbaro. The 49th was on outpost 
duty near Edenton. and its place was now supplied by the 8th from Clingman's brigade. 

"15 April. The column, consisting of Hoke's N. C. brigade, under Col. Mercer, of 
the 21st Ga. Regiment, which was then with it: Kemper's Virginia, under Col. Terry, and 
Ransom's N. C. brigade, with Pegram's battery, under Gen. Ransom; and Striblings', 
Graham's Virginia, Miller's, Moseley's and Reade's batteries of artillery, belonging to Col. 
Dearing's command, and Dearing's "battalion of cavalry, took up the line of march against 
Plymouth. At Hamilton we were joined by the 35th X. C. Passing through Williamston 
and Jamesville, we reached the vicinity- Sunday, the 17th, a little before nightfall. Imme- 
diately a strong line of skirmishers, including Co. I, of the 56th, was thrown out from 
Ransom's brigade, under Maj. Graham, and pushed forward nearly to the entrenchments. 
A picket post of 11 men was surprised. 9 captured, one killed and one escaped. A recon- 
noissance in force was made in front of Fort Gray, on Warrens Xeck, between the mouths 
of two creeks emptying into the Roanoke, two miles west of Plymouth, and Dearing's 
artillery crippled one of the boats so that it sank on reaching the wharf. A redoubt was 
immediately begun on the Jamesville road leading south for our 32-pound Parrott gun. 
The iron-clad Albemarle, Capt. J. W. Cooke, was expected during the night. Fort Gray's 
armament was one 100-pounder and two 32-pounders." 

Gen. Wessells did not take any rest Sunday night until he had everything arranged 
for serious work, and every man who was en detailed duty that was not imperatively neces- 
sary was ordered into the ranks. He ordered all non-combatants, including women, children, 
contrabands, and sick, to leave for Roanoke Island on the steamer Massasoit, and made 
disposition of all the available troops who were not already assigned to some position along 
the fortifications. 

Lieut. Geo. S. Hastings of the 24th Xew York Battery, says of the departure of the 
Massasoit : 

"All night long the heavy music of artillery and the bustle of hostile preparations 
continued. About midnight the steamboat 'Massasoit left us, carrying to a safer point the 
'impedimenta' of the garrison, consisting of women, children and the disabled. The writer 
still retains in vivid remembrance the hasty farewells then and there spoken (some of which 
were final), the pale faces of affrighted women and children, the groans of the sick and 
wounded and the bustle and confusion which, if reproduced, would form so striking and 
touching a picture of war. He well recollects how proudly the gallant Flusser, the lieutenant 
commander of the little fleet of gunboats guarding the waters of the Roanoke, paced the 
decks of the 'Massasoit' with brave words like these : "Ladies, I have waited two long years 
for the rebel ram. The navy will do its duty. We shall sink, destroy or capture it, or find 
our graves in the Roanoke.' " 

Lieut. Com. Flusser made the following preliminary report of the events occurring 
on Sunday : 

U. S. S. Miami, Plymouth. X. C, April IT. 

Sir: The enemy are about town. They have fired on us to-day pretty !r 

The Ceres (with her usual bad luck) had one killed and several wounded. I expect 
an attack about daylight to-morrow. I feel confident of success as far as we (the navy) are 
concerned. My plan of defense prevents me giving the army what aid I should wish before 
the ram is whipped. You need not be uneasy as to the result. I have written the admiral 
as I write you. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

C. W. Flusser, Lieutenant-Commander. 
Commander H. K. Davenport, Senior Xaval Officer, Sounds of X. C. 

(O. R., Xaval Ser. I. Vol. IX, pp. 634-635.) 

Acting Master Foster, comdg. the Ceres, reported the action of his vessel on the 17th, 
as follows : 

U. S. S. Ceres. Off Xew Bern. X. C, April 24. I 

Sir : I have the honor to submit the following report : While at Plymouth, X. C, on 
the 17th instant, at 5 :40 P. M., I was ordered by Lieutenant-Commander C. W. Flusser to 




MAP OF 

April 17- 20, 1864. 
By Capt R. D. Graham, 56tt> Peg. N.C. S.T. 

(f After Original by Solon E.AIlis, ZlQteg. Mass.V. Militia, 

October, 1863. 

And Comments of W. M. Bateman, Superior Court Cf&rlf. , 

190!. 



r~\ 



SCALE OF FEET. 
500 1000 1500 
■ ' ' ' 



2000 

d 



BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH. 129 

proceed with the Ceres under my command to Broad Creek, Roanoke river, with dispatches 
for U. S. S. Whitehead. I immediately got under way. Before reaching the lower obstruc- 
tion near Fort Gray I observed a battery of six guns, apparently 20-pounders, on the port 
hand of the river, which opened fire upon us, striking vessel several times, destroying one of 
the boats and damaging the machinery, killing William Rose, first-class fireman ; mortally 
wounding Samuel Pascall, ship's cook ; dangerously wounding John Flynn, landsman ; 
severely wounding George A. Dean, acting third assistant engineer; John Peterson, seaman; 
John Benson, landsman; and slightly wounding James B. Hopkins, acting master's mate; 
John A. Frank, acting third assistant engineer, and J. R. Sherwood, acting third assistant 
engineer. I returned their fire from the two 20-pounder Parrott guns of the Ceres, and at 
6 :30 P. M. communicated with the Whitehead and delivered the dispatches. Got under way 
and proceeded down the river for Plymouth at 8:35 P. M. On getting in range of the 
battery above Fort Gray they again opened fire with artillery and musketry, doing no 
material damage. I returned the fire as we passed. I arrived alongside the Miami and 
reported to Acting Volunteer Lieutenant C. A. French. The surgeons of the Miami and 
SouthAeld came on board and attended the wounded. On the morning of the following 
day, by order of Lieutenant-Commander C. W. Flusser, I sent the bodies of W. Rose and 
S. Pascall on shore for interment, which I was unable to effect (leaving them in the base- 
ment of the quartermaster's building at Plymouth), as the services of the vessel were 
required. I also sent Mr. Dean, John Peterson, John Benson, and John Flynn to the post 
hospital. I was well pleased with the conduct of the officers and crew. The following 
amount of ordinance was expended, viz. : 14 5-seconds shells for 20-pounder Parrott and 14 
cylinders of 2 pounds of powder each for the same. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

H. H. Foster, Acting Master, Commanding. 
Commander H. K. Davenport, Senior Naval Officer, Sounds of N. C. 

(O. R.— Naval— Ser. I, Vol. IX, p. 635.) 

When the final disposition was made to repel the anticipated assault the troops were 
in position as follows : 

Two companies of the 85th New York Vols., and a detachment of the 2d Mass. 
Heavy Artillery in Fort Gray; Co. K, 85th New York, and a detachment of Co. H, 2d 
Mass. Heavy Artillery, commanded by Capt. Chapin, Co. K, 85th New York, in Fort Wes- 
sells (redoubt) ; Companies E and G, 85th New York, on the extreme right, near Battery 
Worth; a detail from 16th Conn., commanded by Lieut. Hoppin, having charge of the 200- 
pounder; North Carolina troops, negroes and refugees in the fortification on the west side 
of the town; 24th New York Independent Battery at the Washington road, with a detach- 
ment of the 85th New York at its left; the 103d Penna. in the center, with Co. A, commanded 
by Capt. A. H. Alexander, and a detachment of the 2d Mass. Heavy Artillery, commanded 
Ly Capt. Sampson, garrisoning Fort Williams, and four companies on the right and four 
companies on the left of the fort. Holding the left were the 16th Conn. Vols, and the 101st 
Penna., on the extreme left, with detachments of the 2d Mass. Heavy Artillery, in charge 
of the guns in the redoubts. 

The line of defense surrounding the town was divided into three nearly equal parts, 
the right commanded by Col. Fardella, the center by Col. Lehmann, and the left by Col. 
Beach. 

Anticipating a daybreak assault, every man was in position at three o'clock Monday 
morning, the 18th. Just as day began to dawn a terrific fire was opened on Fort Gray 
which was continued for several hours, and again resumed in the afternoon. The garrison 
responded to the guns of the enemy with great vigor, and received assistance from the 
200-pounder in Battery Worth, and from the gunboats. With the exception of several 
casualties, some of which were fatal, little damage was done to Fort Gray. The armed 
transport, Bombshell, in communicating with Fort Gray, received several shots below her 
water line, being barely able to return to town, sinking immediately after reaching the 
wharf. The gunboat Ceres, being above Fort Gray, at the time of its investment, passed 
down the river under a destructive fire and rejoined the squadron with a loss of nine men 
killed and wounded. 

At eight o'clock Monday morning. Co. F, 103d Penna., commanded by Capt. Donaghy 
and Lieut. Chambers, relieved Co. G, on the skirmish line. During the entire day incessant 
skirmishing was maintained between the Washington and Lee's Mill roads, in front of the 
town, at a distance of 1,200 yards in front of Fort Williams. The enemy opened with a 



130 L01ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

battery which was responded to from the 85th Redoubt, which in turn received some shells, 
but without much damage to the fort or to any of the inmates. Shortly after sunset the 
enemy advanced his batteries, supported by an overwhelming force of infantry, and appear- 
ances indicated a general attack. Our line of skirmishers fell back, firing, in good order, 
and the enemy, under cover of darkness, opened a furious cannonade upon the town in 
every direction. Fort Williams and the 24th New York Battery replied to this fire with 
great coolness and precision, inflicting heavy damage and loss upon the enemy. The gun- 
goats joined in the conflict and also did effective work. 

A most distressing accident occurred to one of the gunners of the 24th New- York 
Battery during this action — Wilbur M. Hoyt — who was number one, and whose duty it was 
to use the swab and rammer. His piece had been firing with great deliberation and effect- 
iveness for some time, when orders were given to fire with more rapidity. As he was 
"ramming a shell home," No. 5, whose duty it was to keep the vent hole covered, became 
excited, and in turning around to give instruction concerning the ammunition, he uncovered 
the vent. A premature discharge immediately followed, and rammer, shell and all went 
through the arm of Hoyt. One arm was shot off, the other shattered, and his face and 
body blackened skin-deep with the burnt powder. He lingered, suffering greatly, until after 
Fort Williams surrendered, and died a prisoner of war, on April 26, and was buried at 
Plymouth. 

Capt. Donaghy's account of the skirmish on Monday, which follows, is quite interest- 
ing. He says : 

"Besides my own company. I had command of a detachment of the 85th New York, 
under Lieut. Andrews, which was posted to the right of the road, while my company was 
placed to the left. It was an all-day fight. Besides bullets, the enemy sent us numerous 
shells. Our line and that of the enemy were near enough to each other to exchange words 
as well as shots, and there was some amusing bantering indulged in, and early in the day 
the verbal hits were more numerous and telling than were the sanguinary ones. Zeal in 
the combatants was not wanting, but the bushes, stumps and fallen trees afforded good 
hiding places for the men of both sides. * * * When the men had nearly expended their 
ammunition I sent into camp and received a supply. Late in the afternoon the enemy in 
our front strengthened their line, causing us to expect an attack in force. I deployed my 
reserve as skirmishers some distance to the rear of the first line, and instructed the first 
line that if the enemy advanced they were to fall back to the reserve, firing as they did so. 
Shortly before sunset Sergt. Graham halloed to me from the front, 'Captain, they are 
coming !' 'All right. Sergeant !' I replied. 'You know what to do.' The firing opened noisily 
and the line came back in good order to the reserve, where it halted. The two lines, united, 
fired so effectively that the enemy ceased to advance. Then seeing that the ground in front 
of vis was rather high, I moved my line forward, the men cheering as they advanced, to a 
position that enabled them to fire over the ridge. They behaved well, none but the wounded 
leaving the line, and they first asking permission. Some reported that they were out of 
ammunition, and 1 ordered such to fix their bayonets and keep their places. After a while 
a cry of 'We are flanked!' came from the left, and on looking in that direction I saw that 
the enemy's line was on the prolongation of our own, but facing the other way, firing in 
towards the works, the pickets in their front having gone in. 

"Fort Williams had now opened its thunder and the enemy's shot and shell were 
screaming over us. We, as skirmishers, had fulfilled our task, and I gave an order not laid 
down in the tactics book — 'Now, boys, you have done well. Get back into the works as 
quick as you can' — and we ran back every man for himself. As I ran in the road I saw my 
first lieutenant a short distance ahead, and I halloed, 'Hold on, Jim; I'm going, too.' As he 
turned to wait for me a bullet went through his hand. He became faint and unsteady on 
his feet and I took his other hand upon my shoulder and helped him along. We came into 
the works at a point to the right of the fort, where there was posted a company of colored 
soldiers who had been recruited in North Carolina; their dark, eager faces looking over 
their gleaming bayonets made a striking picture. I saluted them with the words of a camp 
song of that time — 'Look out, dar, now, for we's gwan to shoot' — and they grinned in 
appreciation. As Jim and I came down from the parapet some one in the 85th New York 
cried out, 'Three cheers for the captain!' and they were given heartily, and I gratefully, 
but mutely, acknowledged them. I was afterwards told that their commander. Col. Fardella, 
a veteran of other wars, had expressed great admiration of the fighting of our skirmishers. 

"The enemy advanced their lines, and kept up a furious bombardment, which was 
replied to vigorously by our artillery. The sun went down and the moon came up on the 
scene of strife. Our artillery poured forth a destructive fire of shell, which lighted up the 
places of their explosion and showed us some of the havoc they inflicted. Caissons were 



BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH 131 

blown up, and in the fiery flashes could be seen man and horses thrown about. Our muskets 
were not used, for we expected an assault and kept our fire in reserve. This duel lasted 
about two hours. The enemy retired and we lay down to sleep confident of our ability to 
hold out against them, but before morning our hopes were greatly shaken." 

Lieut. Geo. S. Hastings says of this attack : 

"On the following day the enemy maintained a steady though ineffective fire upon 
our redoubts until evening, when they assumed a vigorous offensive. During the afternoon 
our skirmish lines had been busily employed in the dangerous exercise of giving and taking 
powder and ball. About five o'clock, however, the enemy advanced in force along our 
entire front. Our men fell back in excellent order, keeping up a sharp fire against the solid 
line of rebels. Behind this dense curtain of infantry, their artillery, consisting of about 
forty pieces, was advanced to a line about 800 yards from our outer works ; then, rapidly 
taking position, their guns were served with terrific rapidity and precision. Our artillery 
responded deliberately and with fearful certainty, silencing the guns of the enemy and 
sending destruction into their ranks. So exact was our range that in some instances a single 
shot disabled the rebel piece which had invited the salute. For nearly an hour this duel of 
artillery continued, the heavy ordnance of the gunboats adding their thunder-tones to the 
chorus of death. As the fierceness of the attack subsided, the shrieks of the wounded and 
dying could distinctly be heard above the din of battle. The rebel infantry, which had been 
lying down during the heavy fire, must have suffered severely from our shells, and we 
believed that half at least of their artillerymen were put out of the fight. A rebel officer 
was heard to exclaim: 'It is of no use; we cannot endure this fire.' And so their troops 
were withdrawn." 

Lieut. Com. Flusser made two reports of the action of the gunboats on Monday as 
follows : 

U. S. S. Miami, Plymouth, N. C, April 18, 1864. 

Sir: We have been fighting here all day. About sunset the enemy made a general 
advance along our whole line. They have been repulsed. There is no firing now, 9:30 P. M. 
I am fearful our upper fort may be gone, but do not know anything certain about it. The 
85th Redoubt repulsed three severe assaults, but the enemy still occupy a position near it. 

The ram will be down to-night or to-morrow. 1 fear, for the protection of the town, 
I shall have to abandon my plan of fighting the ram, lashed to the Southfield. 

The army ought to be re-enforced at once. I think 1 have force enough to whip the 
ram, but not sufficient to assist in holding the town, as 1 should like. I to-day gave to Fort 
Gray 100 projectiles for Parrott 100-pounder rifle. If the enemy should make frequent 
assaults I shall need a large supply of powder and projectiles for 100-pounder Parrott, 
IX-inch Dahlgren, 24-pounder howitzers, and for the Ceres four 20-pounder Parrott rifles. 

If we whip the ram the land force may retire. I have not heard of any casualties. 
In the action yesterday the Ceres had 2 men killed and 7 wounded. Of the latter, four 
were officers, fortunately but one of them seriously hurt. Reports of killed and wounded 
will be forwarded at once, so soon as time is had to make them out. At present we are 
very busy, and the mail boat leaves in a few minutes. * * * 

C. W. Flusser, Lieut. Com. 
Acting Rear Admiral S. P. Lee, Comdg. North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, off Newport 
News. (O. R.— Naval— Ser. I, Vol. IX, pp. 636-637.) 

U. S. S. Miami, Plymouth, N. C, April 18, 1864. 

My Dear Davenport : The army has been engaged with the enemy off and on all day. 
About sunset the rebs advanced along our whole line, but were driven back. They were 
obstinate and continued to fight till near 9 o'clock. The Southfield and Miami took part and 
the general says our firing was admirable. I am fearful for Fort Gray. The enemy has 
established a battery of long range guns above it, with which they would sink all our boats 
if we went near enough to the fort to fire grape and canister into the enemy's infantry. 
They sank the army steamer Bombshell to-day, temporarily under command of Ensign 
Stokes, who fought her well. * * * 

The ram will be down to-night or to-morrow. She was, just after daylight this 
morning, foul of a tree 6 miles above Williamston. I think, if she does not stay under 
cover of their battery established above Fort Gray, that we shall whip her. I had to destroy 
the obstruction in the Thoroughfare, as the IVhitehead was above and could not run by the 
battery placed below her on the Roanoke. I have written the Admiral. The 85th Redoubt 
repulsed three obstinate assaults, but the enemy remain near it. In great haste, 

C. W. Flusser, 
Commander H. K. Davenport. (O. R— Naval— Ser. I, Vol. IX, p 637.) 

The above communication to Commander Davenport is probably the last dispatch 
penned by Capt. Flusser. It was evidently written after he had prepared his preliminary 
report to Admiral Lee, written after the hostilities had ceased on the 18th, which must have 
been nearly ten o'clock. Before daybreak he was dead. 



132 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

Finding Fort Williams and its wings impregnable from this line of attack, the enemy 
concentrated his attention on Fort Wessells [85th Redoubt]. The garrison of this isolated 
earthwork made a gallant resistance against fearful odds. Again and again the enemy 
charged and was repelled with hand grenades. Although the total force defending this 
redoubt was 69 men, 26 prisoners were taken from the enemy before it capitulated, shortly 
after 11 P. M., but not until its commander, Capt. Chapin, had received a mortal wound. 

On the following morning, Tuesday, April 19, at three o'clock, the enemy again 
opened fire on Fort Gray. This fire was to divert the attention of the fort from the river, 
for during its continuance the iron-clad ram Albemarle passed down unnoticed and unin- 
jured. The 200-pounder in Battery Worth, whose special function was to take care of this 
ram, not firing a shot at her until after she had played havoc with the naval squadron. 
Capt. Flusser, having been apprised of her approach, had preparations ready for her recep- 
tion. He had his vessel, the Miami, and the Southfield lashed together with long spars, and 
with chains festooned between them. He planned to get the Albemarle between these two 
boats and hold her there. 

As if anticipating such an attack, the commander of the ram kept her close to the 
northern shore until within a short distance of these two vessels, and then suddenly turning 
toward the middle of the stream, and going with the current, he dashed the prow of the 
Albemarle into the side of the Southfield. The chain plates on the Albemarle became 
entangled in the frame of the Southfield and held her there. The prow of the ram had 
made an immense opening in the wooden vessel and it was rapidly filling with water and 
sinking. As it went down it carried the bow of the Albemarle with it to such a depth that 
water poured into her portholes, in great volume, and she would have gone down with the 
Southfield had not the latter vessel reached the bottom and then, turning over on her side, 
released the ram, thus allowing her to come up on an even keel. The Miami, right along- 
side, had opened fire with her heavy guns, and so close were the vessels together that a 
shell with a ten-second fuse, fired by Capt. Flusser, after striking the Albemarle, rebounded 
and exploded, killing the gallant man who had pulled the laniard, terribly mangling his 
body. Notwithstanding the death of Flusser, an attempt was made to board the ram, but 
was successfully resisted, and the Miami succeeded in dropping down the stream without 
receiving any damage. When the Southfield went down she took part of her crew with 
her. Of the officers and men of the Southfield, seven of the former, including Lieut. French, 
her commander, and 42 of her men, were rescued by the Miami and the other Union vessels. 
The others were either captured or drowned. 

The death of the gallant Flusser and the success of the Albemarle in sinking the 
Southfield and driving the other vessels out of the river, following so closely the fall of 
85th Redoubt, had a very dispiriting effect on the troops. The Albemarle had complete 
possession of the river and that left the town practically surrounded by the enemy. The 
men lost no time in erecting traverses, covered excavations, and embankments to the rear, 
which afforded shelter under heavy fire. During the day (Tuesday, the 19th) the enemy 
planted a battery near the 85th Redoubt and, partly covered by that work, opened fire upon 
the town. The ram Albemarle also opened from below ; both were returned from Fort 
Williams and Battery Worth, but without effect. The enemy was very active, moving in 
different directions, withdrawing most of his forces from the vicinity of Fort Gray, and 
apparently making a serious demonstration from the direction of the captured redoubt. 
The skirmishers were pushed close to the works and were actively engaged, and many 
casualties occurred on both sides, the loss of the enemy being much the heaviest. Darkness 
brought an end of the skirmishing, but not to the activity of the enemy. During the night 
he effected a crossing over Coneby creek, where it is crossed by the Columbia road, the 
main approach to the town from the east. In his official report of the battle, Gen. Wessells 
speaks of this occurrence as an unexpected disaster and that he regarded the position as 
now quite critical. Coneby creek was not a fordable stream, at this time, as the water was 
unusually high, and the bridge having been destroyed at this point, Gen. Wessells evidently 
felt that he had sufficient force in that direction to repel any attack the enemy was likely 
to make that night until he could send re-enforcements from some other point along the 



BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH. 133 

line of battle. The continued demonstrations of the enemy on his right and center did not 
justify him in weakening his 'line at these points until it became absolutely necessary. 
Lieut. Hastings, of the 24th New York Battery, says of this attack : 
"About midnight of Tuesday, April 19, in the teeth of a sharp and destructive fire, 
they laid their pontoons across a creek intersecting the open ground lying just east of our 
left line. Crossing with two brigades of infantry and several pieces of artillery, they 
formed a new and strong line of battle, the right of which rested upon the Roanoke and 
the left swerving around to our front. At the same time, another force advanced against 
our right line. About three o'clock, on the morning of April 20th, the entire rebel force 
charged our extended and feeble lines, moving forward with loud and defiant yells. Largely 
outnumbering our exhausted garrison, they were able to make a vigorous onset upon every 
portion of the defenses, and at the same time to send an independent column along the 
banks of the river into the heart of the town. The pieces of the 24th New York Battery 
were served double shotted with canister, hurling disorder and death into the ranks of the 
enemy; and not until the rebels seized the muzzle of the guns did the cannoneers fail in 
their work." 

Second Lieut. B. F. Blakeslee, who has written a history of the 16th Conn. Vols., and 
whose company (G) was on skirmish line on the Columbia road, while giving a graphic 
description of the charge upon the fortifications on the left, omits any reference to the 
crossing of Coneby creek by the enemy. He says: 

"Late in the evening, Co. G was ordered to the left of the town on the Columbia 
road. The enemy meanwhile were concentrating nearly half their force opposite this point. 
By 4:30 o'clock on the morning of the 20th they had ten regiments of infantry, four 
battalions of artillery and two companies of cavalry, besides the Cotton Plant. This must 
have made a force of five or six thousand in line, about six hundred yards from our works. 
At this hour a rocket was sent up as the signal for the attack, and a more famous charge 
we never witnessed. Instantly over our heads came a peal of thunder from the ram. Up 
rose a curling wreath of smoke, the batteries had opened, and quickly flashed fierce sparks 
of flame — loud and earth-shaking roars in quick succession. Lines of men came forth 
from the woods — the battle had begun. Co. G, being on the skirmish line, fell back and 
entered Coneby Redoubt, properly barred the gate and manned the works. The enemy, 
with yells, charged over the works in heavy column, jumped into the ditch, climbed the 
parapet and with the artillery company (who had previously occupied the redoubt), for 
fifteen murderous minutes were shot down like mown grass. The conflict was bloody, short 
and decisive. The enemy was in such numbers we had to yield. There were in the fort 
at the time forty artillery men who fired grape and canister and forty-two of Co. G, 16th 
Conn. ; total loss, 82. The enemy then passed in the rear and on the bank of the river, to 
the right of the town, and while part was on the right working towards the center, those 
on the left were doing the same. Every position was obstinately maintained. A squad of 
men here, and a squad there, the redoubts and forts were slowly captured. For three or 
four hours, Fort Williams, with guns turned, did murderous execution, nearly two hours of 
which was in the streets of Plymouth." 

After the enemy had succeeded in capturing all the fortifications on the left of the 
town and Fort Gray, and Battery Worth on the right, and had formed a line of battle in 
rear of the fortifications on the center, Gen. Wessells ordered the infantry to leave the 
breastworks, in an endeavor to stay this advance on Fort Williams. This effect succeeded 
for a time, but to the men it seemed hopeless and futile, and they retired to the protection 
of their rear earthworks. Capt. Donaghy, speaking of this sortie, says : 

"The troops to the left of Fort Williams were ordered to unite in an effort to drive 
them out again. I called my company from the protection of the pits and bombproof and 
joined the others in the street leading back into the town. Lieut. Col. Maxwell was in 
command of our battalion. That we might face the enemy, he ordered us to change front 
forward on the left company. I led my company to the position desired, which was along 
a drain which would serve as a line of rifle pits. The rebels were pouring on us a severe 
fire from buildings, and from behind any object that would conceal them. We saw but few 
of them, though the whizzing balls and the white smoke from their weapons told us of their 
presence. As I stood on the flank of my company bringing it into line, a bullet went 
whizzing through the muscles of my thigh, giving me such a shock that I staggered and 
my sword dropped from my hand. Some of the men offered to assist me to the rear, but I 
declined their aid, sheathed my sword and limped back to the works, leaving Sergt. Arma- 
gost to command the company, which was bravely fighting. The ball that struck me went 
through the muscles of one thigh and slightly wounded the other, and then fell into my 
boot. It was soon seen that our men could accomplish nothing where they were, so they 



134 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

came back to the works. Three others of my company were wounded — Corp. Benjamin 
Mortimer, and Privates Reed and Boyle, the first mortally. He was one of our best men. 
He was carried into the bombproof on a stretcher. He looked at me and said reproachfully, 
'Oh, Captain! why did you take us out there?' The enemy drew closer and kept up a 
harassing fire which our men returned when they could see a human target. As there was 
no moving about to be done by the company, I was enabled to resume command." 

Gen. Hoke, commanding the Confederate forces, requested an interview with Gen. 
Wessells, which was granted, at which a surrender was demanded. He gave as reasons 
why the garrison should surrender: the untenable position; the impossibility of relief; and 
the honorable defense that had already been made. In failure of this indiscriminate slaugh- 
ter was intimated. The demand was refused, and preparations were made to renew the 
contest. The troops were completely enveloped on every side, Fort Williams in the center 
being the only hope. This was well understood by the enemy, and a cannonade of shot and 
shell was opened upon it from different directions. This terrible fire had to be endured 
without reply, as no man could live at the guns. The breast-height was struck by solid shot 
on every side; fragments of shell sought almost every interior angle of the work, the whole 
extent of the parapet was swept by musketry, and men were killed and wounded even on 
the banquette slope. A covered excavation had been previously constructed, to which the 
wounded were conveyed, where they received efficient medical attention. The commanding 
general, realizing that this condition of affairs could not long be endured without a reckless 
sacrifice of life ; that no relief could be expected, and in compliance with the earnest desire 
of every officer present, consented to hoist a white flag, and surrendered the remnant of his 
command, which included several companies of the 103d Penna. The surrender was made 
between ten and eleven o'clock, Wednesday, April 20, 1864. Capt. Donaghy says of the 
surrender : 

"We were now subjected to a most furious bombardment. It was a hopeless struggle, 
but our men kept firing bravely. The rebels were massing to the left and pressed so 
closely that the 101st Penna., that stood there, surrendered and marched out of the works 
prisoners of war. They were soon followed by the 16th Conn., then by Companies B and K, 
of our regiment. That left but Capt. Mackey's company and mine outside the fort on that 
side. Mackey came over into my works and advised that we too should surrender. I 
agreed with him that our case was hopeless, but told him I did not want to give up as long 
as the fort held out. He then declared he would go into the fort and persuade the general 
to surrender. I tried to dissuade him from the attempt, telling him that he would never 
reach the fort alive, as the ground was swept by sharpshooters, but he started and I 
expected to see him fall. He crossed the intervening space and disappeared around an angle 
of the fort. It was not long after Mackey left us till an enlisted man from within the fort 
mounted the parapet and waved as a flag of truce a white woolen shirt fastened to a 
musket. The garrison flag, which hung by the upp«r corner alone, was hauled down and 
we were prisoners of war." 

Of the final assault and capitulation of Fort Williams, Lieut. Hastings says : 

"For nearly two hours did the fight go on in the streets of Plymouth, our forces 
surrendering only under stern military necessity and in small detachments. Fort Williams 
turned its guns upon the rebels, and did murderous execution for three or four hours. 
Finally, when every portion of that strong earthwork was covered by rebel sharpshooters, 
and the rebel artillery had been so disposed as to send a concentric shower of shells within 
its parapets, Gen. Wessells accepted the situation and saved the garrison from certain 
sacrifice by a reluctant surrender." 

In a quotation from one of Maj. Graham's articles, reference is made to these 
negroes, and North Carolinians, the latter being designated as "Buffaloes," a nickname 
given to the dwellers of the coast of North Carolina, an appellation especially applied to 
the natives of the state who enlisted in the Federal army. That they received rough 
treatment there is little doubt, especially those who had been in the Confederate army. At 
least twenty-two of them were executed by the enemy, according to Confederate authority. 
Col. James T. Morehead, of the 53d North Carolina Regiment, in his regimental narrative, 
published in North Carolina Regiments, says: 

"Among the prisoners 22 had formerly belonged to our army, and had gone over to 
the enemy and taken up arms against us. These prisoners were sent to Kinston, given a 
fair trial by court-martial, convicted of high treason, and duly executed by our brigade." 



BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH. 135 

The hospital steward of the 85th New York, whose name was Appleton, had been a 
druggist at New Orleans at the outbreak of the war, and enlisted in the Confederate 
service and subsequently deserted and became hospital steward of the 85th. Capt. Donaghy 
says of him : 

"Surrender meant death to him, and when our flag went down, he, in his desperation, 
swallowed a dose of morphine to end his life, but was saved by the surgeon and others, 
who by vigorous means prevented him from sleeping until the drug's power had passed 
away. After his recovery he devoted himself to his duties and rendered valuable aid to the 
surgeons in the care of the wounded, living in continual dread of being recognized and shot 
as a deserter. He was in the ranks near me as we were going to the cars at Weldon. A 
rebel non-commissioned officer with a squad of men came along our rank and asked me if 
I knew Appleton. I said 'No,' but he was recognized and pointed out by one of the rebels. 
Appleton had a look of despair on his face, which was shaded by the slouch hat which he 
had drawn down in a vain effort at concealment. It was very sad to see him led away. 
I never heard of him again." 

Many of the North Carolinians distributed themselves among the other regiments, 
assuming names of men absent, sick or on detached service. Some time during the after- 
noon of the 20th, the captured were marched out of town, the 103d going by the Lee's Mills 
road, and bivouacked between this road and the Washington road, in the neighborhood 
of the former picket line. Through the keen foresight, courage, and wisdom of Gen. 
Wessells, both officers and men were permitted to keep their clothing, overcoats and 
blankets. This stipulation was agreed to when the surrender was made, Gen. Wessells 
making the request and Gen. Hoke readily and graciously acquiescing. There was nothing 
of ostentation or of the bravado about Gen. Wessells, but he possessed a quiet dignity that 
commanded respect from every one with whom he came in contact. Although, in a measure, 
holding himself aloof from familiarity from his subordinate officers, and the enlisted men, 
he did it in a manner to command their respect and win their confidence and esteem. 
During the years of service under him, and the more than twoscore years that have passed 
since the war, the writer has no recollection of ever having heard an unkind or disrespectful 
remark made of Gen. Wessells. Such appellations as "The Old Man," "Uncle Billy," and 
"Dad Wessells" were quite common, but always used in a friendly way. When he surren- 
dered his command to Gen. Hoke, who was a young man, but a forceful character, Gen. 
Wessells retained his usual dignified bearing. To those about him he gave no evidence of 
the great sorrow that was piercing his heart. Norval D. Goe, of Co. A, and subsequently 
hospital steward of the regiment, was in close proximity to the final scene of the capitula- 
tion of Plymouth and heard the colloquy between the defeated and victorious commanders. 
He says : 

"As the Confederate commander approached Gen. Wessells, the latter reached him 
his sword, saying: 'Gen. Hoke, this is the saddest day of my life.' Gen. Hoke, as he 
received the sword, replied: 'General, this is the proudest day of my life.' And then, as if 
impressed by the wonderful and quiet bearing of the defeated commander, he handed back 
the sword, saying: 'Gen. Wessells, you are too brave a man to part with your sword; take 
it back! Have you any request to make?' 'I have but one request to make, General, and 
that is that my men are not robbed.' A quick and sympathetic response came from the 
victorious commander : 'Your request is granted.' And be it said to the credit of the Con- 
federate soldiers, both officers and men, whose duty it was to guard the captives, this 
promise of Gen. Hoke's was faithfully kept." 

Capt. R. D. Graham, in his history of the 56th Regiment, says of the final scene of 
the surrender: 

"The writer was near Gen. Hoke when he received Gen. Wessells, accompanied by 
his officers, as his prisoner. There was everything in his courteous and considerate bearing 
to lessen the sting of defeat. Dismounting from his horse and clasping the captive's hand, 
he assured him of his respect and sympathy, and added : 'After such a gallant defense you 
can bear the fortune of war without self-reproach.' " 

Sergt. Maj. Robert H. Kellogg, of the ICth Conn. Regiment, in his book, Life and 
Death in Rebel Prisons, says : 

"I saw but one instance of robbery at the beginning, and that was by an officer, 
evidently in a state of intoxication. Riding up to one of our boys, he drew his sword and 



136 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

demanded his watch, using threatening and insulting language, and declaring he would 
split open his head if he refused. Of course, there was no way but to yield." 

A few minutes after the surrender, before the excitement following the final capitu- 
lation had subsided, Gen. Wessells noticed a Confederate soldier taking the hat from a 
captive; he immediately rushed toward the culprit and ordered him to return the hat, which 
was done without any more hesitation than if Gen. Wessells had been in supreme com- 
mand. Gen. Wessells and staff remained in Plymouth for three days after its capture, 
and had the freedom of the town within certain prescribed limits, to go to and fro as they 
pleased, having given their parole not to attempt to escape. When they left Plymouth, 
the officer left in command, accompanied them to the streamer that carried them up the 
Roanoke to VVeldon, the "Cotton Plant," and made a request of the officer who then 
assumed control of them to see that they had good treatment. Gen. Wessells and staff 
were sent from Plymouth to Libby Prison at Richmond, the papers of that city commenting 
on their appearance, the day after their arrival. 

In justice to Gen. Hoke and his command, who treated their captives with more 
than ordinary chivalry and magnanimity at this stage of the war, the writer has felt it 
incumbent on him to call attention here to charges that have been made by captives, and 
reply to them before the final actors in the battle of Plymouth have passed away. At a 
meeting of the 103d Penna. Regimental Association held at Pittsburgh, Pa., during the first 
week of January, 190!>, to consider the manuscript of the Regimental history, at which 
a number of the 101st Penna. Regiment were also present, who were at Plymouth at the 
capitulation, attention was called to the charge that the Confederate soldiers had brutally 
murdered the Negro soldiers who surrendered. Attention was called to the published state- 
ments, from the official records of the War Department and also, in histories written by 
two officers, who were captured at Plymouth. The citations referred to were as follows: 

Hdqrs. Dept. of Va. & N. C. In the Field, July 12. 1864. 
Lieut. Gen. U. S. Grant, Commanding Armies of the United States: 

General — I have the honor to forward the sworn testimony of Samuel Johnson as 
to the occurrences at Plymouth after its capture. The man is intelligent; was examined 
by me and duly cautioned as to the necessity of telling the exact truth, and this is his 
reiterated statement, in which I have confidence as to its main features and substantial 
accuracy. 

It seems very clear to me that something should be done in retaliation for this 
outrage. Many prisoners have been taken from the 8th N. C. Regiment. The 6th is still at 
Plymouth. Were I commanding independently in the field I should take this matter into 
my own hands, but now deem it my duty to submit it to the better and cooler judgmejit 
of the lieutenant-general commanding. For myself, at the present moment I am too much 
moved by the detail of these occurrences to act in the matter. I have the honor to be, very 
respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Bent. F. Butler, Major General, Commanding. 
[Inclosure. j 
Hdqrs. Dept. of Va. and N. C. In the Field, July 11, 1864. 

Samuel Johnson, being duly sworn, deposes and says: 

I am orderly sergeant of Co. D, 2d U. S. Colored Cavalry. In about April last I 
went to Plymouth, N. C, in company with Sergt. French, a white man, who acted as 
recruiting officer, to take charge of some recruits, and was there at the time of the capture 
of Plymouth by the rebel forces. When I found that the city was being surrendered I 
pulled off my uniform and found a suit of citizen's- clothes, which I put on, and when 
captured I was supposed and believed by the rebels to be a citizen. After being captured I 
was kept at Plymouth for some two weeks and was employed in endeavoring to raise the 
sunken vessels of the Union fleet. From Plymouth I was taken to Weldon and from thence 
to Raleigh, N. C, where I was detained about a month, and then was forwarded to Rich- 
mond, where I remained until about the time of the battles near Richmond, when I went 
with Lieut. Johnson, of the 6th N. C. Regiment, as his servant, to Hanover Junction. I 
did not remain there over four or five days before I made my escape into the lines of the 
Union army and was sent to Washington, D. C, and then duly forwarded to my regiment 
in front of Petersburg. Upon the capture of Plymouth by the rebel forces all the negroes 
found in blue uniform, or with any outward marks of a Union soldier upon him, was 
killed. I saw some taken into the woods and hung. Others I saw stripped of all their 
clothing and then stood upon the bank of the river with their faces riverward, and there 
they were shot. Still others were killed by having their brains beaten out by the butt-end 
of the muskets in the hands of the rebels. All were not killed the day of the capture. 




A GROUP OF CONFEDERATE OFFI C ERS— PL Y MOUTH CAPTORS. 



1. MAJ. GEN. R. F HOKE, i idn. force thai captured Plymouth. Gen. Hoke was 

born May _!7, 1837. Enlisted as a private in the 1st N. C. Vols., becoming major of the regi- 
ment in 1861; lieutenant colonel of the 33d N. C. and later colonel of the 11th X. ('.. which 
was subsequently reorganized as the 21st. Promoted brigadier general Jan. IT. 1S63, and 
major general April -'". 1864, for his services in capturing Plymouth. After the war was 
president of a railroad company. Pres. McKinlej offered Urn. Hoke a commission as major 
general of volunteers on the outbreak >>( the Cuban War. but lit- declined. 

2. BKIG. GEN. M. \V. RANSOM, comdg. brigade at battle of Plymouth. Born Oct. 8, 
1S26. Enlisted as a private, ami was immediately appointed lieutenant-colonel of the 35th N. C. 
infantry; promoted t" colonel of tin- 35th in 1862; promoted to brigadier general ami major 
general in 1865, but owing to the collapse of the Confederacy was not mustei'ed. Subsequent 
to tin* war Gen Ransom was several times U. S. senator ami served as minister to Mexico 
during Cleveland's administration. 

:;. LIEUT, cii. w. G. LEWIS, comdg Hoke's brigade ai battle of Plymouth, after Col. 
Mercer was killed. Lieut. Col. Lewis was commanding 13d \ C. before assuming command "i 
the brigade. He was subsequently promoted to brigadier genera] ami was commanding Hoke's 
old brigade in the spring of 1865, when he was severely wounded at High Bridge, V"a„ when 
lie was compelled to relinquish command. 

4. J. W. COOKE, c is;, the "Albemarle." Without the co-operati f the "Albemarle" 

Plymouth would have proved invulnerable against the force under Gen. Hoke. 

5. MAJ. JOHN W. GRAHAM, 56th N. C. I.. Historian of the "Baiil Plymouth," pub- 
lished in "North Carolina Regiments." Mai. Graham commanded the Confederate skirmishers 
who drove Capt. Donaghy's skirmishers in on Monday evening, April is. 

The above group appeared in Vol v. "North Carolina Regiments." with Maj. Graham's 
article, 'The Capture of Plymouth." The plates are the property of the State of North 
Carolina and were kindly loaned for use in tins volume through the courtesy of Hon. Walter 
Clark, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the State, and editor of "North Carolina 
i:. fiments." 



BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH. 137 

Those that were not were placed in a room with their officers, they (the officers) having 
previously been dragged through the town with ropes around their necks, where they were 
kept confined until the following morning, when the remainder of the black soldiers were 
killed. The regiments most conspicuous in these murderous transactions were the 8th N. C. 
and, I think, the 6th N. C. 

Samuel (his X mark) Johnson. 

Witnessed by John I. Davenport, lieutenant and acting aide-de-camp. 

Sworn and subscribed to before me this 11th day of July, 1864. 

John Cassels, Captain and Provost-Marshal. 

(O. R., Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 450-460.) 

Samuel Johnson, first sergeant, U. S. Colored Cavalry, makes affidavit as to the 
butchery of Union colored soldiers at Plymouth, N. C. 

[Indorsement.] 

This is a villainous lie, and badly told at that. Samuel Johnson is a bad affidavit man, 
whatever may be his other excellencies. If the truth is wanted, let inquiry be made of Col. 
Beach, or other captured officers, always excepting the chaplains. [Ro Ould.] 

(O. R., Ser. II, Vol. VII, p. 468.) 

Lieut. Alonzo Cooper, 12th New York Cavalry, in In and Out of Rebel Prisons, pub- 
lished in 1888, says: 

"While at the Johnson farm we could hear the crack, crack, crack of muskets, down 
in the swamp where the negroes had fled to escape capture, and were being hunted like 
squirrels or rabbits. The Johnnies themselves laughingly said, 'They'd been out gunning 
for niggers.' 

"The negro soldiers who had surrendered were drawn up in line at the breastwork 
and shot down as they stood. This I plainly saw from where we were held under guard, 
not over five hundred yards distant. There were but few who saw this piece of atrocity, 
but my attention was attracted to it and I watched the whole brutal transaction ; when 
the company of rebels fired, every negro dropped at once, as one man." 

Second Lieut. B. F. Blakeslee, Co. G, 16th Connecticut Volunteers, in the History of 
the Kith Connecticut Volunteers, says: 

"The rebels raised the 'black flag' against the negroes found in uniform, and merci- 
lessly shot them down. The shooting in cold blood of three or four hundred negroes and 
two companies of North Carolina troops who had joined our army, and even murdering 
peaceable citizens (as I have the personal knowledge of the killing, with the butt-end of 
a musket, of Mr. Spruell. the man whom I boarded with and, by the way, a secessionist, for 
objecting to the plundering of a trunk which he had packed), were scenes of which the 
Confederates make no mention, except the hanging of one person, but of which many of 
us were eye-witnesses, was but the Fort Pillow massacre re-enacted." 

These charges were discussed at some length by those present who were at the 
Plymouth capitulation and it was the unanimous opinion of all present so far as an expression 
was given that the authors of these articles were mistaken. It was agreed that many 
negroes and native North Carolina Union soldiers were killed, and perhaps an occasional 
one brutally murdered, by individual soldiers, but the victims, apprehending cruel treat- 
ment, were attempting to make their escape, when by the laws of war, the victors are 
justified in shooting to kill even an unarmed man. Gen. Wessells, in his official report of 
the battle, says a considerable number of North Carolina soldiers, many of them deserters 
from the enemy, attempted their escape before the capitulation. Negroes, and whites also, 
taking refuge in the wooded swamps surrounding Plymouth, after the capitulation, would, 
no doubt, be hunted for as sport by many well meaning men. Had the conditions been 
reversed, would not many Yankees enjoyed the same kind of sport? It was not the opinion 
of those exonerating the Confederates at Plymouth to charge willful misrepresentation 
to the parties making the charges, but they knew full well the tendency for the imagination 
to have full sway in times of such excitement as follows a surrender after a continued strife 
of four days. They were exceptional characters, indeed, who maintained their mental 
equipoise and normal judgment after undergoing the experiences that befell the besieged 
garrison at Plymouth. To reconcile the statements of the negro sergeant, and Lieut. Cooper, 
there must have been wholesale slaughter of the blacks. Gen. Wessells and staff, and many 
officers, and enlisted men, wounded, were present during this time. Such a holocaust could 
not have occurred in the hearing of such an astute and humane a man as Gen. Wessells, 
without coming to his knowledge, and those who know him, also know that he would 
have instantly taken issue with the Confederates, had he had any suspicion of such atrocities. 



138 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

Many negroes who were captured, subsequently made their escape and went to Roanoke Island, 
among them Richard West, cook of Co. I, 103d Penna. Regiment, who was enrolled and 
mustered into the service of the U. S. as an enlisted man. He was put to work at Plymouth, 
but soon took advantage of an opportunity to escape, and rejoined the detachment of the 
Regiment at Roanoke Island, N. C. 

If negroes were shot down as stated by Johnson and Cooper, in such a wholesale 
manner, these negro prisoners must have known it. It would require a stretch of credulity 
to imagine that such witnesses would have remained silent had they witnessed such brutal 
atrocity as charged against the Plymouth captors. These troops represented the highest 
type of southern manhood, as is evidenced by their treatment of the officers and men of 
Wessells' brigade. That there were here and there among them men of brutal proclivities, 
who took advantage of the excitement and chaos of the time to give vent to their passion 
and hatred for the unfortunate negro, there can be no doubt; but to charge the deeds of 
a few against all is evidence of such bigotry as to condemn the witness. 

The kind treatment accorded Wessells' men by their captors makes it imperative on 
them to answer this baseless charge. The writer addressed a note to Gen. R. F. Hoke, and 
also to Hon. Walter Clark, chief justice of the supreme court of North Carolina, and editor 
of North Carolina Regiments. Judge Clark replied as follows 

"No armed prisoners of any color were killed at Plymouth." 

Judge Clark referred the matter to Hon. John W. Graham, of the 56th N. C. 
Regiment, a gentleman whom the Judge commends in the highest terms for his integrity. 
Maj. Graham writes: 

"I have no hesitation in saying that the reputed killing of any colored troops the 
day after the capture of Plymouth, N. C, April 20, 1864, is entirely untrue. I heard of 
nothing of the kind at that time nor have I ever heard of it since until the receipt of 
your letter." 

No reply was received from Gen. Hoke, but the writer was informed that Gen. 
Hoke's health was in a precarious condition at the time of writing. To kill negroes was 
contrary to the policy of the Confederate government. Slaves were regarded as property, 
a position always held by the Confederacy, and when the Federal government began to 
enlist ex-slaves they were, on capture, ordered to be returned to their former owners. 
That this policy was in force at the time of the capture of Plymouth is evident from the 
following dispatch from Gen. Bragg, dated Richmond, April 21, 1864, to Gov. Vance of 
North Carolina. Gen. Bragg says : 

"The President directs that the negroes captured by our forces be turned over to you 
for the present, and he requests of you that if, upon investigation, you ascertain that any 
of them belong to citizens of North Carolina, you will cause them to be restored to their 
respective owners. If any are owned in other states, you will please communicate to me 
their number and the names and places of residence of their owners, and have them retained 
in strict custody until the President's views in reference to such may be conveyed to you. 
To avoid as far as possible all complications with the military authorities of the United 
States in regard to the disposition which will be made of this class of prisoners, the 
President respectfully requests Your Excellency to take the necessary steps to have the 
matter of such disposition kept out of the newspapers of the State, and in every available 
wav to shun its obtaining anv publicity as far as consistent with the proposed restoration." 
(O. R., Ser. II, Vol. VII, p. 78.) 

When the writer began this investigation it was with the expectation of, in a measure, 
verifying the affidavit of the negro. Sergeant Johnson. It was not with the motive of doing 
justice, especially to the victorious Confederates of Plymouth, but merely to tell the whole 
truth bearing on the battle of Plymouth, in which he knew his Regiment had done its full 
duty. In his careful research for the truth he became fully convinced that an injustice had 
been done the Confederates who had captured his Regiment, and that as an impartial 
historian, these facts should be recorded in this volume. 

LIEUT. COM. C W. FLUSSER. 
The defense of Plymouth depended jointly on the army and navy and the majority 
of the reconnoissances from there were participated in by both. By these frequent expedi- 
tions, on which the soldiers were transported by the gunboats, a comradeship between 



LIEUT. COM. C. W. FLUSSER 139 

sailors and soldiers grew up that made them feel as though they were but one command. 
This fraternal feeling not only existed between officers and men, but especially so between 
the superior officers of each — Gen. Wessells and Capt. Flusser. Although entirely different 
personalities, each held the other in the highest esteem. One was a soldier by profession and 
the other a life-long sailor. The defense of Plymouth, at least so far as its commanders 
were concerned, could not have been put into more capable hands, and it was the general 
belief of the garrison that had Capt. Flusser not come to his untimely death that the ram 
Albemarle would have gone to the bottom of the Roanoke or it would have been captured. 

It is almost an unthinkable proposition to those who knew Capt. Flusser intimately, 
that he would have remained inactive, permitting the Albemarle to have quiet possession 
of the river at Plymouth while the garrison was struggling against an overwhelming force. 
He would have found some way to have kept Capt. Cooke busy, so that he could Have 
rendered but little assistance to the Confederate land force. To say this of Capt. Flusser 
is not a condemnation of his successor in command. There were few men, either in the 
army or navy, who possessed the genius for warfare that was innate in Capt. Flusser. 
The right thing to do, at the proper time, was his by intuition, and he was one of those 
rare spirits who seemed incapable of fear. To the command at Plymouth, he was one of 
them, and, democratic by nature, there was a comradeship that existed between him and 
the enlisted men which was exceptionally rare between soldiers and naval officers. On an 
expedition in which the naval fleet had only a small force of infantry, it became necessary 
for the latter to deploy at wide intervals to give the enemy the impression that the force 
was much larger than it really was. Sergt. Evans, of the 103d, who had a position on the 
extreme right of the advancing force, was very much surprised to find the captain at his 
side, with a revolver in each hand, at the very moment they expected to receive a fire from 
the enemy at close range. Not having the right to assume the position as commander, he 
was willing to take his place in the ranks. His official rank was lieutenant-commander, a 
grade in the navy ranking with major in the army, but he was almost universally known 
by the title of captain. 

Lieutenant-Commander Charles W. Flusser was born at Annapolis, Md., in 1833. He 
moved to Kentucky when a child and was appointed a midshipman, July 19, 1847. His first 
cruise was made in the Cumberland. He was promoted to lieutenant September 16, 1855, 
and in 1857 became assistant professor at the U. S. Naval Academy. He was in the brig 
Dolphin in 1859-60, and during his succeeding leave of absence the Civil War began. He 
refused the offer of a high command in the Confederate service, and applied for active 
duty in the Federal navy, and was assigned to the command of the gunboat Commodore 
Perry, with which vessel he assisted in the attack on Roanoke Island, N. C, which preceded 
its capture, on Feb. 7, 1862. From this period the most of his time was spent in the 
waters of the eastern coast of North Carolina and southeastern Virginia. On October 3, 
1862, he had charge of a small fleet, consisting of the Commodore Perry, Hunchback, and 
Whitehead, and advanced up the Chowan and Blackwater rivers to within less than a mile 
of Franklin, Va., twenty miles west of Suffolk, and under a murderous fire from the enemy, 
who was posted on a high embankment, shelled the town for more than three hours. On 
this expedition he was promised the co-operation of a land force from Suffolk, which 
failed to materialize, and after losing four men killed and 17 wounded, the fleet withdrew 
between 10 and 11 o'clock A. M. 

In May, 1863, Capt. Flusser took charge of the Miami, which was the flag-ship of 
his squadron, and on the deck of which he was killed, at 3:30 A. M., April 19, 1864, with the 
laniard of the gun in his hand, from which the shell was fired that resulted in his death. 

In an article in the Raleigh News and Observer, in its issue of June 11, 1909, the 
writer gives as authority the mayor of Plymouth in 1909, for a story which seems almost 
incredible. He states that a brother of Capt. Flusser, who was then a colonel in the 
Confederate army, visited Capt. Flusser at Plymouth, disguised as a citizen, some time 
before the Confederate attack. Col. Flusser, so the story goes, was accompanied by Mr. 
S. B. Spruill (mayor of Plymouth in 1909), coming from the home of Mr. Spruill's father, 



140 lnlST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

in Bertie county, and that after spending a week with his brother, Capt. Flusser, the colonel 
returned to Bertie county. 

To know what basis this correspondent had for the above story, the writer has had 
some correspondence with Mr. Spruill, who is an attorney at law, at Plymouth. He verifies 
the story with some slight modifications. He claims to have accompanied him through the 
Confederate lines to the Roanoka River, which being controlled by the Federal gunboats 
was regarded as within the Federal lines. Col. Flusser then employed a man who had a 
canoe to drop him to Lieut. Com. Flusser's flagship. According to Mr. Spruill's recollection 
Col. Flusser remained about three days with his brother. Mr. Spruill evidently did not 
know who the man was with the canoe or he would have given his name. Without reflecting 
at all on the veracity of Mr. Spruill, whom the writer believes to be perfectly truthful as to 
the matter, but evidence is lacking to show that Col. Flusser succeeded in reaching his 
brother, or if he did, that he was an officer of the Confederate Army. The official records 
mention Capt. Guy Flusser, without indicating his regiment, but the probability is that he 
belonged to the 4th Kentucky (Confederate) Cavalry, as the mention made of him was by 
the colonel of that regiment, who was then commanding a brigade. In justice to Mr. Spruill 
the following extract from his correspondence is given : 

"The Roanoke river and streams flowing into same were in the Federal lines, and 
all that Col. Flusser did was to employ a man who had a canoe and get him to carry him 
from what is known as Cashoke creek to the Roanoke river, and drop same to Admiral 
Flusser's flag ship. Col. Flusser may have remained during his entire visit to his brother 
aboard of Admiral Flusser's flagship, and sent back same way, and no one would have 
known it. [It is hardly possible for a brother of Capt. Flusser to have boarded the Miami 
without coming to the knowledge of the crew, especially if he remained on board several 
days.] I am satisfied that Admiral Flusser did not allow his brother to visit the fortifica- 
tions or learn anything about the Federal strength at Plymouth. Col. Flusser was a Ken- 
tuckian; what regiment he commanded I do not know. I carried him through the Con- 
federate lines without any trouble, they knowing me, but I am satisfied his visit was only 
of a friendly nature. Col. Flusser stayed about three days according to my best recollection 
now." 

The fall of Plymouth severed the relations that had existed for nearly two years 
between the 101st and 103d Penna. Regiments and Gen. Wessells. During this time, both 
officers and men had acquired an affection for him — an affection known only to those who 
have endured great privations and dangers together. Most of his command regarded him 
with a filial reverence. 

Evidence of the high regard in which Capt. Flusser held Gen. Wessells is given in 
the following communication to Acting Rear-Admiral Lee. dated April 6, 1864, only two 
weeks before the capitulation of Plymouth: 

"I have the information about the roads, depots, etc., from Gen. Wessells. Where he 
obtained it I do not know, but he deems it reliable, and he, I think, is always correct. He 
certainly possesses the art, in a greater degree than any one else I know of, of sifting 
evidence, reconciling or rejecting conflicting stories, and seizing the truth and the impor- 
tance from out of a wordv mass of seeming irrelevant talk." (O. R. — Naval — Ser I Vol 
9, p. 587.) 

BRIG. GEN. H. W. WESSELLS. 
Brig. Gen. Henry W. Wessells was a native of Connecticut, born in Litchfield, 
February 20, 1809, eight days after the birth of Abraham Lincoln. He graduated from 
West Point Academy in 1833 and participated in the Seminole War of 1837-40, first as 2d 
lieutenant of infantry, from which he was promoted July 7, 1838, to 1st lieutenant. During 
the war with Mexico he was promoted captain and won the title of brevet-major for 
gallantry at Contreras and Cherubusco. At Contreras, in a charge upon the enemy, the 
color bearer of Capt. Wessells' regiment was killed, and although the captain had just 
received a wound, he seized the regimental standard and led his men on the enemy. In 
recognition of his distinguished services during this campaign the state of Connecticut 
presented him with a jeweled sword, the presentation being observed with military cere- 
mony. From 1849 to 1854 he was assigned to duty on the Pacific coast, and participated 
in the Sioux expedition of 1855, after which he served at different points, mostly in the 



BRIG. GEN. H. W. WESSELLS 141 

northwest. On June 6, 1861, he was promoted major, and on August 22, 1861, was appointed 
colonel of the 8th Kansas Infantry, serving with this regiment on the Missouri border. 
He resumed his commission in the regular army February 15, 1862, and, in March, was 
transferred to the Army of the Potomac. He was commissioned brigadier-general of 
volunteers April 25, 1862, and assigned to command the Second Brigade, First Division, 
Fourth Corps. Subsequent to the death of Gen. Keim, Gen. McClellan assigned Gen. 
Wessells to command the Second Brigade of Casey's division, a position he assumed only 
a few days before the battle of Seven Pines. In recognition of his services in the battle 
of Seven Pines he was brevetted lieutenant-colonel in the regular army. Subsequent to 
the battle of Seven Pines the Third Brigade of Casey's division was merged into Wessells' 
brigade, giving Gen. Wessells command of eight regiments. 

During the retreat of the Army of the Potomac from Malvern Hill to Harrison's 
Landing, Wessells' brigade was assigned to cover the retreat, during which two regiments 
of the First Brigade, 56th New York and 104th Penna., were temporarily assigned to Gen. 
Wessells' command. From this time on, until the capitulation of his command, the career 
of Gen. Wessells has already been comprehensively told in this volume. 

Only when necessary did Gen. Wessells appear in full military dress. Ordinarily he 
might have been taken for an enlisted man. and, in fact, he frequently was, by men of 
other commands, and sometimes by his own men. Although quietly dressed, he was always 
neat and cleanly in appearance, and, although dignified and reserved in demeanor, so much 
so, that few officers or men felt free to approach him unnecessarily, yet when occasion 
required it he was approachable and affable. On an expedition once, it was raining quite 
hard, when halt was made for the night. William Dougherty, of Co. C, 103d Regiment, 
who was about the same age as Gen. Wessells, was rushing to a nearby rail fence to secure 
wood for a fire and a bed, when he espied the general close at hand, observing the actions 
of the men; he hesitated, when about to begin, and, turning and saluting the general, he 
asked him if there would be any objection to taking a few rails. The latter replied in such 
friendly terms, saying, "Take all you need to make yourselves comfortable," and then asked 
him as to his age, and how he stood the service, in such an interested way, that it gave the 
private soldier an insight into his character that he thought impossible in one so dignified 
and reserved. 

Gen. Wessells was an early riser and most any morning could be seen in front of his 
headquarters walking leisurely to and fro, as if in deep meditation. An enlisted man, 
Corporal Smith (assumed name), of the 85th New York, was on duty at the provost 
marshal's office, and, passing headquarters early one morning, when the general was taking 
his accustomed exercise, he accosted him with a freedom and abandon common in army 
life only among those of equal rank. The following colloquy occurred, as afterward related 
by the corporal: "Good morning. General!" "Good morning!" quietly responded the 
general. The corporal, halting as if to engage the general in conversation, continued, 
"It's a fine morning, General!" "Where do you belong?" asked the general. "To the 85th 
New York, but I am on duty as a clerk at the provost marshal's office," responded the 
corporal. "Ah," said the general, and then, hesitating for a moment, continued, "When you 
return to the provost marshal's office, notify the provost marshal that you have orders to 
report to your company for duty, and I will see that the order is issued." Corp. Smith 
obeyed orders and his service at the provost marshal's office ended that morning. 

In his "Army Experience," Capt. Donaghy refers to Gen. Wessells' appearance after 
the return of the brigade to New Bern from the Goldsboro expedition, and at other times, 
as follows : 

Gen. Wessells was as weather worn as the rest of us, and as he rode through town 
one day he saw a man of our regiment who had been wounded in one arm, knock down 
with a blow from the other a soldier of a Massachusetts regiment. The general interfered 
and asked the reason of the fight, and the Pennsylvania boy replied, 'Why, general, this 
damned whelp called you an old ragamuffin.' Gen. Wessells was in the habit of prowling 
about the camps wearing the great coat of a private soldier, and if any neglect was dis- 
covered the attention of the regimental commander would be called to it in orders. Some- 
times when on the march he would be seen tramping along on foot among the men. On 



142 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

one such occasion a man of our regiment was asserting to a comrade that the general pre- 
ferred our regiment to any in the brigade, when a voice at his side snapped out, "How d» 
yon know he does?" He turned and recognized "Old Billy." One day our brigade was 
reviewed at New Bern by one of the officers under Wessells, and as we had just started 
to march in review, I detected the general's keen eyes looking out from between the stand- 
ing collars of a great blue coat. He was looking along the flanks of the company towards 
the rear of the column, and lie must have seen something that disgusted him, for just as I 
passed him I heard him give vent to his feelings in one short word that was quite ex- 
pressive. One day when we were at Suffolk, ('apt. Fahnestock having some business at 
brigade headquarters, saw a man at one of the tents leaning over a basin washing his face. 
He had on a worn and sweat-stained woolen undershirt, common army trousers and brogans, 
and the captain tapped him familiarly on the back and addressed him", 'Say, old man, where 
can T find the general?" When the old man turned on him with a sharp glance he recog- 
nised tin general and stammered out an apology, which was graciously accepted." 

Illustrative of a trait of his character the following is taken from Gen Kevcs' "Fifty 
Years' Observations" : 

"From the letter of August 8, 1884, written to me by Brig. Gen. H. W. Wessells, com- 
manding Casey's center brigade [at Fair Oaks], 1 extract the following— he repeats my ques- 
tion : 

Question. — Did you have anything to do with Gen. Naglee, or his orders or his 
brigade in the battle of Fair Oaks? 

Answer. — No. 

Question. — Did any movement made by you in the battle of Fair Oaks have any 
reference to Naglee's brigade? 

Answer. — No. 

Gen. Keyes publishes a lengthy statement from Gen. Palmer in reply to a similar 
letter. There is little doubt that this extract embraces the entire substance of Gen. Wes- 
sells' reply to his former chief's interrogation. 

After the surrender of his command at Plymouth, Gen. Wessells and staff were 
permitted, while remaining there, to move about within certain prescribed limits, and on 
April 23 they left on the Cotton Plant, for Weldon ; they took the cars for Richmond, and 
were confined in Libby Prison. From Libby he was transferred successively to Danville, 
Macon, and Charleston. While at the latter place he was under the fire of the Federal 
batteries at Morris Island. A few days before he was paroled a detachment of 600 Federal 
officers arrived in Charleston and were confined in the city jail and its yard. The day 
before leaving Charleston, Gen. Wessells visited them and, finding them very uncomfortable, 
he made a protest to the Confederate commander, who assured him that the condition 
would be changed as soon as it was possible to effect a change. He was paroled on August 
3, 1864, and arrived at New York on the 0th. On November 11, 18(34, the Secretary of 
War appointed him Inspector and Commissary-General of Prisoners for the section of 
the country east of the Mississippi river, with headquarters at Washington, a position he 
assumed November 15 and held until the close of the war. He was promoted lieutenant- 
colonel in the regular army, February 16, 186.5, and brevetted colonel to date from April 
20, 1864, for gallant and meritorious services during the rebel attack on Plymouth, N. C. 
On March 13, 1865, he was brevetted brigadier-general of the regular army. 

After the war, Gen. Wessells was assigned to duty on the Northwestern frontier until 
he retired from the service, January 1, 1871. He then returned to his native state, where 
he made his home until his death. However, he was on a visit at Dover, Delaware, when 
his death occurred, January 12, 1889. 



CASEY'S DIVISION AT SEVEN II H 143 

A FOREWORD. 

"We have had a desperate battle. * * * Casey's division, winch was in first line, 
gave way unaccountably and discreditably. This caused a temporary confusion, during 
which some guns and baggage were lost, but Heintzelman and Kearney most 'gallantly 
brought up their troops which checked the enemy. * * * With the exception of Casey's 
division our men behaved splendidly." — Gen. McClellan. 

"An officer informed me that after we had driven the enemy beyond our first intrench- 
ments he visited Gen. Casey's camp and found more men bayoneted and shot within their 
shelter tents than outside of them." — Gen. Heintzelman. 

The above aspersions on Casey's division, and on the gallant dead who fell on the 
firing line at the battle of Seven Pines, repelling the assault of an overwhelming force of 
the enemy, appear in the official archives in the Wat Record Office of the Nation [gainst 
'these calumnies the commanding general of the division earnestly protested but without 
avail. With this exception, so far as the records show, they hare been practically unchal- 
lenged, and will probably remain a standing and continuous slander on brave men who gave 
their lives to defend the integrity of the Nation. This compilation is made in refutation 
and as a protest to these slanders. 

The story of Casey's Division at Seven Pines, as presented in this volume, has in 
volved many months of arduous research. None who may assume the role of critic can 
have a more perfect knowledge of the imperfections of the compilation than has the com- 
piler. In his effort to get at the truth everything else has been subordinated and no pre- 
tension has been made to follow the conventional war history. When the writer started on 
this work his first effort was madi to find some histories from which he could cull the 
various parts of the story and thus save time and labor, and in doing this follow some 
writer of exceptional literary ability, which would make the work curry favor with the 
pedantic reader. His preliminary research resulted in showing him the absolute untrust- 
worthiness of all histories that he examined which touched upon miller, n | which he had 
positive knowledge. This conclusion was nol arrived at by reading two or three volumes 
but by a careful investigation of everything written on thosi points pertaining to the battle 
of Seven Pines on which the writer was conversant. The further his res. arch was carried 
the more convinced he became of the utter untrustworthiness of the war histories published, 
as to giving the true facts. But this preliminary quest did something more; it convinced 
the writer that in their indifference as to the truth, most writers were absolutely reckless 
as to the reputation they gave to the nun who were giving, or had given, their all in de- 
fense of the Union. This was especially noticeable in the histories written by comrades in 
arms. As one who had done service with Casey's division, second to no one, from its 
organization until it disintegrated, he was quick to see how the first dispatch of the com- 
manding general of the Army of the Potomac to the Secretary of War announcing the first 
great battle between his army and the Army of Northern Virginia had absolutely disi redited 
this division in the eyes of the historians. This dispatch, absolutely false and misleading 
in all essentials, from beginning to end, indelibly discredited the "raw troops," who had 
stood the brunt of the battle and saved the Army of the Potomac from irretrievable disaster. 

So prone is the human mind to follow first impressions that come from "high au- 
thority" that the slander on as brave men as ever faced an overwhelming foe, will last 
during the lifetime of all those who participated in this great contest in front of the Con- 
federate capital. Realizing this, the writer believed il would be a waste of time for him 
to merely refute the aspersions cast on Casey's troops by a brief summary and a general 
denial. Hence the comprehensive compilation bringing together all the slanders and mis- 
representations made and published which he was able to find in the libraries of the princi- 
pal cities of the country and elsewhere. A careful reading of this compilation, without 
reference to any comment from the writer, of itself presents a complete vindication of the 
troops held up to obloquy, and reflects unfavorably on all those who followed the bark of 
those who, to hide their own culpability, for the first day's disaster, threw the blame on 
the general and the men who should have had the most credit for defeating the plans of 
the enemy. 

The great mass of those who think they comprise the "patriots," and love to do honor 
to the patriotic dead on Memorial Day, when their ostentation can be witnessed by the 
multitude, will waste no time delving into the compilation which follows. Even among the 



Ul 101ST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT 

comrades who love to listen to fulsome praise on Memorial occasions from orators, who, 
in impassioned oratory, lavish praise on them by calling attention to how much the nation 
is indebted to them for their sacrifices when the Nation was in peril ; even among these, 
there will be those who will pooh-pooh this defense of the calumniated dead as too pre- 
tentious, and if they deign to give it passing notice, will take delight in calling attention 
to the crude manner in which the compilation is made, the defects in syntax, 
and diction and lack of literary merit, rather than to honestly follow the 
investigation closely and acknowledge the injustice done to brave comrades. 
But this compilation is not made alone for this generation. The writer has an 
abiding faith that his labors will be recognized by the historian who is yet to write the 
true story of the Civil War. It will not only tend to bring out the full truth as to the 
action of all the troops engaged in the battle of Seven Pines, or Fair Oaks, but will assist 
the historian of the future by calling to his attention the fallibility of the men in high com- 
mand, and the importance of scrutinizing and verifying their reports with those of their 
subordinates who, by virtue of their position, were the most competent to speak. 

The investigation and research made by the writer in vindication of the comrades of 
his division has shattered some of his boyish idols. And this result was brought about with 
no spirit of the iconoclast. It has been no pleasant task to impeach the ability or integrity 
of men whom he idolized in his boyhood army days. But the injustice done to the men 
who for three hours held in check an overwhelming force of the enemy, many of whom 
sleep in unknown graves in the National Cemetery at Seven Pines and elsewhere, coupled 
with a pardonable pride in having the record of his own command freed from an unjust 
blemish, has impelled the writer to this vindication. And the vindication is complete and 
unassailable. No one who belonged to Casey's division need ever feel ashamed for the 
action of the division in the battle of Seven Pines, or Fair Oaks. Not that all did their 
duty; not that the division was as well disciplined as other divisions in the army; or that 
the regimental and company officers were as competent, perhaps, as in the other divisions; 
but for the fact that this division held the enemy in check long enough to allow Sumner to 
cross the Chickahominy under adverse conditions, travel several miles, and form line of 
battle in a most advantageous postition in time to resist the onslaught of the enemy. 

In this investigation the writer has come to the firm conviction that had it not been 
for the valiant action of the weakest and "rawest" division of the army, led and encouraged 
by the white-haired old Mexican War hero, Gen. Casey, in advance of Seven Pines on 
Saturday afternoon, May 31, 1862, the Army of the Potomac would have been disastrously 
defeated, and the commanding generals responsible for the calumnies on Casey's division 
utterly discredited as inefficient commanders; and that the battle of Fair Oaks was the first 
(not the greatest) of the decisive contests fought during the Civil War. 

Today the State of Pennsylvania is doing special honor to her sons who had the 
privilege of battling with the enemy on Pennsylvania soil. This action on the part of the 
Commonwealth is fitting and proper; but her sons who served in the 52d, 85th, 101st, and 
103d Regiments are as justly entitled to her assistance in removing the unjust blot on their 
record, and especially to have that foul blot expunged from the official records of the War 
Department of the Nation, aspersing the heroic dead of these regiments: for had it not 
been for the devotion of the men comprising these regiments, along with their comrades 
from the Empire State and the little band from Maine, in advance of Seven Pines, there 
might have been no battle of Gettysburg. In the preparation of this work there has been 
an impelling motive, without which it would have been difficult to have brought it to com- 
pletion. To keep faith with the dead who fell in advance of Seven Pines, made it incum- 
bent on the writer to complete this vindication of the brutal aspersion cast upon them and 
printed in the official records of the War Department. The writer has endeavored to put 
himself in the place of a boy comrade of his company, Tom Meredith, who fell on the 
picket line more than a mile in advance of Seven Pines, and of whose burial place it can 
be said, as it is recorded of a noted man in the history of the world, "but no man knoweth 
of his sepulchre unto this day." 




MAJ. GEN. SILAS CASEY. 



Casey's Division at the Battle of Fair 
Oaks or Seven Pines. 



A Critical Analysis of the Official Reports and Dispatches Censuring 
Casey's Division for Discreditable Conduct at the Battle 
of Fair Oaks or Seven Pines, Mav 31, 1862. 



No large body of troops engaged in the Civil War was treated with greater injustice 
than Casey's division of the Fourth Army Corps, attached to the Army of the Potomac 
during the Peninsular campaign under Gen. McClellan. As the published official records 
of the War Department stand today, no amend has been made for the wrong done to the 
division. No battle of the Civil War has been more misrepresented than the battle of Fair 
Oaks. After the lapse of nearly a half century it is still designated by two names, Fair 
Oaks and Seven Pines. The transitory historian has treated it lightly, regarding it as 
though ; t were but a skirmish, preceding the Seven Days' Battles around Richmond, and 
yet, when the final word is written of the battles between the North and the South, the 
battle of Fair Oaks, which occurred May 31 and June 1, 18G2, will head the list of the 
decisive contests of the Civil War, and the division which was made the scapegoat for the 
first day's disaster will receive credit for doing more to frustrate the plans of the Con- 
federate commander than any other division engaged in the battle. 

The battle of Fair Oaks was the first great contest between the Army of the Potomac 
and the Army of Northern Virginia. No other battle of the war was fought so close to 
the capital of the Confederacy; no battle of the war was better planned for the success of 
the offensive army, and had the plans been executed as originally designed, the defeat of 
the Army of the Potomac would have been overwhelming and complete, and yet what has 
been regarded as the chief factor in endangering the safety of the Army of the Potomac 
was what really saved it from irretrievable disaster, the unprecedented rainstorm of May 
30, 1862. Had it not been for this storm there is little doubt that both Casey's and 
Couch's divisions would have been gobbled up without an opportunity to show much if any 
resistance, and the remainder of the army whipped in detail by the very impulsion of the 
victorious army. 

It is said of the Duke of Wellington, when asked for correct information as to the 
battle of Waterloo, by one who was about to write its history, that he replied, in substance, 
as follows : 

"No man is more incapable of giving you the required aid than myself. Of that battle 
I only saw what came within the limited range of my own vision, the remainder I heard 
from others. Take all the official reports and the descriptive writings on both sides and, 
with the best judgment you possess, seek for the truth. You will more certainly find it by 
that method than by any other." 

Whether the incident above referred to is true or not, the official report of the 
commanding general of the Army of the Potomac, so far as it relates to the battle of 
Fair Oaks, gives evidence that he was utterly incapable of giving correct information as to 
the action of any of the troops under his command in this battle. Even with the aid of 
all the official reports of his subordinate commanding officers who participated in the 
battle, the report of the congressional committee on the conduct of the war, and the innum- 
erable descriptive writings written by his special newspaper friends, his report demon- 
strates conclusively that he had no proper conception of how the battle began, how it was 



146 CASEY'S DIVISION 

conducted and how it terminated. If the historian who writes the final word as to the 
battle of Seven Pines, or Fair Oaks, should accept the report of Gen. McClellan as authori- 
tative, posterity will never know the true story of that bloody conflict. The fact that 
such a proficient military man as Gen. McClellan was unable to get a proper grasp of the 
battle of Fair Oaks is an indication of the stupendous task that confronts the historian 
who writes the true story of the first great contest between the Army of the Potomac 
and the Army of Northern Virginia. 

It is not the purpose of the writer to assume the prerogatives of the historian in 
reference to the battle of Fair Oaks. His chief concern is to the part played in this battle 
by Casey's division, and even here the place he would take is not that of historian, but 
rather that of an assistant or guide to him who shall write the final word on the battle. 
He would point out from the chaos of discrepant official reports and imaginary descriptive 
writings of the battle, obvious errors, omissions, and misstatements, and endeavor to recon- 
cile discrepancies honestly made, which will confuse anyone who attempts elucidation, unless 
he has some knowledge of the lay of the grounds and of the conditions under which the 
battle was fought. 

There are two wagon roads approaching Richmond from the east, leading from the 
battle-field of Fair Oaks, one known as the Nine-miles road, but usually designated in 
the official report as the "Nine-Mile," and sometimes as the New Bridge road; the other 
as the Williamsburg road, sometimes referred to as the Richmond road, and the main 
road. The Nine-miles road enters the city through the northeast suburb, while the Williams- 
burg road enters through the southeast suburb. These two roads intersect each other at 
Seven Pines, seven miles east of Richmond on the Williamsburg road and nine miles via 
the Nine-miles road. Approaching Richmond from the east is a railroad (Richmond and 
York River, now known as the Southern), which is intersected by the Nine-miles road a 
scant miie from Seven Pines. This intersection is designated as Fair Oaks, or Fair Oaks 
Station, and is also distant from Richmond seven miles via the railroad. The Williams- 
burg road crosses the Chickahominy at Bottom's Bridge, almost fourteen miles east of 
Richmond. The railroad crosses the river about three-fourths of a mile north of the road, 
and these two roads converge and diverge to and from each other from a fourth of a 
mile to a mile until they pass beyond the battle-ground of Fair Oaks, being a little over 
a half mile distant at Seven Pines on a straight line north and south. 

The country south and west of the Chickahominy is low and flat. Extending from 
the Chickahominy river south of Bottom's Bridge to within five or six miles of Richmond 
was a deep, heavily wooded morass known as White Oak Swamp, affording a natural pro- 
tection from the south. The northern border of White Oak Swamp varied in distance 
from the Williamsburg road from five or six miles to less than a mile, being about a mile 
distant at Seven Pines, veering slightly to the north for the next mile. 

Casey's division crossed the Chickahominy river at Bottom's Bridge May 23, 1862, 
then being the vanguard of the left wing of the Army of the Potomac. On Saturday, May 

24, the advance picket line was established at Seven Pines, and on the following day, May 

25, the line was pushed forward on the Williamsburg road a mile and a half in advance 
of Seven Pines. 

On the 26th and 27th the picket line was gradually extended to the right until it 
reached the Chickahominy river. The picket line of the left wing of the Army of the 
Potomac now extended along the northern border of White Oak Swamp until within six 
miles of Richmond, when it gradually curved to the right, crossing the Williamsburg road, 
perpendicular to it, five and a half miles east of Richmond, extending north to the rail- 
road, crossing it about a mile west of Fair Oaks Station, thence to the Nine-miles road to 
a point where it was intersected by a private road leading to the Garnett farm house, thence 
along this road for a quarter of a mile, whence it slightly veered to the right until it 
reached the Chickahominy river. This picket line, between four and five miles in length. 
was covered by Casey's division until May 30, when the line from the Williamsburg road 
south was entrusted to Couch's division, Casey's pickets taking care of the line north of 
the road to the Chickahominy. ahout three miles in extent. 



\T SEVEN PINES. 147 

Early in the morning of May 29 Casey's division was advanced five-eighths of a mile 
west on the Williamsburg road, the order directing the advance indicating the position to 
be occupied as follows: "By a large wood-pile and two houses, about three-fourths of a 
mile beyond Seven Pines." 

The two houses referred to were situated 135 yards smith of the Williamsburg road, 
in line with each other, facing north towards the road, and in the same yard, only a few 
feet apart, and in the official reports and descriptive writings are frequently referred to as 
the "twin houses." The wood-pile referred to was situated a short distance west of the 
two houses. It was about ten or twelve feet high and more than 100 feet long, extending 
north and south, the north end being about 75 yards south of the road, and it consisted of 
four foot cordwood. The land surrounding the two houses had been under cultivation, and 
there was an open space west of the wood pile, extending towards Richmond about a third 
of a mile, and which extended about a fourth of a mile both north and south of the Williams- 
burg road. The grounds immediately north of the Williamsburg road in front of the two 
houses had evidently been under cultivation some years before, but at this time were covered 
by undergrowth for 150 yards north of the road, when the growth became heavier, at first 
being mostly saplings, while farther north they assumed the proportions of trees, but appar- 
ently of recent growth. These woods continued more or less dense and heavy until they 
reached the railroad, nearly three-fourths of a mile distant. About 200 yards north of the 
road the woods gradually curved to the west, and the borders wire fringed with 
undergrowth and saplings. The western border of the open space between Richmond and 
the position assigned to Casey's division was a heavy forest filled with undergrowth, at 
places matted and tangled with briers making them impenetrable. This forest, both north 
and south of the Williamsburg road, gradually curved to the east, making both the northern 
and southern extremities semi-circular, and a continuous forest on the north for more 
than a fourth of a mile south of the railroad, east to and beyond the Nine-miles road and 
south to the undergrowth north of the road in front of the two houses. On the south 
the forest extended to White Oak Swamp and gradually curved east and north until it 
reached within 100 yards east of the two houses, the woods between White Oak Swamp, in 
rear of Casey's position, being continuous from White Oak Swamp to the railroad. The 
woods between Richmond and the open space in front of Casey's position extended west 
about a quarter of a mile on both sides of the Williamsburg road, west of which was an 
open space about a fourth of a mile in width, covered by a dense undergrowth The Federal 
picket line was posted along the western edge of these woods, while the Confederate pickets 
were posted about a hundred yards west of the woods, well concealed by clusters of small 
trees and undergrowth. 

When Casey's division advanced on the 29th, Naglee's brigade was assigned to a 
position north of the Williamsburg road; with Wessclls' brigade directly smith of the road, 
between the road and the two houses, and immediately east of the wood-pile, and Palmer's 
brigade south of the two houses. As soon as the respective regiments reached the positions 
assigned them, on the morning of the 29th, large details were made for fatigue duty and 
work was begun at once intrenching the position. 

The erection of a pentangular redoubt, rifle-pits, and the slashing of timber, the 
location of which had been directed by Gen. J. G. Barnard, Chief of Engineers of the 
Army of the Potomac, on the 28th, was begun under the supervision of Lieut. M. D. 
McAlester, of the Engineer Corps. As this redoubt was the pivotal point in the battle of 
Fair Oaks, so far as Casey's division is concerned, it is very essential to know its location 
to understand the position of Casey's troops during the battle. It was located fully fifty 
yards south of the Williamsburg road and about the same distance in advance of the 
wood-pile. It was over a half mile in advance of Seven Pines and nearly three-fourths of 
a mile from Fair Oaks Station, and about the same distance from White Oak Swamp. 
With the site of the Casey redoubt clearly in mind, and its relative position to other points, 
certain discrepancies in the official reports can be better understood, and errors of statement 
be corrected. This is very essential to do justice to Wessclls' and Palmer's brigades. In 
none of the official reports of the battle is the location of the redoubt given; but Gen. 



148 CASEY'S DIVISION 

Wessel's, in giving the position of the troops of his brigade, properly places it south of 
the Williamsburg road, which he terms the Richmond road. 

At daylight on the morning of the :29th, the enemy attacked Casey's pickets, imme- 
diately north of the Williamsburg road, driving them back through the woods, killing the 
commanding officer of the picket, Maj. John E. Kelley, 96th New York Regiment, and 
Private Newton Joseph, Company B, 103d Penna. Regiment. Capt. George W. Gillespie, 
103d Regiment, being on picket with his company (B), assumed command of the pickets 
when Maj. Kelley fell, drove the enemy back, and reestablished the picket line. / 

Gen. Casey reported the affair as follows : 

"At daylight this morning the enemy attacked my advanced picket on the Richmond 
road. They took advantage of the dense fog, and approached very near before being dis- 
covered. The pickets behaved nobly, and drove the rebels back in disorder. They left 
a wounded prisoner on the ground, who states that their force consisted of 300 men, 
of the Twenty-third North Carolina Regiment. We lost 1 officer and 1 private killed, and 
2 enlisted men wounded. The officer killed (Maj. John E. Kelley, of the Ninety-sixth New 
York Volunteers, who commanded the pickets) is a great loss to the service. I knew him 
well when orderly-sergeant of the Second Infantry. I have inclosed a list of the killed and 
wounded. Capt. George W. Gillespie, of the One Hundred and Third Penna. Volunteers, 
who commanded the pickets after the death of Maj. Kelley, behaved very well." (O. R. 
Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 745-746). 

Evidently this reconnoissance proved a failure due, no doubt, to the heavy fog that 
prevailed and also to the spirited resistance made by the pickets ; for about noon 
on May 30 the enemy again attacked the pickets at the same point, driving them back through 
the woods to where the men on fatigue duty were slashing timber, and enabling him to get 
a view of the line of intrenchments then being constructed. This attack seeming to be 
formidable, the entire division was kept in line of battle most of the afternoon, and the 
batteries of the division opened fire on the woods and continued the fire for some time, 
thoroughly shelling the woods. The 100th New York Regiment was sent forward to the 
support of the pickets and succeeded in reestablishing the picket line. The Confederate attack 
was led by Col. D. H. Christie, 23d North Carolina Regiment, who says in his official report 
of the affair: 

"The enemy is in large force in our immediate front and intrenching. The evidence 
before me is sufficient to enable me to say that 4 or 5 of the enemy were killed and 10 
to 15 wounded ; 1 prisoner. I regret to announce the loss of Capt. J. F. Scarborough 
* * * and Private Redfearn." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part II, page 646.) 

In the history of the 23d North Carolina in North Carolina Regiments the writer says : 

"In this sortie down the Williamsburg road 30 May, several men were wounded and 
Capt. Ambrose Scarborough, of Co. C, in command of the four companies reconnoitering, 
was killed. In the person of this gallant officer the regiment lost its first man from a 
hostile bullet. Capt. Frank Bennet commanded the advance line of sharpshooters, who 
reallv developed the enemy's strength was severely wounded, being disabled for months " 
(N. 'C. Regiments, Vol. II, pp. 203-204.) 

The only official report of the affair from the Federal side is made by Gen. Casey in 
his official report of the battle of Fair Oaks. He says: 

"In the attack of the 30th I ordered the 100th New York Volunteers to move to the 
support of the pickets. With the assistance of this regiment, under command of Col. 
Brown, thev succeeded in repelling the attack, the enemy leaving 6 of his dead upon the 
ground." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, page 914.) 

No reference is made to any loss on the Federal side by Gen. Casey. 

On May 31, 1862, Casey's division was composed of 13 regiments of infantry in 
three brigades, and four batteries of artillery, aggregating 22 guns. The First Brigade, 
commanded by Brig.-Gen. Henry M. Naglee, consisted of the following regiments: 104th 
Penna., commanded by Col. William W. H. Davis ; 52d Penna., commanded by Col. John 
C. Dodge, Jr. ; 56th New York, commanded by Lieut. -Col. James Jourdan ; 100th New York, 
commanded by Col. James M. Brown; 11th Maine, commanded by Col. Harris M. Plaisted. 

The Second Brigade, commanded by Brig.-Gen. Henry W. Wessells, consisted of the 
following regiments: 85th Penna.. commanded by Col. Joshua B. Howell; 101st Penna., com- 



AT SEVEN PIXES. 149 

manded by Col. David B. Morris; 103d Penna., commanded by Maj. Audley W. Gazzam; 
96th New York, commanded by Col. James Fairman. 

The Third Brigade, commanded by Brig.-Gen. Innis N. Palmer, consisted of the fol- 
lowing regiments: 81st New York, commanded by Lieut. -Col. Jacob J. De Forest; 85th New 
York, commanded by Col. Jonathan S. Belknap; 92d New York, commanded by Col. Lewis 
C. Hunt; 98th New York, commanded by Lieut.-Col. Charles Durkee. 

The artillery was commanded by Col. Guilford D. Bailey, and was composed of the 
following batteries: Company A, 1st New York, commanded by Lieut. George P. Hart; 
Company H, 1st New York, commanded by Capt. Joseph Spratt ; 7th New York Independent 
Battery, commanded by Capt. Peter C. Regan; 8th New York Independent Battery, com- 
manded by Capt. Butler Fitch. 

In order to show how unjust and uncalled for the treatment accorded to Casey's 
division was in the battle of Fair Oaks, it will be necessary to refer to the other troops 
which participated in the battle. At this time the Army of the Potomac consisted of five 
corps, as follows: Second, commanded by Brig.-Gen. Edwin V. Sumner; Third, by Brig.- 
Gen. S. P. Heintzelman; Fourth, by Brig.-Gen. Erasmus D. Keyes; Fifth, by Brig.-Gen. 
Fitzjohn Porter; Sixth, by Brig.-Gen. William B. Franklin. The Second Corps (Sumner's) 
consisted of two divisions: First Division, commanded by Brig.-Gen. Israel D. Richardson; 
Second Division, commanded by Brig.-Gen. John Sedgwick. The Third Corps (Heintzel- 
man's) consisted of two divisions: Second Division, commanded by Brig.-Gen. Joseph 
Hooker; Third Division, commanded by Brig.-Gen. Philip Kearny. The Fourth Corps 
(Keyes") consisted of two divisions: First Division, commanded by Brig.-Gen. Darius N. 
Couch; Second Division, commanded by Brig.-Gen. Silas Casey. As the corps of Porter and 
Franklin did not participate in the battle of Fair Oaks, the only notice of them relevant in 
this narrative is to state that they comprised the right wing of the Army of the Potomac 
and weie encamped on the north and east bank of the Chickahominy river, and after the 
Sumner bridges became submerged on May 31, were practically isolated from the left wing 
of the army. 

Richardson's division of Sumner's corps consisted of three brigades, as follows : 
First Brigade, Brig.-Gen. O. O. Howard; comprising the following regiments: 5th New 
Hampshire, Lieut.-Col. Samuel G. Langley; 61st New York, Col. Francis C. Barlow; 64th 
New York, Col. T. J. Parker ; 81st Penna., Col. James Miller. 

Second Brigade, Brig.-Gen. Thomas F. Meagher : 63d New York, Col. John Burke ; 
69th New York, Col. Robert Nugent; 88th New York, Lieut.-Col. Patrick Kelly. 

Third Brigade, Brig.-Gen. William H. French: 52d New York, Col. Paul Frank; 
57th New York, Col. Samuel K. Zook; 66th New York, Col. Joseph C. Pinckney; 53d 
Penna., Col. John R. Brooke; Artillery, Capt. G. W. Hazzard: B 1st New York, Capt. 
Rufus D. Petit; G, 1st New York, Capt. John D. Frank; A and C, 4th U. S., Capt. G. W. 
Hazzard. 

Second Division, Brig.-Gen. John Sedgwick. 

First Brigade, Brig.-Gen. Willis A. Gorman; 15th Mass., Lieut.-Col. John W. Kimball; 
1st Minn., Col. Alfred Sully ; 34th New York, Col. James A. Suiter ; 82d New York, Lieut.- 
Col. Henry W. Hudson; 1st Company Mass. Sharpshooters, Capt. John Saunders; 2d Com- 
pany Minn. Sharpshooters, Capt. William F. Russell. 

Second Brigade, Brig.-Gen. William W. Burns: 69th Penna., Col. Joshua T. Owen; 
71st Fenna., Maj. Charles W. Smith; 72d Penna., Col. DeWitt C. Baxter; 106th Penna., 
Col. Turner G. Morehead. 

Third Brigade, Brig.-Gen. N. J T. Dana: 19th Mass., Col. Edward W. Hinks; 20th 
Mass., Col. W. Raymond Lee ; 7th Mich., Col. Ira R. Grosvenor ; 42d New York, Col. E. C. 
Charles ; Artillery, Col. Charles H. Tompkins : A, 1st Rhode Island, Capt. John A. Tompkins ; 
B, 1st R. I., Capt. Walter O. Bartlett; G, 1st R. I., Capt. Charles D. Owen; I, 1st U. S., 
Lieut. Edmund Kirby; Cavalry: 6th New York, Capt. Riley Johnson. 

The Third Corps, commanded by Brig.-Gen. S. P. Heintzelman, consisted of two 
divisions, commanded by Gens. Joseph Hooker and Philip Kearney. Hooker's division 
embraced the following troops : First Brigade, commanded by Brig.-Gen. Cuvier Grover, 



150 CASEY'S DIVISION 

consisting of the 1st Mass., Col. Robert Cowden ; 11th Mass., Col. William Blaisdell ; 2d 
New Hampshire, Col. Gilman Marston; 26th Penna., Col. William F. Small. Second 
Brigade, Brig.-Gen. Daniel E. Sickles: 70th New York (1st Excelsior), Maj. Thomas Holt; 
71st New York (2d Excelsior), Col. George B. Hall; 72d New York (3d Excelsior), Col. 
Nelson Taylor; 73d New York (4th Excelsior), Maj. John D. Moriarity; 74th New York 
(5th Excelsior), Col. Charles K. Graham. Third Brigade, Brig.-Gen. Francis E. Patterson: 
5th New Jersey, Col. Samuel H. Starr; Cth New Jersey, Col. Gresham Mott ; 7th New 
Jersey, Maj. Frank Price, Jr.; 8th New Jersey, Lieut. -Col. Joseph Trawin. 

Kearny's division was composed of the following troops: First Brigade, commanded 
by Brig.-Gen. Charles D. Jameson; 78th New York, Col. Stephen A. Dodge; 57th Penna, 
Col. Charles T. Campbell ; 63d Penna.. Col. Alexander Hays ; 105th Penna., Col. Amor A. 
McKnight. Second Brigade, Brig.-Gen. David B. Birney : 3d Maine, Col. Henry G. Staples ; 
4th Maine, Col. Elijah Walker; 38th New York, Col. J. H. H. Ward; 40th New York. 
Lieut. Col. Thomas W. Egan. Third Brigade, Brig.-Gen. Hiram G. Berry : 2d Mich., Col. 
Orlando M. Poe; 3d Mich., Col. S. G. Champlin ; 5th Mich., Col. Henry D. Terry; 37th 
New York, Col. Samuel B. Hayman ; Artillery, commanded by Maj. Charles S. Wainwright : 
D, 1st New York, Capt. Walter M. Bramhall. 

Couch's division of Keyes' corps consisted of three brigades, commanded respectively 
by Brig.-Gens. John J. Peck, John J. Abcrcrombie and Charles Devens, Jr. Peck's brigade 
was composed of the following regiments : 55th New York, commanded by Lieut. -Col. Louis 
Thourot; 62d New York, Col. J. LaFayette Riker ; 93d New York, Col. J. M. McCarter ; 
102d Penna., Col. Thomas A. Rowley. Abercrombie's brigade was composed as follows: 
65th New York (1st U. S. Chasseurs). Col. John Cochrane; 67th New York (1st Long 
Island), Col. Julius W. Adams; 23d Penna., Col. Thmas H. Neill; 31st Penna.. Col. David 
H. Williams; 61st Penna., Col. Oliver H. Rippey. Devens' brigade: 7th Mass.. Col. David 
A. Russell; 10th Mass., Col. Henry S. Briggs; 36th New York, Col. Charles H. Innes. The 
2d Rhode Island, of this brigade, was absent on detached service and did not participate in 
the battle. 

The artillery of Couch's division consisted of four batteries of the 1st Penna. Light 
Artillery, commanded by Maj. Robert M. West; Battery C, commanded by Capt. Jeremiah 
McCarthy; Battery D, by Capt. Edward H. Flood; Battery F, by Capt. Theodore Miller; 
Battery H, by Capt. James Brady. 

Both divisions of Sumner's corps were encamped at noon, May 31, on the north bank 
of the Chickahominy, some five or six miles distant from Casey's position, Gen. Richardson 
near what is known as Sumner's lower bridge, and Gen. Sedgwick near the upper bridge. 

Hooker's division was encamped along the northern border of White Oak Swamp, 
south and east of Savage Station, guarding the approaches through the swamp. 

Kearny's division was in camp near the Williamsburg road, a mile or two east of 
Bottom's Bridge; two brigades, Birney's and Berry's, were advanced to a point near Savage 
Station, bivouacking there about noon on Saturday, Jameson's brigade remaining near 
Bottom's Bridge until after the battle of Fair Oaks had been raging for more than an hour. 

Cjuch's division was encamped along the Nine-miles road, a little west of it, from 
east of Fair Oaks Station to the Williamsburg road, and thence south towards White Oak 
Swamp; Abercrombie's brigade as follows: 67th New York (1st L. I. Vols.) in rear of the 
rifle-pils, near the intersection of the Williamsburg and Nine-miles road, but to the right 
of the former road; 23d Penna. and 65th New York (1st U. S. Chasseurs) along the 
Nine-miles road, almost in rear of the 67th N. Y. ; the 31st Penna. north of Fair Oaks 
Station, on the Nine-miles road, between the railroad and Richmond; the 61st Penna. north 
of the railroad, between Fair Oaks Station and the Chickahominy river. The special duty 
assigned to the 31st and 61st Penna. regiments was to guard the crossing at Fair Oaks 
Station. 

Devens' brigade was encamped a short distance cast of the Nine-miles road near the 
Williamsburg road, and Peck's brigade south of the Williamsburg road, between that road 
and White Oak Swamp. Brady's battery was in position at Fair Oaks Station, with the 



AT SEVEN" PINES. LSI 

31st and 61st Penna. regiments, while the other three batteries of the division were parked 
east of the junction of the Williamsburg and Nine-miles roads with Devens' brigade. 

From the time Casey's division had crossed the Chickahominy river on May 23 large 
details from every regiment were kept constantly at work slashing timber into abatis, 
building breastworks, rifle-pits and redoubts, and repairing the roads. The heavy rain on 
the afternoon and night of May 30 had made it impracticable to work on the rifle-pits on 
the 31st, but a large force was put to work slashing timber north of the Williamsburg road, 
on the edge of the wood, in front of the intrenchments. An abatis had been formed south 
of the Williamsburg road, from 50 to 75 yards in width, extending about 200 yards south ; 
while north of the road it did not exceed 100 yards in length, and was not more than 40 or 
50 yards in width. The woods in rear of Wessell's camp, and also for a short distance 
north of the Williamsburg road, had been slashed into abatis. 

On Saturday forenoon, May 31, the commissary department of Casey's division 
received and issued supplies, and the men in Camp were anticipating a full repast 
after more or less fasting for two or three days. A few minutes after 12 o'clock, while 
some of the men were already enjoying their dinner, and others were anxiously awaiting 
theirs, three cannon balls came whizzing over Casey's camp, in rapid succession, passing 
on to Couch's camp, three-fourths of a mile to the rear. As these shots were immediately 
followed by musketry fire on the picket line, Gen. Casey ordered Gen. Wessclls to send 
forward the 103d Penna. Regiment to support the pickets. As the firing soon indicated a 
formidable advance of the enemy, the division was ordered under arms, orders issued to 
have ihe men at work on the rifle-pits and abatis recalled to their regiments, the artillery 
harnessed, and lines of battle formed, which was done under the direction of Gen. Casey 
and Gen. Wessells, as follows : 

The 101st Penna. Regiment was placed on the right of the Williamsburg road, perpen- 
dicular to it, the right flank of the battalion extending into the woods and in rear of the 
newly constructed rifle-pits, the extreme right of the battalion being about 400 yards north 
of the Williamsburg road; the 85th Penna. Regiment in rear of the rifle-pits, extended 
from the redoubt across the Williamsburg road, the right flank almost to the left of the 
101st; the 96th New York Regiment, and Companies F and I, of the 103d Penna., were 
placed in advance of the rifle-pits and to the left of the redoubt ; the 85th New York Regi- 
ment in rear of the rifle-pits, to the left of the redoubt ; Capt. Bates' battery, Company A, 
1st New York Artillery, commanded by Lieut. George P. Hart, six guns, light brass twelve- 
pounders, was placed in the redoubt ; Capt. Peter C. Regan's battery, 7th New York, Inde- 
pendent, north of the Williamsburg road, in rear of the 101st Regiment; Capt. Butler 
Fitch's 8th New York Independent Battery was placed in rear of the rifle-pits, two guns 
south and four guns north of the redoubt. This is what is known as Casey's intrenched 
line, although the rifle-pits did not extend either north or south of the Williamsburg road 
more than 300 yards. 

Capt. Joseph Spratt's battery. Company H, 1st New York Artillery, consisting of 
four ten-pounders, was advanced about 400 yards in advance of the rifle-pits, and unlim- 
bered for action immediately north of the Williamsburg road. This battery was supported 
on the right by the 104th Penna. and three companies of the 11th Maine; and later by a 
fragment of the 103d Penna.; on the left by the 100th New York and the 92d New York, 
the right flank of the 100th resting a few yards south of the Williamsburg road. The 81st 
New York was deployed on the extreme left of the advanced line to protect the left flank, 
and the 98th New York was deployed a short distance to the right of the 81st and the 
96th New York, and two companies of the 103d Penna. were advanced to guard the gap 
between the 92d and 98th New York Regiments. The 52d Penna., 56th New York and 
seven companies of the 11th Maine were isolated from the main body of the division, and 
did not come under the direction of Gen. Casey at any time during the battle. Two com- 
panies of the 52d Penna. were on fatigue duty with the pioneers of the division at the 
Chickahominy river, under the command of Lieut.-Col. Hoyt of that regiment, and the 
remainder of the regiment was either on'p'cket, or supporting the picket line between the 
Nine-miles road and the Chickahominy. Seven companies of the 11th Maine were on picket 



152 CASEY'S DIVISION 

duty, tour companies near the railroad, and three companies on the extreme right, extending 
to the Chickahominy river. The 56th New York, in rear of the picket line, 200 yards south 
of the railroad. 

The 100th and !)2d New York Regiments, south of the road, moved up to the eastern 
border of the abatis, some little distance in advance of the position of Spratt's guns. The 
104th Penna. at first took position along the edge of the woods, in rear and north of 
Spratt's guns, but was moved forward in advance of the battery, but some distance to the 
right; the three companies of the 11th Maine and fragment of the 103d Penna. deploying 
on its left. 

The picket line where it crossed the Williamsburg road was three-fourths of a mile 
in advance of the redoubt, and about a half mile in advance of Casey's first line of battle. 
By the time Maj. Gazzam, who was in command of the 103d Penna. Regiment, received the 
command to take his regiment to the support of the pickets, the firing had become quite 
brisk, and no time was lost in rushing the men forward in double quick order. The regi- 
ment was hurriedly placed in line about fifty yards in rear of the picket line, immediately 
north of the Williamsburg road, with two companies, B and G, under command of Capt. 
G. W. Gillespie, south of the road, to protect the left flank. The pickets having had strict 
orders to maintain their position, unless attacked by an overwhelming force, still retained 
their advanced posts, firing with great rapidity, checking the advance of the enemy's skirmish 
until the regiments of the attacking brigade were brought into line of battle to support them. 
Before Maj. Gazzam had succeeded in properly aligning his regiment, which, owing to the 
heavy undergrowth and briers in the woods, was a difficult task, the enemy opened a terrific 
fire on the pickets, the full effect of which fell upon the 103d. This was immediately 
returned, the regiment maintaining its position until flanked on the right, when it was 
ordered to fall back slowly, again making a stand on a road through the woods, which 
was nearly perpendicular to the Williamsburg road. However, only two or three volleys 
had been fired from this position, when Capt. Laughlin, who commanded Company A, 
noticed the enemy closing in on the right flank ; he called down the line for the men to 
fall back as rapidly as they could, Maj. Gazzam repeating the command. The dense and 
tangled condition of the undergrowth prevented the regiment from falling back in any 
kind of order, and before it emerged from the woods it was broken into fragments. How- 
ever, Capts. Gillespie, Mackcy and Laughlin succeeded in rallying about one hundred men 
and formed them on the left flank of the 11th Maine, immediately to the right of Spratt's 
battery, where they remained until the first line was driven back. 

The attack on Casey's division was made by Longstreet's command of ten brigades, 
the division of Gen. D. H. Hill leading, consisting of four brigades. Garland's brigade, 
which led the advance north of the Williamsburg road, comprised the following regiments : 
2d Florida, 2d Miss. Battalion, 5th North Carolina, 23d North Carolina, 24th Virginia, and 
38th Virginia. Attached to this brigade was the Jeff Davis Battery of Artillery, from 
Alabama, commanded by Capt. J. W. Bondurant. (It was evidently this battery that fired 
the signal guns.) Garland's brigade was closely followed by Featherstone's brigade, com- 
manded by Col. George B. Anderson, of the 4th North Carolina regiment, which consisted 
of the following regiments: 27th and 28th Georgia, 4th North Carolina, and 40th Virginia. 
South of the road the advance attack was made by Rodes' brigade, which embraced the 
following regiments: 5th, 6th, and 12th Alabama; 12th Miss., and 4th Virginia Battalion. 
Attached to this brigade was Carter's Battery of Artillery. Closely following Rodes' 
brigade was Rains' brigade, consisting of four regiments, as follows: 13th and 26th Ala- 
bama, and 6th and 23d Georgia. 

Garland's brigade was the first to receive the fire of the pickets, and it was this 
brigade that was closing in on the right flank of the 103d Penna. in the woods, and which 
succeeded in driving it back and finally routing it. When it reached the edge of the woods, 
it met a terrific fire from Spratt's battery, from the guns in Casey's redoubt, and from the 
infantry supporting Spratt's battery, and it was forced to a halt until Anderson's brigade 
teen forced it. South of the road, Rodes' brigade of four regiments and a battalion, soon 
reenforced by Rain's brigade of four regiments, made its appearance and formed in line 



VI SEVEN PINES. 153 

along the western side of the abatis, returning the lire it was receiving from Casey's men 
on the east side of the abatis. The Confederates on both sides of the road sought the 
protection of the fallen trees and stumps of the abatis, and were gradually penetrating it, 
when Gen. Casey gave an order for the regiments supporting the advance battery to charge, 
which was done, but at such a terrific sacrifice that the line both north and south of the 
road was soon thereafter overpowered and routed. Before leaving this position, however, 
four line officers of the 92d New York were wounded, three line officers of the 98th New 
York were disabled and two line officers of the 100th New York were killed and three 
wounded; these casualties occurred south of the Williamsburg road. North of the road, 
the 103d Penna. had one line officer killed; the 11th Maine (only three companies present, 
aggregating 93 men) had one line officer killed and three wounded; the I()4th Penna. had 
one line officer killed, and the two field officers present, disabled, the major, John M. Gries, 
mortall) wounded, dying a few days subsequently; the colonel, W. W. H. Davis, wounded 
in the left elbow and left breast, and four line officers wounded. Capt. Spratt and Lieut. 
John H. Howell, of Company H, 1st New York Artillery, were wounded early in the 
action, the command of the battery devolving upon First Lieut. C. E. Mink, assisted by 
Second Lieut. E. H. Clark. The regiments engaged in Casey's first line of battle, which 
was nearly a mile in advance of Gen. Couch's line, lost 8 officers killed, 28 wounded; and 
91 men killed, 479 wounded, and 243 captured or missing; yet this line of battle is entirely 
ignored in Gen. Keyes' official report, and also in the official report of Gen. McClellan. 
Owing to the horses being killed, and the miry condition of the ground, making it im- 
possible for the men to haul it, one gun of Spratt's battery had to be abandoned to the 
enemy. From the beginning of the attack on Casey's first line, the six guns in the redoubt, 
Company A, 1st New York Artillery, commanded by Lieut. Hart, and Capt. Fitch's 8th 
New York Independent Battery were in continuous action, firing with rapidity and pre- 
cision, under the personal supervision <>f Col. Bailey, Chief of Artillery of Casey's division. 
These batteries opened fire on the woods in advance of the abatis as soon as the 103d 
Penna. emerged from the woods, and when the enemy came in sight, playd havoc with 
his ranks. 

When the advanced line was driven back, the 90th New York and Companies F and 
I of the 103d Penna. formed in rear of the rifle-pits south of the redoubt, between a detach- 
ment of the 103d Penna. and the 85th New York; the 98th New York took position behind 
the rifle-pits, to the left of the 8. r >th New York ; the 81st New York took position in the 
woods south of Palmer's camp. 

The 104th Penna. and 11th Maine retired on the right and made a halt at their 
camp, while the 92d and 100th New Yoik Regiments were so broken up and scattered that 
only small fragments were rallied at the intrenched line. 

Spratt's battery and the advanced line gone, the enemy now concentrated his fire and 
attention to the insignificant earthworks. Twice the enemy charged on the redoubt and 
was forced to fall back to the abatis for protection, once approaching within 3(1 or 40 
yards. After repeated assaults on the 8r t th and 101st Penna. Regiments, on the right of 
the redoubt, the enemy moved on the right flank, when Companies A and F were quickly 
deployed by Lieut. Sheaffer, of Company A, parallel with the Williamsburg road, checking 
the advance of the enemy from that direction, until he was heavily reenforced, when his 
enfilading fire became too heavy, and the regiment was compelled to retire, but not until 
after the commanding officer, Lieut. -Col. D. B. Morris, had been borne from the field 
severely wounded. The enemy advancing on the left flank and in front at the same time, 
the entire intrenched line was compelled to give way. At this juncture Col. Bailey was 
killed by a rifle ball piercing his brain as he was directing the guns in the redoubt to be 
spiked; the horses of the battery having been killed or disabled. 

Some commotion prevailed when Wcssclls' brigade retired from the intrenchments. 
However, Gens. Casey and Wessells assisted the officers in rallying the men, forming a 
line south of the road in the abatis, cast of Wessells' camp, from which point they delivered 
a murderous fire on the enemy until they were flanked and overwhelmed, when they were 
again compelled to retire through the abatis. In falling back through the abatis great 



154 CASEY'S DIVISION 

confusion ensued, and the various commands intermingled, so that it was difficult to preserve 
the identity of the respective regiments. However, Col. Howell, of the 85th Penna., rallied 
quite a force, and charged through the camp of the brigade, forcing the enemy to retire 
from the rifle-pits, but was soon driven back by overwhelming numbers. 

After Col. Bailey fell, Maj. Van Valkenburgh assumed command of the artillery. 
With great difficulty, owing to its horses being killed and disabled by the enemy's fire, the 
six guns of the 8th New York Independent Battery and three guns of Spratt's battery 
were taken to the rear, after having done as effective and heroic work as was performed 
by any batteries during the war. The same statement will apply with equal force to Battery 
A, the guns of which later fell into the hands of the enemy. 

The Ttli New York Independent Battery was in position on the right of the road, in 
rear of the 101st Penna., which compelled its guns to remain silent. Although not per- 
mitted Lo tire during the first two or three hours of the battle, it was compelled to remain 
under a severe fire, losing both men and horses. When it became evident that the troops 
along the intrenebments would give way, Maj. Van Valkenburgh ordered the battery to fall 
back and take a position commanding the Williamsburg road. Two guns were placed in 
the road and four in the field north of the road, and a rapid fire was kept up until the 
enemy was within a few yards of the battery. Shortly after giving an order for the four 
guns in the field to limber up, Maj. Van Valkenburgh was killed, while between the two 
guns in action on the road. The two guns on the road remained in action until the pieces 
in the field were extricated and removed, the wheels of the carriages having become so 
mired in the soft ground in the field that these four guns were saved with great difficulty. 
One of the pieces on the road fired, retiring by prolonge, while the other five were going 
to the rear. In retiring with this piece, Capt. Regan, now the senior officer of Casey's artil- 
lery, and in command, acted as gunner. None of the guns of this batterv was lost, but two 
caissons, the battery wagon and forge were abandoned, owing to the horses being killed; 
however, with the exception of one caisson limber, all were recovered. Considering the 
enormous loss of horses in Casey's artillery, the miry condition of the ground, and the 
overwhelming force of the enemy, it was a remarkable feat to save fifteen of the twenty-two 
guns of the division. Capt. Fitch's battery, 8th New York Independent, went into action 
in rear of Couch's line and did effective service before Couch's troops gave way. The 
final action of the division in the action of May 31 can be best described in the words 
of the commanding general of the division: 

"On my arrival at the second line, I succeeded in rallying a small portion of my 
division, and with the assistance of Gen. Kearny, who had just arrived at the head of one 
of the brigades of his division, attempted to regain possession of my works, but it was 
found impracticable." 

According to the official reports of the three brigade commanders, the actual icrce of 
the division in action was less than 4,253 men. The official reports show the casualties to 
be: Officers killed, 1-1: wounded, 55; captured or missing, 9; total casualties among the 
officers, 78; enlisted men killed, 163; wounded, 872; captured or missing, 316; total casualties 
among the enlisted men, 1,351; aggregate loss, 1,429. 

It may appear on the face of the returns that the captured and missing percentage is 
inordinately large in proportion to the number kdled. It should be remembered that these 
reports were made immediately after the battle, when all the records were lost, and were, 
at best, imperfect ; that the battle was fought over a large area of ground, a great part of 
it wooded, and that the enemy had possession of the field for two days ; and that many 
of those marked captured or missing were killed or left on the field mortally wounded. 
The record of one regiment, the 103d Penna., will illustrate this point. The official report 
of the casualties at the battle of Fair Oaks gives the aggregate loss of this regiment as 93, 
as follows : Killed, 1 officer and 7 men ; wounded, 2 officers and 67 men ; captured or 
missing, 1 officer and 15 men. The final napers in the auditor-general's office of the War 
Department show that 2 officers and 33 enlisted men of this regiment were killed in action 
or died of wounds received in the battle of Fair Oaks. This indicates that 37.6 per cent 
of the casualties of the regiment were fatal, instead of 8.6 per cent, as shown by the 



VI SEVEN PINES 155 

official report. If the mortality of casualties of the division was as great in proportion as 
in this regiment, it would be 773. However, the conditions surrounding this regiment 
were different from the other regiments. It first received the fire of the enemy a half 
mil', in advance of the first line of battle, (and yet more than two-thirds of Casey's division 
were nearly a mile in advance, and the other third over half a mile in advance of the 
second line "f battle) and the wounded who were left on the advanced battle-ground wire 
in the hands of the enemy for practically two full days. The official report made by the 
commanding officer of the 103d Penna. was made on June 2, before the advance battle- 
ground had been explored, and there is not much doubt that the casualty reports from 
every regiment of Casey's division was made before there had been any return from the 
battle-field of Saturday. It is, therefore, safe to estimate the mortality at least at 50 per 
cent of what careful investigation shows the increased mortality to he over that at first 
reported. On this basis the total mortality of Casey's division at the battle of Fair Oaks 
would be 330. The brigade commanders estimate the number of officers and men in action 
on the 31st of May as about 4,250. This makes the mortality inure than 7% per cent of 
those engaged, the aggregate casualties being over 33% per cent. 

In an address by Maj.-Gen. D. H. Hill, whose division routed Casey's troops at Fair 
Oaks, at the reunion of the Virginia Division, Army of the Northern Virginia Association, 
in the State Capitol of Virginia, on the 22d day of October, L885, lie said: 

"The battle of Seven Pines was a fine illustration of the prowess of untrained, 
untutored and undisciplined soldiers. The great battles of Europe, in which veterans were 
engaged, show a loss of from one-tenth to one-fourth of those engaged. At Seven Pines 
our raw troops lost one-third of their number without flinching, moving steadily on to 
victory. The true test of the loss in battle is the number of casualties before shouts of 
triumph rend the sky; for it has often happened that the chief loss of the defeated has been 
from the murderous fire upon their disorganized, unresisting and huddled together masses. 
This has always been so when the defeat has been the result of a flank movement, or when 
a brilliant cavalry charge has followed up the rout." (Southern Historical Society Papers, 
Vol. 13, page 266.) 

There has been a wonderful diversity of statements as to when the battle of Fair 
Oaks began. Some of these differences are due as to when the firing assumed the pro- 
portion; of a battle. Gen. Keycs speaks with some positiveness on this point, as he repeats 
the statement in his official report, saying: "At about 12:30 P. M. it became suddenly 
apparent that the attack was real and in great force." In another paragraph he says: 
"Casey's division, holding the front line, was first seriously attacked at about 12:30 P. M" 
Prior to this, in his report, he says : "Having sent orders for the troops to be under arms 
precisely at 11 o'clock A. M., I mounted my horse and rode along the Nine-miles road to Fair 
Oaks Station. * * * Finding nothing unusual at Fair Oaks, I gave some orders to the 
troops, and returned quickly to Seven Pines. The firing was becoming brisk, but there was 
yet no certainty of a great attack." The writer has knowledge which convinces him that Gen. 
Keyes was somewhat confused as to his statements as to how the firing began and will refer 
to it at another place. However, his statement as to the beginning of the battle is approxi- 
mately correct. In another paragraph of his report he says: "Casey's division held its line 
of battle for more than three hours, and the execution done upon the enemy was shown 
by the number of rebel dead left upon the field after the enemy had held possession of that 
part of it for upward of twenty-foif hours." He also says that Gen. Heintzelman arrived 
on the field about 3 P. M. The latter says in his report that on reaching the front he 
found Casey's position was lost, but he makes no statement as to the time of day it was 
when he arrived, but he infers that the arrival of Kearny's troops was simultaneous with 
his. That would clearly indicate the time at about 4 o'clock. Gen. Keyes, in his book, 
"Fifty Years' Observation of Men and Events," published in 1884, admits he made an error 
in stating the time of Gen. Heintzelman's arrival, and places the time at 4 o'clock, not five 
minutes either way from that hour. Whatever the hour of the attack, it was fully three 
hours later when the enemy captured the redoubt. Gen. Hill was approximately correct 
when he said "the works were captured at 3 o'clock." Casey's troops fought for some 
time after falling back from the intrenchments, before retiring to Couch's line; that is, a 



156 CASEY'S DIVISION 

portion of them did. There is abundant evidence to substantiate this paragraph from Gen. 
Wessells' report : 

"The 85th (Penna.) and 96th (New York) having fallen back, were again formed 
on the left of the road in rear of the camp in the fallen timber and delivered 
their fire with great effect, but being again flanked and overwhelmed, were compelled again 
to retire. The right wing of the 101st (Penna.), after retiring deployed to the left, and 
passing the left wing, opened its fire, and for some time maintained its position, but at 
length was compelled to fall back." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 927). 

It is not the purpose of this article to give a detailed account of the battle of Fair 
Oaks or Seven Pines. However, to fully answer the aspersions cast upon Casey's division 
it will be necessary to call attention to the conduct of the troops comprising the other di- 
visions participating in the battle. It should be remembered that in the commanding gen- 
eral's dispatch censuring Casey's division, unstinted praise was given to all the other troops 
engaged in the battle. With but very few exceptions, the newspaper accounts sent from 
the Army of the Potomac, while exaggerating all the camp gossip detrimental to Casey's 
troops, were silent as to any questionable conduct of the troops belonging to the other 
divisions. This is practically true of most of the histories and sketches written of the bat- 
tle. The excerpts from the official reports and documents submitted here are not garbled 
and cover all the essential features of the battle. The writer does not intend to reflect 
upon the conduct of the troops of other divisions engaged in the battle; the official reports 
can tel' the story : 

From report of Gen. McClellan : 

"On the 28th Gen. Keyes was ordered to advance Casey's division to Fair Oaks, on 
the Williamsburg road, some three-quarters of a mile in front of the Seven Pines, leaving 
Gen. Couch's division at the line of rifle-pits. A new line of rifle-pits and a small redoubt 
for six field guns were commenced, and much of the timber in front of this line was 
felled on the two days following. ********** The picket line was 
established, reaching from the Chickahominy to White Oak Swamp. On the 30th, Gen. 
Heintzelman * * * advanced two brigades of Kearny's division about the fourth of a 
mile in front of Savage Station * * * within supporting distance of Casey's division 
* * * On the 30th the troops on the south side of the Chickahominy were in position 
as follows : Casey's division on the right of the Williamsburg road, at right angles to it ; 
the center at Fair Oaks ; Couch's division at the Seven Pines ; Kearny's division on the 
railroad from near Savage Station toward the bridge; Hooker's division on the borders of 
White Oak Swamp. * * * The enemy * * * threw an overwhelming force (grand 
divisions of Gens. D. H. Hill, Huger, Longstreet, and G. W. Smith) upon the position 
occupied by Casey's division. * * * Between 11 and 12 o'clock it was reported to Gen. 
Casey that the enemy were approaching in considerable force on the Williamsburg road. 
At this time Casey's division was disposed as follows : Naglee's brigade extending from 
the Williamsburg road to the Garnett field, having one regiment across the railroad; Gen. 
Wessells' brigade in the rifle-pits, and Gen. Palmers' in the rear of Gen. Wessells'; one bat- 
tery of artillerv in advance with Gen. Naglee; one battery in rear of rifle-pits to the 
right of the redoubt ; one battery in rear of the redoubt, and another battery unharnessed, 
in the redoubt. Gen. Couch's division, holding the second line, had Gen. Abercrombie's 
brigade on the right along the Nine-mile road, with two regiments and one battery across 
the railroad near Fair Oaks Station; Gen. Peck's brigade on the right, and Gen. Deven's 
in the center. On the approach of the enemy, Gen. Casey sent forward one of Gen. Palmer's 
regiments to support the picket line, but the regiment gave way without making much, if 
any, resistance. Heavy firing at once commenced and the pickets were driven in. Gen. 
Keyes ordered Gen. Couch to move Gen. Peck's brigade to occupy the ground on the 
left of the Williamsburg road, which had not before been occupied by our forces, and 
thus to support Gen. Casey's left where the first attack was the most severe. The 
enemy now came on in heavy force, attacking Gen. Casey simultaneously in 
front and both flanks. Gen. Keyes sent to Gen. Heintzelman for reinforce- 
ments, but the messenger was delayed, so that orders were not sent to Gens. 
Kearny and Hooker until nearly 3 o'clock, and it was nearly 5 P. M. when 
Gens. Jameson and Berry's brigades, of Gen. Kearny's division, arrived on the field. * * * 
In the meantime Gen. Naglee's brigade, with the batteries of Gen. Casey's division, which 
Gen. Naglee directed, struggled gallantly to maintain the redoubt and rifle-pits against 
the overwhelming masses of the enemy. They were reenforced by a regiment from Gen 
Peck's brigade. The artillery, under command of Col. G. D. Bailey, 1st New York Artillery, 
and afterward of Gen. Naglee, did good execution on the advancing column. The left of 
this position was, however, soon turned, and a sharp cross-fire opened upon the gunners 



\ I SEVEN PINES. 157 

and men in the rifle pits. Col. Bailey, Maj. Van Valkenburgh, and Adjt. Rumsey, of the 
same regiment, were killed; some of the guns in the redoubt were taken, and the whole 
line was driven back upon the position occupied by Gen. Couch. The brigades of Gens. 
Wessells and Palmer, with the reinforcements which had been sent them from Gen. 
Couch, had also been driven from the field with heavy loss, and the whole position occupied 
by Gen. Casey's division was taken by the enemy. Previous to this time Gen. Keyes 
ordered Gen. Couch to advance two regiments to relieve the pressure upon Gen. Casey'6 
right flank. * * * This was followed up by a bayonet charge, led by Gen. French 
in person * * * which turned the confusion of the enemy into precipitate flight. One 
gun captured the previous day was retaken. Our troops pushed forward as far as the 
lines held by them on the 31st, before the attack. On the battle-field there were found 
many of our own and the Confederate wounded, arms, caissons, wagons, subsistence 
stores, and forage abandoned by the enemy in his rout. The state of the roads and im- 
possibility of maneuvering artillery prevented further pursuit. On the next morning a 
reconnoissance was sent forward, which pressed back the pickets of the enemy to within 
5 miles of Richmond ; but again the impossibility of forcing even a few batteries forward 
precluded our holding permanently this position. The lines held previous to the battle 
were therefore resumed. * * * Our loss was in Gen. Sumner's corps, 1,223; Gen. 
Meintzelman's corps, 1.394; Gen. Keyes' corps, 3,120; total, 5,737. 

Previous to the arrival of Gen. Sumner on the field of battle, "ii the 31st of 
.May. Gen. Heintzelman, the senior corps commander present, was in the immedi- 
ate command of the forces engaged. The first information I received that the battle was 
in progress was a dispatch from him stating that Casey's division had given way. During 
the night of the 31st I received a dispatch from him, dated 8:45 P. M., in which he says: 
'I am just in. When I got to the front the most of Gen. Casey's division had dispersed. 
* * * The rout of Gen. Casey's men had a most dispiriting effect on the troops as 
they came up. I saw no reason why we should have been driven back.' This official state- 
ment, together with other accounts received previous to my arrival upon the battle-field, 
to the effect that Casey's division had given way without making proper resistance, caused 
me to state in a telegram to the Secretary of War on the 1st, that this division 'gave way 
unaccountably and discreditably.' Subsequent investigations, however, greatly modified the 
impressions first received, and I accordingly advised the Secretary of War of this in a dis- 
patch on the 5th of June. The official reports of Gen. Keyes, Casey, and Naglee show 
that a very considerable portion of this division fought well, and that the brigade of Gen. 
Naglee is entitled to credit for its gallantry. This division, among the regiments of which 
were eight of comparatively new troops, was attacked by superior numbers; yet, accord- 
ing to the reports alluded to, it stood the attack 'for three hours before it was reenforced.' 
A portion of the division was thrown into great confusion upon the first onslaught of the 
enemy, but the personal efforts of Gen. Naglee, Col. Bailey, and other officers, who boldly 
went to the front and encouraged the men by their presence and example at this critical 
juncture rallied a great part of the division, and thereby enabled it to act a prominent 
part in this severely contested battle. It therefore affords me great satisfaction to with- 
draw the expression contained in my first dispatch, and I cordially give my indorsement to 
the conclusion of the division commander, 'that those parts of his command which behaved 
discreditably were exceptional cases.'" (O. R, Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 38-43.) 

From Gen. McCIellan's testimony before the Joint Congressional Committee on the 
Conduct of the War, March 2, 1863: 

"Thi- battle occurred, I think, on the last of May and the first of June. At (he begin- 
ning of the battle Gen. Keyes' corps was encamped in the vicinity of Seven Pines; Casey's 
division was in front; Couch's division a short distance in the rear, on the main road to 
Bottom's Bridge; Heintzelman's corps was on the same side of the Chickahominy, m the 
general vicinity of Savage's Station; Sumner's corps was on the left bank, about half way 
between Bottom's Bridge and New Bridge; the corps of Franklin ami Porter wen- also on 
the left bank of the Chickahominy, near New Bridge. The attack commenced on Casey's 
division, I think, about one o'clock. I was at the time confined to my bed by illness, and the 
first intimation I received of the affair was the sound of the musketry. Without waiting 
to hear from Gen. Keyes or Gen. Heintzelman, I sent instructions to Gen. Sumner to hold 
his corps in readiness to move to the scene of action. I did not hear anything for a long 
time from the field. I think the first I heard was from Gen. Heintzelman, who reported 
that Casey's division had been completely broken and was in full retreat. 1 ordered Sumner 
over as soon as I learned that his services were needed and the affair serious. The main part 
of his force crossed at the bridge near Dr. Trent's farm, and moved by the shortest route 
upon Fair Oaks, near which point he came in contact with the enemy's left, and drove them 
some little distance, thus relieving the pressure upon the right of Heintzelman, who had 
moved up to support Keyes. The enemy renewed the attack on Sunday morning, but with 
much less vigor than the day before. Question. 'What was the strength of tin- hit wing 
of your army— that part of the army which was on the right bank of the Chickahominy at 



158 CASEY'S DIVISION 

that time?' Answer. 'Without the returns I could merely guess at it. There were four 
divisions — one a very weak one. I should think the four divisions must have had 30,000 
men, perhaps.'" (Report Conduct of the War, part I, pp. 432-433.) 

From Gen. Heintzelman's report (comdg. Third Corps; also all the troops south of 
the Chickahominy, May 31) : 

"About 1 P. M. I first heard firing, more than there had been for several days. 
* * * At 2 P. M. I received a note from Lieut. Jackson, of Gen. Keyes' staff, informing 
me that the enemy were pressing them very hard, especially on the railroad, and asking 
me to send two brigades. * * * On this I sent orders for a brigade to advance up the 
railroad as a support. The one selected by Gen. Kearny was Gen. Birney's brigade. 
Previous to this I had received instructions from the commanding general to hold the 
Seven Pines at all hazards, but not to move the troops guarding the approaches of Bot- 
tom's Bridge and crossing of the White Oak Swamp, unless it became absolutely necessary 
to hold the position in front at the Seven Pines. Belieiing the position in front of the 
Seven Pines to be a critical one, and not having entire confidence in the raw troops com- 
prising the division of Gen. Casey, I sought and obtained permission on Friday afternoon 
to advance a portion of my corps from its position near Bottom's Bridge. The order was 
to make such disposition of the troops of my corps as I saw fit. * * * 
Lieuts. Hunt and Johnson returned about 2 :30 P. M., having seen Gen. Keyes. by whom 
they were directed to report that his front line, which was held by Casey's division, was 
being driven in. The road from the front was at this time filled with fugitives. I mounted 
my horse and rode briskly to the front. * * * I had already given orders for all the 
available troops to advance. * * * On reaching the front, I met our troops fiercely 
engaged * * * near the Seven Pines, having lost the first position, three-fourths of a 
mile in advance. * * * Our reinforcements now began to arrive. * * * This brought 
the time to about 5 o'clock, at which hour the enemy received a reenforcement of a division, 
and began to drive our troops out of the woods on the right of the road. The fire had 
increased so much that I went to the left to order two * * * regiments to support 
this line. I met them coming. * * * They went into the woods, but, together with the 
troops already there, were driven out by the overwhelming masses of the enemy. Gen. 
Jameson rode across to rally them, but was met by a volley from the enemy. * * * 
Their exertions, however, partially rallied the retiring regiments, and they fell back 
fighting. This brought us into a narrow strip of wood along the main road. With the 
assistance of my staff and other officers, we succeeded in rallying fragments of regiments 
to the number of about 1,800 men. * * * A new line was formed in some unfinished 
rifle-pits about one-half mile in rear, and occupied by the troops of Gens. Couch's and 
Kearny's divisions, and such troops of Gen. Casey as could be collected. When the troops 
on the right of the road near the Seven Pines gave way the enemy pushed several regi- 
ments across the main road, placing them between Gen. Berry's brigade, part of Jameson's, 
and the portion of our troops who gave way from the right of the road. * * * The 
defensive works of Gen. Casey's position, in consequence of the increasing rains and the 
short time allowed him for labor with trenching tools, were in a very unfinished state, 
and could oppose but a feeble resistance to the overwhelming mass thrown upon them. 
The artillery was well served, and some of the regiments fought gallantly until over- 
whelmed by numbers. After they were once broken they could not be rallied. The road 
was filled with fugitives (not all from this division) as far as Bottom's Bridge. * * * 
A guard placed at Bottom's Bridge stopped over 1,000 men. An officer informed me that 
after we had driven the enemy beyond our first intrenchments he visited Gen. Casey's 
camp and found more men bayoneted and shot within their shelter tents than outside 
of them. As Gen. Casey in his report has not designated the regiments who did not 
behave well, I do not feel called upon to mention them. The 104th Penna., 100th and 
92d New York, and 11th Maine, Gen. Casey says, made a charge on the enemy under 
his eye and by his express orders that would have honored veteran troops. The 101st 
Penna. and 86th (evidently 85th) New York fought well. There is one statement in 
Gen. Palmer's report which it is necessary to notice. No portion of Gen. Hooker's division 
was engaged on Saturday. * * * The heavy loss in Gen. Kearny's division will attest 
how much his division felt the enemy. After Gen. Kearny's division arrived on the field 
our forces did not fall back a third of a mile before they checked the enemy. The next 
day they drove them back, and before night a portion of Sickles' brigade * * * occupied 
at least a portion of Gen. Casey's camps. * * * Couch's, Casey's and Kearny's divisions 
on the field numbered but 18,500 men. Deducting from this force Casey'd division, 5,000 
dispersed when I came on the field, and Birney's 2,300 not engaged, we, with less than 
11,000 men, after a struggle of three and a half hours, checked the enemy's heavy masses. 
When I arrived on the field, I met Samuel Wilkeson. Esq.. the chief correspondent of the 
New York Tribune. I accepted his services as volunteer aid, and I wish to bear testimony 
to his gallantry and coolness during the battle. When the rebel reinforcements arrived, 
about 5 o'clock P. M., and our troops commenced to give way. he was conspicuous in the 




The above map. which gives the position of the troops of bojh armies prior to the battle 
of Seven Pines or Fair Oaks, appeared in the "Century War Series," and In "Battles and 
Leaders of the Civil War." By courtesy of the Century Company this and other sketches 
bearing on this battle are reproduced in this volume. 



AT SEVEN PINES. 159 

throng aiding in rallying the men. * * * The greatest distance the enemy, with their 
overwhelming numbers, claim to have driven us back is but a mile and a half. The 
distance was less. * * * In every instance in which our troops used the bavonet our 
loss was comparatively light, and the enemy was driven back, suffering heavily. Our troops 
pushed as far forward as the battle-field of the previous day. * * * On the next morn- 
ing I sent forward Gen. Hooker * * * to make a reconnaissance, which he did in a 
most gallant manner far beyond the position we had on Saturday. In the after- 
noon our troops fell back and occupied the positions we held before the battle. Our loss 
on the first day was seven pieces of artillery from Gen. Casey's division and one * * * 
from Gen. Couch's. As the enemy * * * was driven bacK with immense loss, * * * 
we mav well claim a victory, and such it certainlv was." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, 
pp. 813-818.) 

From Gen. Heintzelman's testimony before the Joint Congressional Committee on the 
Conduct of the War : 

"Saturday, the 31st of May, was the first day of the battle of Seven Pines. During 
the week before I had felt that the troops were too much scattered; but as I had positive 
orders to keep a certain number of them at and around Bottom's Bridge, and watching 
White Oak Swamp, I did not venture to move them without authority from Gen. McClellan. 
After repeated efforts, I got authority on Friday afternoon to dispose of the troops as I 
saw fit. I immediately ordered them all forward with the exception of half of Hooker's 
division. I was ordered to leave one brigade there to hold those positions. 

"The next day, the 31st of May, about I o'clock, there ivas considerable heavy firing of 
artillery and musketry. As we had it before, it did not cause me much uneasiness, until I 
found it was continued. * * * A few minutes after they left I got a note from Gen. 
Keyes, informing me that the enemy had attacked him in considerable force, and asking me 
to send a brigade or two up the railroad to assist him. In a few minutes more my staff 
officers returned and informed me that the enemy had driven back some of our troops. 
I at once rode forward. Before I had got a mile, at the edge of the cleared ground in front, 
I met the fugitives from Casey's division retreating. I rode to the front, saw Gen. Keyes, 
and got all the information I could from him. Before this, however, I had ordered the 
troops forward, and as they came up I placed them in position. We had then lost our 
advanced position. All the troops had been driven back, and Gen. Casey had lost several 
pieces of artillery. When the troops I had ordered up came into position, they checked the 
enemy. In a little while, however, they attacked us again with an overwhelming force on 
our right Hank and that began to give way. They drove us back from a half to three- 
quarters of a mile, when we finally checked them. About this time Gen. Sumner's corps 
had crossed the Chickahominy, and came in on our right, and aided us in repulsing the 
enemy. As soon as I had found the attack was serious I had sent an officer over to 
inform Gen. Sumner and Gen. McClellan. * * * There was one brigade of Gen. Casey's 
division, under Gen. Naglee, on our extreme right, that held its position pretty well. The 
center gave way and fell back some distance. We succeeded in rallying them, and repulsed 
the enemy. My right held the ground until some time after dark, when it fell back and 
joined us in the field-works we had thrown up a little west of the Chickahominy. In the 
night I got a telegram from Gen. McClellan, that he wanted to see me at the railroad station 
on the other side of the Chickahominy. I got on a locomotive and went down there and 
saw him. I told him what had occurred and what we could do. He said that he relied upon 
my holding the position we then occupied and that he would spend the night with Gen. 
Sumner, or come over the next morning, to keep rank off me, as he said. Gen. Sumner 
ranked me. When I got back I got a note from Gen. Sumner, saying that from all he 
could learn, he expected to be attacked by an overwhelming force in the morning and wanted 
me to assist him. I replied that any aid I could give him he should have. 

"In the morning I went to the front and had not been there long before I heard firing 
in the direction of Gen. Sumner's forces. I had the half of Gen. Hooker's division there; 
the other half was at Bottom's Bridge. I immediately sent that half division forward in 
the direction of the firing. They soon met the enemy, who were repulsed by Gen. Sumner's 
troops and mine. The whole affair was over in a very short time. 

"That day after the enemy gave way I gave orders to pursue them. Casey's division 
was utterly broken up. Some of the regiments behaved very gallantly, but after they gave 
way, none of them could be rallied ; and Couch's division was a little shaky. When Kearny 
found out that I had ordered the troops to advance, he came to me and begged me to stop. 
He asked me where my supports were and I pointed to them. He asked me if I had con- 
fidence in them. I said no. He said I had better let well enough alone; that Gen. McClellan 
would order a general advance in two or three days. I then countermanded the order. 
The next morning I learned the enemy had retreated in very great confusion and on Sunday 
we gained nearly all the ground we had lost the day before. I sent Gen. Hooker's half 
division forward, and sent an officer to Gen. Richardson, who commanded one of Gen. 
Sumner's divisions, and asked him to co-operate with us, and find out what the enemy were 



Kin CASEY'S DIVISION 

doing. He saw Gen. Sumner but he said he could make no reconnoissance without orders 
from Gen. McClellan. I sent my troops forward and they got within four miles of Rich- 
mond. They sent word back how far they had got, and I sent word to Gen. McClellan. He 
ordered me to stop and fall back to the old lines. From information we got from the 
rebels, I had no doubt but we might have gone right into Richmond." (Report on the 
Conduct of the War, pp. 351-352.) 

From report of Brig. Gen. Erasmus D. Keyes (comdg. Fourth Corps). 

"The Fourth Corps, being in the advance, crossed the Chickahominy at Bottom's Bridge 
the 23rd of May, and encamped 2 miles beyond. Two days later I received orders to ad- 
vance on the Williamsburg road and take up and fortify the nearest strong position to 
a fork of roads called the Seven Pines. The camp I selected, and which was the next day 
approved by Maj.-Gen. McClellan, stretches across the Williamsburg road between Bot- 
tom's Bridge and the Seven Pines, and is distant about a mile from the latter. I caused 
that camp to be fortified with rifle pits and breastworks extending to the left about 1,000 
yards and terminating in a crotchet to the rear. Similar works about 300 yards farther in 
advance, were constructed on the right, extending toward the Richmond and West Point 
Railroad. 

"Having been ordered by Gen. McClellan to hold the Seven Pines strongly, I designed to 
throw forward to that neighborhood two brigades of Casey's division, and to establish 
my picket line considerably in advance and far to the right. The lines described above are 
those where the main body of the troops engaged near the Seven Pines spent the night of 
the 31st, after the battle. Examinations having been made by several engineers, I was 
ordered on the 28th of May to advance Casey's division to a point indicated by a large 
wood pile and two houses, about three-fourths of a mile beyond the Seven Pines * * 
and to establish Couch's division at the Seven Pines. Accordingly Casey's division bivou- 
acked on the right and left of Williamsburg road and wood pile, and Couch established 
his division at the Seven Pines and along the Nine-mile road. Both divisions set to work 
with the few intrenching tools at hand to slash the forests and to dig a few rifle pits. Casey 
erected a small pent-angular redoubt and placed within it six pieces of artillery. The 
country is mostly wooded and greatly intersected with marshes. The Nine-mile road 
branching to the right from the Seven Pines slants forward, and at the distance of a 
mile crosses the railroad at Fair Oaks. A mile beyond it reaches an open field, where the 
enemy was seen in line of battle on the 29th and 30th days of May. 

"Casey's pickets were only about 1,000 yards in advance of his line of battle, and I de- 
cided, after a personal inspection with him, that they could go no farther, as they were 
stopped by the enemy in force on the opposite side of an opening at that point. * * * 

When the battle commenced Casey's division was in front of the abatis ; Naglee's brigade 
on the right, having two regiments beyond the railroad ; Palmer's brigade on the left, and 
Wessells' brigade in the center. Couch's division was on the right and left of the Williams- 
burg road, near the forks, and along the Nine-mile road. Peck's brigade was on the left, 
Devens' brigade in the center, and Abercrombie's on the right, having two regiments 
and Brady's battery across the railroad, near Fair Oaks, thus forming two lines of battle. 

Through all the night of the 30th of May there was raging a storm the like of which 
I cannot remember. Torrents of rain drenched the earth, the thunderbolts rolled and fell 
without intermission, and the heavens flashed with a perpetual blaze of lightning. From 
their beds of mud and the peltings of this storm the Fourth Corps rose to fight the battle 
of the 31st of May, 18(32. At about 10 o'clock A. M., it was announced to me that an aide- 
de-camp of Maj. Gen. J. E. Johnston, C. S. Army, had been captured by our pickets on the 
edge of the field referred to above, beyond Fair Oaks Station. While speaking with the 
young gentleman, at the moment of sending him away, a couple of shots fired in front of 
Casey's headquarters produced in him a very evident emotion. I was perplexed, because 
having seen the enemy in force on the right where the aide was captured, I supposed his 
chief must be there. Furthermore, the country was more open in that direction and the 
road in front of Casey's position was bad for artillery. I concluded, therefore, in spite of 
the shots, that if attacked that day the attack would come from the right. Having sent 
orders for the troops to be under arms precisely at 11 o'clock A. M., I mounted my horse 
and rode along the Nine-mile road to Fair Oaks Station. On my way I met Col. Bailey, 
chief of artillery of Casey's division, and directed him to proceed and prepare his artillery 
for action. Finding nothing unusual at Fair Oaks, I gave some orders to the troops there, 
and returned quickly to Seven Pines. The firing was becoming brisk, but there was yet 
no certainty of a great attack. As a precaution to support Casey's left flank, I ordered Gen. 
Couch to advance Peck's brigade in that direction. This was promptly done, and the 93rd 
Pennsylvania, Col. McCarter, was advanced considerably beyond the balance of that brigade. 
At about 12 :30 P. M. it became suddenly apparent that the attack was real and in great 
force. All my corps was under arms and in position. I sent immediately to Gen. Heintzel- 
man for re-enforcements, and requested him to order one brigade up the railroad. My 
messenger was unaccountably delayed, and my dispatch appears not to have reached its 
destination till much later than it should have done. Gen. Heintzelman arrived on the 



AT SEVEN PIKES. 161 

field at about 3 P. M., and the two brigades of his corps, Berry's and Jameson's, of Kear- 
ny's division, which took part in the battle of the 31st, arrived, successively, but the exact 
times of their arrival in the presence of the enemy I am unable to fix with certainty ; and 
in this report I am not always able to fix times with exactness, but they are nearly exact. 

"Casey's division, holding the front line, was first seriously attacked at about 12 :30 P. 
M. The 103d Penna Vols., sent forward to support the pickets, broke shortly and re- 
treated, joined by a great many sick. The numbers as they passed down the road as strag- 
glers conveyed an exaggerated idea of surprise and defeat. There was no surprise how- 
ever. All the effective men of that division were under arms, and all the batteries were in 
position, with their horses harnessed (except some belonging to the guns in the redoubt), 
and ready to fight as soon as the enemy's forces came into view. Their numbers were 
vastly disproportionate to the mighty host which assailed them in front and on both flanks. 

"As remarked above, the picket line being only about 1,000 yards in advance of the 
line of battle and the country covered with forests, the Confederates, arriving fresh and 
confident, formed their lines and masses under the shelter of woods, and burst upon us 
with great suddenness, and had not our regiments been under arms they would have swept 
through our lines and routed us completely. As it was, however, Casey's division held its 
line of battle for more than three hours, and the execution done upon the enemy was shown 
by the number of rebel dead left upon the field after the enemy had held possession of that 
part of it for upward of twenty-four hours. 

"For the details of the conflict with Casey's line I must refer to his report, and to the 
reports of Brig.-Gens. Naglee, Palmer, and Wessells, whose activity I had many opportuni- 
ties to witness. When applied to for them, I sent re-enforcements to sustain Casey's line 
until the numbers were so much reduced in the second line that no more could be spared. 
1 then refused, though applied to for further aid. 

"I shall now proceed to describe the operations of the second line, which received my 
uninterrupted supervision, composed principally of Couch's division, second line. As the 
pressure on Casey's division became greater he applied to me for re-enforcements. I con- 
tinued to send them as long as I had troops to spare. Col. McCarter, with the !>3d Penna. 
Peck's Brigade, engaged the enemy on the left, and maintained his ground above two hours, 
until overwhelming numbers forced him to retire, which he did in good order. 

"At about 2 o'clock P. M. I ordered the 55th New York * * * to "save the guns," 
meaning some of Casey's. The regiment moved up the Williamsburg road at double-quick, 
conducted by Gen. Naglee, where it beat off the enemy, on the point of seizing some guns, 
and held its position more than an hour. * * ' At a little past 2 o'clock I ordered Neill's 
23d and Rippey's 61st Penna. Regiments to move to the support of Casey's right. Neill 
attacked the enemy twice with great gallantry. In the first attack the enemy were driven 
back. In the second attack, and under the immediate command of Gen. Couch, these two 
regiments assailed a vastly superior force of the enemy and fought with extraordinary 
bravery, though compelled at last to retire. They brought in 35 prisoners. Both regiments 
were badly cut up. Col. Rippey, of the 61st, and his adjutant, were killed. The lieutenant- 
colonel and major were wounded and are missing. The casualties in the 61st amount to 263, 
and are heavier than in any other regiment in Couch's division. After this attack the 23rd 
took part in the hard fighting which closed the day near the Seven Pines. The 61st with- 
drew in detachments, some of which came again into action near my headquarters. 

"Almost immediately after ordering the 23d and 61st to support the right, and as soon 
as they could be reached, I sent the 7th Mass., and 62d New York, to re-enforce them. The 
overpowering advance of the enemy obliged these regiments to proceed to Fair Oaks, where 
they fought under the immediate orders of Gens. Couch and Abercrombie. There they 
joined the 1st U. S. Chasseurs, previously ordered to that point, and the 31st Penna. on 
duty there when the action commenced. 

"At the time when the enemy was concentrating troops from the right, left and front 
upon the redoubt and other works in the front of Casey's headquarters and near the Wil- 
liamsburg road the danger became imminent that he would overcome the resistance there 
and advance down the road and through the abatis. * * * After seeing the 10th Mass. 
and the adjoining line well at work under a murderous fire I observed that that portion 
of the line 150 yards to my left was crumbling away, some falling and others retiring. I 
perceived also that the artillery had withdrawn, and that large bodies of broken troops 
were leaving the center and moving down the Williamsburg road to the rear. Assisted by 
Capt. Suydam, Capt. de Villarceau, and Lieuts. Jackson and Smith, of my staff, I tried in 
vain to check the retreating current. 

"Passing through to the opening of our intrenched camps of the 28th ultimo, I found 
Gen. Heintzclman and other officers engaged in rallying the men, and in a very short time 
a large number were induced to face about. * * * The last line, formed of portions of 
Couch's and Casey's divisions and a portion of Kearny's division, checked the advance of 
the enemy and finally repulsed him, and this was the beginning of the victory which on 
the following day was so gloriously completed. 

"The reports of divisions and brigade commanders I trust will be published with this 
immediately. I ask their publication as an act of simple justice to the Fourth Corps, 



162 CASEY'S DIVISION 

against which many groundless aspersions and incorrect statements have been circulated in 
the newspapers since the battle. These reports are made by men who observed the con- 
flict while under fire, and if they are not in the main true, the truth will never be known." 
(O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 872-878.) 

From Gen. Keyes' testimony before the Joint Congressional Committee on the Conduct 
of the War, May 28, 1863: 

"On the 28th of May I received this communication: Camp 2 miles from Bottom's 
Bridge, May 28, 18(32. General : The brigadier-general desires you to order Brig.-Gen. 
Casey to move forward his division to the clearing by two houses and a woodpile, about 
three-quarters of a mile in advance of his present position, and to fortify it. He also 
desires you to move Gen. Couch's division forward to the Seven Pines. These movements 
to be made at (i a. m. tomorrow morning. He wishes you to direct Gen. Casey to complete 
the approaches to the bridge he is building over the Chickahominy river." * * * It is 
signed by Chauncey McKeever as chief of staff to Gen. Heintzelman. I thought the arrange- 
ment thus ordered a very bad one, and I expressed my objections several times and I 
received this note from Gen. Heintzelman: 'Head-Quars. Left Wing, etc., May 29, 1862. 
General : The brigadier-general commanding instructs me to say that he moves forward 
a brigade of Gen. Kearny's division this morning to a position not over two miles from 
the Seven Pines. In case of an attack Gen. Kearny's division could reinforce you in half 
an hour. * * * The position occupied by your corps was selected by Gen. Barnard and 
Lieut. Comstock, of the engineers, and instructions to occupy it came from Maj.-Gen. 
McClellan. The major-general commanding has also directed that the Third Corps shall 
not be moved forward, unless to prevent yours from being driven back. * * * Chauncey 
McKeever, Chief of Staff.' 

"I had understood that the engineers had examined the position to be occupied by 
me in force. I objected to the position strongly and repeatedly. * * * I did not move 
forward with my force to the position at Seven Pines and the woodpile in force until the 
morning of the 29th of May. The weather generally was very unfavorable about that time 
and the roads very muddy. The men of my corps having been continually in the front, 
were very much fatigued. But I ordered them immediately to set all the disposable force 
to work to fortify the position. As there was a great deal of scouting to be done and a 
great deal of picket and guard duty required of the men, the amount of labor they were 
able to perform was comparatively small. The whole time they had was the part of the 29th 
left, after moving their positions, and the 30th to work on their intrenchments, which con- 
sisted of rifle-pits and a small pentangular redoubt, and some slashings that were cut. 
* * * On the 29th of May I wrote to Gen. McClellan, of which the following is an 
extract: 'Inasmuch as my position is so far advanced, I should like to know what force, 
in an emergency, I could call upon, with its position.' On the same day I wrote to Gen. 
Marcy that I had seen the enemy in line of battle on that day and the day before on my 
right. The following is an extract from that note : 'The position now held by my corps 
is far advanced. I think I can hold it. At the same time I confess the difficulty of so 
doing, if attacked by a large force, would be much greater than that of defending the posi- 
tion left by Couch this morning. It is my opinion that other troops should be advanced 
nearer to me than any I know of now, as the roads are in the most wretched condition.' 
On the 30th of May at 2 p. m. I wrote to Gen. Heintzelman: 'I am just in from an exam- 
ination of the road leading to the front of my position. In the front the enemy is astir. 
He drove in Casey's outer line of pickets, killing and wounding some of our people, and 
leaving some dead. We drove back the enemy, 400 strong, and now occupy our position 
of last night. As Casey's left flank is threatened, I have ordered Couch to send a brigade 
to support the left. / regard tliis as a matter of pickets, but shall be glad when I learn that 
Gen. Sumner is across so as to strengthen my right.' * * * I wrote again to Gen. 
Marcy on the morning of the 31st * * * and I stated * * * everything indicates an 
attack on my position, which is only tolerable strong, and my forces too weak to defend it 
properly. * * * The position which was occupied by Gen. Casey's line, which was the 
first line, was so near the enemy, and the country was so thickly wooded, that there was 
no moment in which we might not have been attacked by masses of the enemy, who could 
have reached our lines in about fifteen minutes from the time they first showed themselves. 
On the day of the battle, however, the firing commenced gradually, and all the troops of 
both my divisions were under arms, and all the artillery harnessed, except those belonging 
to the battery which was inside a little fort, built by Gen. Casey. I was on horseback an 
hour and a half, riding along my lines, before I considered the action serious. I did not 
send word to Gen. Heintzelman to send forward reinforcements until, I think, about one 
o'clock. I became aware that it was a serious attack, an attack in force, about half past 
twelve o'clock. I have reason to believe that my messenger was delayed, and that he did 
not deliver my message as quickly by a great deal as he ought to have done. As to the 
battle itself, I refer to my report of it, which is better than anything else I could now state. 
The only point in my report which I wish to change is, that I think instead of Gen. Heintzel- 
man arriving on the field about 3 o'clock, he arrived there at nearer 4 o'clock than 3 o'clock. 



AT SEVEN PINES. 163 

I saw some of his troops before I saw him. I did not consider the battle serious until the 
shot began to fall about me where I stood, and until I could see the masses of the enemy 
bursting through the woods in front of Casey's line. Question : "What was the strength 
of your corps at the time of the battle of Seven Pines? Answer: "I have before me the 
returns of my corps on the 25th of May, in which Casey's division is put down at 6,932 and 
Couch's division at 8,746. Between the 25th and the day of the battle quite a number of the 
men were taken sick, and my picket-line was so long, and the detachments so numerous, 
that I am willing to state my impression that I had not more than 12,000 men actually 
engaged on the 31st of May.' * * * Gen. Hooker told me that he had passed some little 
distance beyond the line that had been occupied by Casey's pickets before the battle, but 
when I visited Gen. Hooker's front, two or three days after the battle, I found that his 
picket line was not so far advanced by some two hundred yards as mine had been." (Report 
Conduct of the War, part 1, pp. 597-614.) 

From report of Brig. Gen. Silas Casey, commanding Second Division, Fourth Corps. 

"I occupied with my division the advanced position of the army, about three-fourths of 
a mile from the cross-roads at the Seven Pines, where I caused rifle pits and a redoubt to 
be thrown up ; also an abatis to be commenced about one-third of a mile in front of the 
piiS, and parties were employed upon these works on the morning of the 31st. Previously 
to occupying my last position I had occupied the cross roads, and had there also caused an 
abatis to be cut and earthworks to be commenced. 

"On the 29th, the day on which I moved my camp forward, and also on the 30th, my 
advanced pickets had been attacked by bodies of the enemy; on the former day by a force 
of 300, and on the next by one of 400 in number. The pickets on the first day succeeded 
in driving the enemy back in confusion, killing and wounding a number, with a loss on my 
part of but 2 killed and 2 wounded. Major Kelley, of the 96th Regiment New York Vols., 
was one of my killed. The major was in command of the pickets at this point, and by his 
gallant conduct animated the men to the firm resistance offered. 

"In the attack of the 30th I ordered the 100th New York Vols, to move to the support 
of the pickets. With the assistance of this regiment, under command of Col. Brown, they 
succeeded in repelling the attack, the enemy leaving 6 of his dead upon the ground. 

"On the morning of the 31st my pickets toward the right of my line succeeded in cap- 
turing Lieutenant Washington, an aide of Gen. Johnston, of the rebel service. This cir- 
cumstance, in connection with the fact that Col. Hunt, my general officer of the day, had re- 
ported to me that his outer pickets had heard cars running nearly all night on the Rich- 
mond end of the railroad, led me to exercise increased vigilance. Between 11 and 12 o'clock 
a mounted vedette was sent in from the advanced pickets to report that a body of the 
enemy was in sight, approaching the Richmond road. I immediately ordered the 103d Regi- 
ment Penna. Vols, to advance to the front, for the purpose of supporting the pickets. It 
was soon afterward reported to me by a mounted vedette that the enemy were advancing in 
force, and about the same time two shells were thrown over my camp. I was led to be- 
lieve that a serious attack was contemplated, and immediately ordered the division under 
arms, the men at work on the rifle pits and abatis to be recalled and to join their regi- 
ments, the artillery to be harnessed up at once, and made my dispositions to repel the enemy. 
While these were in progress the pickets commenced firing. 

"I directed Spratt's battery of four pieces 3-inch rifled guns to advance in front of the 
rifle pits about one-fourth of a mile, in order to reply with advantage to the enemy's artil- 
lery, which I knew was in battery in front of my picket line, and also to shell the enemy as 
soon as the withdrawal of the pickets and their supports should permit. I supported this 
battery by the 104th Regiment Penna. Vols., the 11th Regiment Maine Vols., and the 100th 
Regiment New York Vols., of the First Brigade, and the 92d Regiment New York Vols., of 
the Third Brigade. I placed Capt. Bates' battery, commanded by Lieutenant Hart, in a re- 
doubt; Captain Regan's battery in rear and on the right of the rifle pits, and Capt. Fitch's 
battery in rear of the redoubt. The 85th Regiment New York Vols, occupied the rifle 
pits on the left and the 85th Regiment Penna. Vols, those on the right. The 101st Regiment 
Penna. Vols, were posted on the right of these regiments, and the 81st, 98th, and 96th Regi- 
ment New York Vols, were advanced to cover the left flank. For several days the 5?d Regi- 
ment Penna. Vols, had occupied a position on the Nine-mile road as a support to my ad- 
vanced pickets on my right flank, and the 56th Regiment New York Vols, had held a position 
on the railroad. I made no change in the positions of these last two regiments. About fif- 
teen minutes after these dispositions had been completed I directed the advanced battery to 
open on the artillery and advancing columns of the enemy. In a short time after the 103d 
Regiment Penna. Vols., which at the first alarm had been ordered to the support of the 
pickets, came down the road in some confusion, having suffered considerable loss from the 
fire of the rebel advance. The enemy now attacked me in large force on the center and 
both wings, and a brisk fire of musketry commenced along the two opposing lines, my ar- 
tillery in the meantime throwing canister into their ranks with great effect. Perceiving 
at length that the enemy were threatening me upon both wings, for want of re-inforcements, 
which had been repeatedly asked for, and that his column still pressed on, I then, in order to 



164 CASEY'S DIVISION 

save my artillery, ordered a charge of bayonets by the four supporting regiments at the 
center, which was executed in a most gallant and successful manner under the immediate 
direction of Brig.-Gen. Naglee, commanding First Brigade, the enemy being driven back. 
When the charge had ceased, but not until the troops had reached the edge of the wood, 
the most terrible fire of musketry commenced that I have ever witnessed. The enemy again 
advanced in force, and the flanks being again severely threatened, a retreat to the works be- 
came necessary. 

"To be brief, the rifle pits were retained until they were almost enveloped by the 
enemy, the troops with some exceptions fighting with spirit and gallantry. The troops then 
retreated to the second line, in possession of Gen. Couch's division. Two pieces of artillery 
were placed in the road between the two lines, which did good execution upon the advancing 
foe. 

"On my arrival at the second line I succeeded in rallying a small portion of my division, 
and with the assistance of Gen. Kearny, who had just arrived at the head of one of the 
brigades of his division, attempted to regain possession of my works, but it was found 
impracticable. The troops of Gen. Couch's division were driven back, although re-enforced 
by the corps of Gen. Heintzelman. 

"The corps of Gens. Keyes and Heintzelman having retired to the third line by direction 
of Gen. Heintzelman, I there collected together what remained of my division. 

"The 52d Regiment Penna. Vols, and the 56th Regiment New York Vols, were under 
the particular direction of Brigadier-General Naglee, and I refer to his report for further 
mention of them. 

"Gen. Naglee behaved with distinguished gallantry through the engagement, having a 
horse killed under him and receiving four contused wounds from musket balls. Gens. 
Palmer and Wessells encouraged by their example their men to do their duty on the field. 
Gen. Wessells had a horse shot under him and himself received a wound in the shoulder. 

"Lieuts. West and Foster, my aides-de-camp, were active through the day, affording me 
much service and behaving gallantly. Captain Davis, of the Provost guard of my division, 
acted as my aide a portion of the time, rendering much assistance and conducting himself 
in a gallant manner. I also feel much indebted to my medical director, Dr. Crosby, for the 
energy he evinced in collecting the wounded and his promptness and skill in providing for 
them. 

"I have enclosed a list of the killed, wounded, and missing, as also the reports of the 
commanders of brigades, to which I refer. 

"I cannot forbear mention of the severe misfortune suffered by the division and the 
service in the loss of Col. G. D. Bailey, my chief of artillery, who fell in the attempt to 
spike the pieces in my redoubt, which were necessarily abandoned. Col. Bailey was an officer 
of thorough military education; of clear and accurate mind; cool, determined, and in- 
trepid in the discharge of his duty, and promising with riper years to honor still more the 
profession to which he was devoted. About the same time, also, fell Maj. Van Valken- 
burgh, of the First Regiment New York Artillery, a brave, discreet, and energetic officer. 

"Under the circumstances, I think it my duty to add a few remarks with regard to my 
division. On leaving Washington eight of the regiments were composed of raw troops. It 
has been the misfortune of the division in marching through the Peninsula to be subjected 
to an ordeal which would have severely tried veteran troops. Furnished with scanty trans- 
portation, occupying sickly positions, exposed to the inclemency of the weather at times, 
without tents or blankets, and illy supplied with rations and medical stores, the loss from 
sickness has been great, especially with the officers ; yet a party from my division took pos- 
session of the railroad bridge across the Chickahominy, driving the enemy from it, and my 
division took the advance on the 23d of May and by an energetic reconnaissance drove the 
enemy beyond the Seven Pines. 

"Notwithstanding all these drawbacks, and the fact that there were not 5,000 men in 
line of battle, they withstood for three hours the attack of an overwhelming force of the 
enemy without the re-enforcement of a single man at my first line. The 55th Regiment 
New York Vols, reached my second line just before it was evacuated. 

"If a portion of the division did not behave so well as could have been wished, it must 
be remembered to what a terrible ordeal they were subjected. Still, those that behaved dis- 
creditably were exceptional cases. It is true that the division after being nearly surrounded 
by the enemy and losing one-third of the number actually engaged, retreated to the second 
line. They would all have been prisoners of war had they delayed their retreat a few 
minutes longer. 

"In my humble opinion, from what I witnessed on the 31st, I am convinced that the 
stubborn and desperate resistance of my division saved the army on the right bank of the 
Chickahominy from a severe repulse, which might have resulted in a disastrous defeat. The 
blood of the gallant dead would cry to me from the ground on which they fell fighting for 
their country had I not said what I have to vindicate them from the unmerited aspersion 
which has been cast upon them." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 913-916.) 



AT SEVEN PINES. 165 

Under date of June 18, Gen. Casey made an additional report as follows: 

"I wish to add to my report of the operations of my division the following: The 
number of men actually in line (including artillery) was 4.300. Killed, officers 12, enlisted 
men, 165; total, 177; wounded, officers, 51; enlisted men, 883; total, 934; missing, officers, 
10; enlisted men, 312; total, officers, 73; enlisted men, 1,360; total 1,433. Many of the 
missing are supposed to be killed. (O. R. Ser. I. Vol. XI, part I, p. 917.) 

From Gen. Casey's testimony before the Joint Congressional Committee on the Con- 
duct of the War : 

"We went forward to the Seven Pines, driving the enemy, and took up our position. 
I there commenced establishing myself, making rifle-pits and cutting abatis. Soon after I 
got established I was ordered (contrary to my advice and opinion) three-quarters of a mile 
to the front, within six miles of Richmond, my pickets extending to within five miles of 
that city. My division composed of raw troops, with no support on their right or left, 
were pushed like a wedge right up in the presence of a strong force of the enemy, my 
troops having suffered severely in coming up the Peninsula. However, that was the order, 
and I obeyed, and went to work with all my energy to dig rifle-pits, make abatis, etc. For 
two nights the enemy attacked my pickets in force, but were repulsed with loss. * * * 
My pickets frequently killed the enemy 700 or 800 yards off from my line. * They 

attacked me on the morning of the 31st of May. The preceding night was one of the worst 
I ever saw. I never before heard such a thunderstorm as there was on that night. 
About 11 o'clock my pickets took prisoner one of Gen. Johnston's aides. That matter was 
managed exceedingly well. The sergeant in charge ordered the men not to fire upon him, 
but let him come on, when they captured him, with a number of important documents. 
When he was brought in I began to suppose that something serious was contemplated. I 
took this aide, Lieut. Washington, and also my general officer of the day, Col. Hunt, over 
to Gen. Keyes, and reported to him all the circumstances. About 11 o'clock the pickets 
reported by a mounted vedette, that the enemy were approaching, evidently in force. 
* * * I fought that battle in two lines, by which means I think I saved an hour; that 
is, I kept the enemy back for an hour by fighting them in two lines. I put a force in the 
rifle pits and then went out and established a line about one-third of a mile in advance, five 
or six regiments and four pieces of artillery. Soon after another vedette came in and re- 
ported that the enemy were coming in force. I had my artillery all harnessed, and my 
division was in line about a quarter of an hour before the enemy arrived. The enemy 
attacked me twenty minutes of one o'clock. I had sent out the 103d Penna. Regiment 
for the purpose of sustaining the pickets, some time before this. The enemy soon crowded 
upon me, and attacked me in front and on both wings, in force * * *. Question. How 
large a force was your division? Answer. Only 4,380 men. We fought them there on 
that front line. We had four pieces of artillery which were very effective. The enemy 
pressed upon me so hard that in order to save my artillery, I ordered a charge of four 
regiments of infantry and I never saw a handsomer thing in my life than that charge was. 
They drove the enemy away back into the woods ; but he still came on in force, crowded 
upon me in superior numbers, and we were obliged to fall back from our front line to the 
rifle pits. We there fought them until we were almost surrounded. * * * Gen. Keyes 
said that he would send me Abercrombie's brigade, and I selected the position to which I 
would assign it; but it did not come. A regiment came up just before we were compelled 
to retreat from our second line. * * * The enemy came down on Gen. Keyes' second 
line and completely swept it away. And although Gen. Heintzelman came up with one 
division — Kearny's — we could not take back our lines again. Couch's line was swept away, 
and in about an hour we were driven back. Gen. Keyes' corps, reen forced by Gen. Heint- 
zelman, were driven back about two miles from my first line. All that saved our army from 
a disastrous defeat, in my opinion, was Gen. Sumner coming over about six o'clock. I 
have always claimed that my division by its obstinate resistance, saved that army, for it 
enabled Sumner's division to come over in time. Col. Sweitzer, of Gen. McCIellan's staff, 
who went to the enemy's line on a flag of truce, had a conference with Maj.-Gen. Hill, who 
commanded a division of that battle. The colonel, after some conversation with the gen- 
eral, asked him the following question, to which he requested a reply : Question. 'There 
has been considerable discussion and disagreement about the conduct of Casey's division. 
What is your candid opinion of it?' Gen. Hill replied: 'I know it has been animadverted 
and censured. We are very much surprised at it. The division fought as well as I ever 
want to see men fight ; and after it gave way we did not find anything else to fight. Any 
censure of Gen. Casey would be very unjust.' Col. Simpson of the New Jersey Vols, and 
an officer of the topographical engineers, who was a prisoner in Richmond, informed me 
that the Confederate officers expressed much surprise that any censure had been cast on 
my division ; that it fought with more obstinacy than any other fighting on that day, and 
that the determined resistance saved the army of the right bank of the Chickahoming from 
a disastrous defeat.' 

"Gen. Heintzelman, in his report of that battle makes a statement that has no founda- 



166 CASEY'S DIVISION 

tion in fact. He states that an officer reported to him that more men were killed in their 
tents than were killed outside. I do not think there was a man bayoneted in his tent. I saw 
this morning Brigade Surgeon Smith, who was there, and he informed me that he examined 
into that matter particularly, and that he did not find a man who was killed in that way. 
The truth of the matter is just this: My division was placed in an entirely false position, 
and unjust aspersions were cast upon it; whether designedly or not, those who did it know 
best themselves. The enemy retained possession of my works until Monday morning, and 
then evacuated them and retreated. No one drove them out. Gen. McClellan was not on 
the field of battle until after the enemy evacuated. Gen. Heintzelman did not get up until 
nearly four o'clock on Saturday, and the enemy attacked me at 20 minutes to one o'clock. 

"I desire to make one statement here in justice to the 103d (Penna.) Regiment. In 
my report I did not do them justice. I am satisfied of that from the facts which have since 
come to my knowledge. * * * The enemy say that the head of their strong column was 
really checked by that one regiment and the pickets it had been sent out to support." 
(Report Conduct of the War, part 1, pp. 441-447.) 

From report of Gen. H. W. Wessells (comd'g Second Brigade, Casey's division) : 

"Between 12 and 1 o'clock p. m. our pickets posted in front were attacked by the 
enemy. I at once, pursuant to instructions from the brigadier-general commanding the 
division, sent forward the 103d Penna. Vols., Maj. Gazzam, to their support. As the 
firing soon indicated a formidable advance of the enemy, I at once ordered the brigade 
under arms and formed the line of battle in accordance with the instructions of the division 
commander. The 101st Penna. Vols., Lieut. -Col. Morris, was placed on the right of the 
Richmond road, perpendicular to it, the right flank of the battalion extending into the woods 
and in rear of the newly constructed rifle pits. The 85th Penna. Vols., Col. Howell, in rear 
of the rifle pits, extended from the redoubt across the Richmond road, to near the left of 
the 101st. The 96th New York Vols., Col. Fairman, was placed in advance of the rifle pits 
and to the left of the 85th. The battalions being thus disposed, I took my position in rear 
of the 101st and in such manner as to observe the 85th. The 103d being too far to the 
front for my immediate supervision, its movements were left to the judgment of its com- 
mander, whcse report is herewith enclosed. 

"The increase of musketry soon told that the 103d was engaged. Driven from its 
position, it fell back firing and again made a stand. Assailed by overwhelming numbers 
from the front and flank, it again fell back to a new position. Here the enemy approached 
from the right, and. exposed to a terrific fire from the front and both flanks, its flagstaff 
shot away, the regiment again fell back, followed by the enemy, who was seen to emerge 
from the woods in front and advance toward the 101st. The enemy's fire was directed with 
great precision and effect on this regiment, which, however, stood fast and returned the 
fire with coolness and rapidity. Hoping the 101st would be able to maintain its position, 
I crossed to the road in the rear of the 85th, which was now occupying the rifle pits, amid 
a terrific fire from the front, and which was constantly and effectually returned. The 96th 
New York Vols., which up to this time had gallantly maintained its position, was forced 
to fall back to the line of the left of the rifle pits, where it again opened fire and continued 
with great effect until again forced back by a terrific fire from the front and flank, enfilading 
completely the rifle pits occupied by the 85th and 101st. Lieut. -Col. Morris, 101st, in order 
to protect his right, which was assailed by a terrible fire from that flank, caused the right 
wing of his battalion to change front to that direction, and for some time succeeded in 
holding the enemy in check, until he fell severely wounded and was borne from the field, 
when the regiment, assailed by overwhelming numbers, was forced to fall back. 

"The 85th and 90th, having fallen back, were again formed on the left of the road, 
in rear of the camp in the fallen timber, and delivered their fire with great effect, but being 
again flanked and overwhelmed, were compelled again to retire. The right wing of the 
101st, after retiring, deployed to the left, and, passing the left wing, opened its fire, and for 
some time maintained its position, but was at length compelled to fall back. Considerable 
disorder here ensued, the fallen timber and irregularity of the ground preventing the com- 
panies and battalions from preserving their alignment. Different regiments were inter- 
mingled and the line put in confusion. Col. Howell gallantly rallied a part of his regiment 
and regained the rifle pits, but was again driven back. The troops fell back slowly, but with 
some disorder, carrying with them their arms. They were rallied, however, by the efforts 
of Capt. Jeffries, assistant adjutant-general of this brigade, and marched all in good order 
(except the sick, numbering over 300, who abandoned the camp at the commencement of 
the action and fled in the direction of the Chickahominy River in great disorder) to a suit- 
able camping ground, where the line was formed, ammunition sent for across the river, and 
information sent to Gens. Heintzelman, Keyes and Casey of the position of the troops. 

"After the brigade had retired I reported to Brig.-Gen. Keyes, by whom I was directed 
to re-form the line on the right of Devens' rifle pits, and having been driven from that 
position in the same manner as before, with my horse killed under me and a severe con- 
tusion in the shoulder from a musket ball, I fell back near sunset with retreating fragments 
of other brigades and halted at this camp. 



AT SEVEN PINES. 167 

"The casualties are as follows: 34 killed (as shown elsewhere in this article, the fatal 
casualties of one regiment of this brigade, 103d Penna., was 35) ; 271 wounded ; 55 missing. 
A correct list of the names is herewith enclosed. 

"The actual effective strength of the brigade, as appears from the morning reports, 
was 2,061. Of these, 200 comprised the working party on the fortifications ; a like number 
was detailed on picket, which, with the usual details and extra duty men, made our actual 
strength in action less than 1,500 men. 

"During the engagement I was ably assisted by Capt. Jeffries, assistant adjutant- 
general; Lieuts. Williams and Dawson, acting aides-de-camp, who were with me in the 
thickest of the fight. 

"I desire also to notice the conduct of Dr. Rush, acting brigade surgeon, who nobly 
discharged his duty from first to last.'" (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part 1, pp. 926-927.) 

From report of Maj. Audley W. Gazzam, commanding 103rd Penna. Vols. 

"At about 1 o'clock P. M. of the 31st day of May, 1862, under orders from Brigadier- 
General Wessells, I marched my regiment out and formed it immediately in rear of the 
picket reserves and about half a mile from our camp, throwing out two companies, B. & G., 
under command of Captain George W. Gillespie, on the left of the road, to protect that flank, 
the right of the regiment resting on a piece of marshy ground. When the pickets were 
fired on and driven in I ordered the reserve to take their place in the regiment. 

"The enemy now opened a heavy fire on the left and center, which was returned by my 
whole line. The enemy's fire now opened along the whole line, and we were also subjected 
to a very heavy cross fire from both flanks. When I saw that we could no longer hold our 
ground, unsupported as we were, I ordered my men to fall back slowly, which they did, and 
formed on a road running nearly at right angles to the one on which we had entered the 
woods. 

"The overwhelming force of the enemy, which now almost surrounded us, compelled me 
again to retire, to prevent being entirely cut off. Owing to the nature of the ground, which 
was marshy and covered with underwood and fallen timber, it was impossible to retire in 
order. 

"The regiment when marched out consisted of 430 men. The remainder of the com- 
mand was detailed on fatigue and picket duty, and one company of 50 men was detained in 
camp to relieve the pickets then on duty. The loss in killed, wounded and missing, of which 
a detailed report has been made, amounts to 95 men. We encamped for the night in the 
woods back of Savage Station, on the railroad." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part 1, p. 928.) 

From report of Gen. H. M. Xaglee (comd'g First Brigade, Casey's division) : 

"This was the line of our advance on Saturday, the 31st of May, at 12 M., when two 
shells thrown into our camp first announced the hostile intentions of the enemy. * * * 
No alarm was felt by any one, for it was seldom that twenty-four hours passed that we did 
not exchange similar salutations. Soon thereafter it was reported that an attack was im- 
pending. The usual orders were issued, and within half an hour the troops moved to posi- 
tions that were assigned to them by Gen. Casey. Being at this time on the Nine-mile road, 
near a breastwork fronting the Old Tavern, then under construction, and judging from the 
discharges of musketry becoming frequent that something serious was intended, I hastened 
in the direction indicated by the fire and soon arrived upon the ground, on the Williamsburg 
road * * * where I found Gen. Casey, who had placed the 100th New York * * * on 
the left of the road. * * * On the right of the same road was placed Capt. Spratt's * * * 
battery * * *. On the right of this were three companies of the 11th Maine * * * and 
on the right of the 11th Maine were eight companies of the 104th Penna. Four companies 
of the 11th Maine were on picket duty, but being driven in, formed with the 56th New 
York * * * at his encampment, 800 yards in rear of picket line, 200 yards to the left of 
the railroad. Col. Dodge's 52d Penna., supporting the picket line on the extreme right, 
formed at his encampment on the Nine-Miles road, three-quarters of a mile in rear of the 
large Garnett field. The remaining companies of the 104th Penna. and the 11th Maine were 
on picket duty * * * in the direction of the Chickahominy. * * * Soon after my 
arrival upon the ground, about 1 o'clock P. M., the fire then being frequent and from the 
direction of the main Richmond stage road, Gen. Casey gave an order to the 100th New 
York, 104th Penna., and 11th Maine to charge, when, as reported by Col. Davis — 

"'The regiments sprang forward toward the enemy with a tremendous yell. In our 
way was a high worm fence, which cut our former line of battle, but the boys sprang over 
it into the same enclosure with the enemy, where we formed and renewed the fight. The 
battle now raged with great fury and the firing was much hotter than before. Spratt's bat- 
tery during this time had kept up a lively fire in the same direction. At about 3 P. M. the 
enemy being largely reenforced, pressed us in front and flank, and seeing that we could not 
hold our position much longer unless reenforced, I dispatched an officer to Gen. Casey for 
that purpose. The colonel of the 100th New York being killed, the colonel of the 104th 
being severely wounded; the major mortally wounded; the lieutenant colonel being absent; 
half of our men having fallen killed or wounded; the enemy ten times our number, being 



168 CASEY'S DIVISION 

within a few feet of us, one of them striking Sergt. Porter, the left guide of the 104th, over 
the neck with his musket; several of the 11th Maine being bayonetted; receiving no rein- 
forcements, we were ordered with Spratt's battery to retire, but unfortunatly, the horses 
of one of the pieces being killed, we were compelled to abandon that piece.' 

"The enemy endeavored to follow up this success, and was advancing in closed 
columns, when, our troops being sufficiently withdrawn, Col. Bailey, * * * at my 
request, directed the fire of the batteries of Fitch and Bates * * * to be concentrated 
upon the advancing mass. * * * Congratulating Col. Bailey upon his gallant conduct 
* * * and suggesting that, in the event of being compelled to abandon another piece, he 
should instruct his gunners to spike before leaving it, he went into the redoubt to give these 
orders when he was shot * * * and died a few minutes after * * * Soon after this 
Maj. Van Valkenburgh was killed by a rifle ball whilst actively engaged in working these 
batteries, and but a little while after Lieut. Rumsey, * * * in the same manner. All 
the field and staff officers being killed I assumed the direction of the batteries composing 
the 1st New York Artillery. No reinforcements having been sent to us * * * about 
3:30 P. M. I rode to the rear and led up the 55th New York, and placed it in line perpendicu- 
lar to the Williamsburg road, about 50 yards in advance of the redoubt, the left resting a short 
distance from the road. * * * Leaving the 55th my attention was directed toward the 
right where I found the 50th New York with the 11th Maine, who after four hours' contest 
had fallen back about 400 yards, and were again placed by me at 4:10 o'clock in a depression 
in the ground about midway between the Williamsburg road and the railroad and about 300 
yards in front of the Nine-Mile road. Near by I found the 52d Penna,. which had been 
ordered from the right, and I placed them in echelon to the right and front of the 56th, 
with the right resting on a large pond. At this time the fire here had considerably slackened, 
but was increasing on the left. Returning in about an hour to the left I found the 55th 
engaged to their utmost extent, and ascertained » * * that there were none of our 
troops between the White Oak Swamp and a line parallel with and but 200 yards from 
the Williamsburg road. He had more than an hour before discovered this, and with 
sharpshooters concealed in the woods to the left and rear of the redoubt and rifle pits they 
had killed many of our most valuable officers, had picked off the cannoneers, and had killed 
from three to four horses out of every team attached to the 1st New York Artillery, and 
at the time of my return had driven our men from the rirle-pits. No time was to be lost. 
Fitch's battery was ordered to the rear. The battery under Lieut. Hart was next ordered 
to retire, but it was soon found that but one limber could be moved. 1 ordered the pieces 
to be spiked, but after spiking the pieces in the redoubt those on the outside of it were in 
the possession of the enemy. By way of precaution I had ordered the prolonges to be fixed 
to the sections of Regan's battery still firing up the Williamsburg road, and ordered it to 
retire firing until in the abattis that crosses the road, and I then withdrew the 55th under 
the protection of its fire. This regiment had fought most gallantly, suffered severely, and 
contributed much in the end toward saving Regan's battery from falling into the hands 
of the enemy; and then, the entire field in front of and including the redoubt being in pos- 
session of the enemy, who had pressed to within a few yards of us, it being necessary to 
support many of the wounded horses to keep them from falling in the traces, at 5:15 P. M. 
we brought the last sections of Bailey's New York artillery from the field, the air being at 
this time literally filled with iron and lead. Returning rapidly to my 56th New York, 11th 
Maine, and 52d Penna., my anticipations here were realized. Being successful in turning 
our left (lank, the enemy had opened a most destructive cross-fire upon them from the 
pieces near the redoubt that had not been spiked, and this, with the fire from their imme- 
diate front, was no longer to be endured, and they were withdrawn and marched down the 
Nine-mile road, and placed in position in rear of this road about 300 yards from Seven 
Pines, when soon their services were required. In the meanwhile Col. Neill, of the 23d 
Penna., had come upon the ground occupied by Col. Dodge, and induced him to advance 
in front and to the right of the position that had been assigned to him, whilst he (Col. 
Neill) occupied that which the 52d Penna. vacated; but these dispositions were scarcely 
made before the masses of the enemy broke through, and a few minutes sufficed to leave 
the half of Dodge's command upon the ground and to force Neill precipitately from the 
position. The remaining portion of the 52d — for it was now reduced to a little over a 
hundred men — were conducted along the Nine-mile road to the Seven Pines, when, finding 
the rifle pits occupied, they took possession of a fence and some outhouses, and did most 
effective service. Afterward they crossed to the left of Couch's position, and advanced 200 
yards into and along the woods to the left and in front of the Seven Pines, where they 
remained actively employed until nearly dark, when the enemy, advancing rapidly, in 
masses to the rear of the Nine-mile road, inclined toward the Williamsburg road, sweep- 
ing everything to the rear, which did not stop until all had arrived at the line of defense 
1 mile in that direction. The 52d, having their retreat cut off, escaped by passing through 
the woods to the left and rear to the saw-mill at the White Oak Swamp and thence to the 
line above referred to, where they rejoined their comrades of the First Brigade. Following 
down the Nine-mile road, after Dodge was compelled to retreat about 500 yards from the 
outer section at the Seven Pines, I found Col. J. W. Adams, commanding the 1st Long 



AT SEVEN PINES. 169 

Island, which was placed across the road, a portion of the right flank being in rear of it, 
with the left flank extending to the front and left. Advising Col. Adams of the rapid 
approach of the enemy, of the direction he was coming, and of the position of the 56th and 
104th on his left, he withdrew the left flank of the Long Island to the rear of the Nine-mile 
road, making a continuous line with the above, and the men were ordered to lie down, 
that they should escape the murderous fire that was incessantly pouring in from the front. 
Scarcely was this done when the 87th New York, Col. Stephen A. Dodge, of Kearny's divi- 
sion, Heintzelman's corps, came along the Nine-mile road with rapid step, cheering most 
vociferously, passed the 11th Maine, 104th Penna., and the 1st Long Island about 50 yards, 
received a volley, broke, and passed the whole of them, running over the backs of those 
lying down, the latter remaining undisturbed, until ordered to rise and meet the accumu- 
lated force that was bearing all before it. Volley after volley was given and received. An 
order was given to charge, but 100 yards brought us into such close proximity with the 
enemy that a sheet of fire was blazing in our faces. The ranks on both sides were rapidly 
thinning, but still the great disparity in our number continued. So close were the contending 
forces, that our men in many instances whilst at a charge poured their fire into the breasts 
of the enemy within a few feet from the points of their bayonets. This dreadful contest 
lasted until nearly dark. My 50th and 104th suffered dreadfully, lost the greater part of their 
officers and men, and were compelled to give way, carrying their wounded with them. It 
was then in the language of Lieut. Haney, of the 104th : 

" 'That I (Lieut. Haney) and Lieut. Ashenfelter and others led Capt. Corcoran, Capt. 
Swartzlander, and Lieut. Hendrie off the field. It was getting dark ; it was about half an 
hour before dark. We went down the Nine-mile road and along the Williamsburg road. 
The fighting was nearly over; our troops were all returning; we saw the enemy not over 
75 yards in our rear, and no troops between us and them. All of our forces were moving 
back, little regard being paid to brigade, regimental, or even company organization. Kearny's 
troops came, but did not stay long. Capt. Corcoran becoming continually weaker, we were 
compelled to carry him.' 

"* * * I have shown in the history of the battle of the Seven Pines the conduct 
of every one of the regiments of the First Brigade from the time the first volley was 
fired at noon until the enemy, having driven our troops from the ground near dark, cut off 
the retreat of the 52d by the Williamsburg road, and were still annoyed by their deadly fire. 
* * * For three and a half hours we contested every inch of ground with the enemy, 
and did not yield in that time the half of 1 mile. We fought from 12 M. until 3:30 P. M. 
with but little assistance, and until dark with our comrades of other regiments and of other 
divisions whenever we could be of service, and when at dark the enemy swept all before 
him, we were the last to leave the field. Since the battle of Seven Pines, now nearly three 
weeks, a force ten times that of Casey and Couch have not been able to regain the line of 
outposts established by the First Brigade on the 26th of May, our present line being half 
a mile in rear thereof. * * * Conduct such as this, if not worthy of commendation, 
should not call forth censure, for censure undeserved chills the ardor and daring of the 
soldier and dishonors both the living and the dead." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, Part I, pp. 921- 
926.) 

From Col. W. W. H. Davis' report (comd'g 104th Penna.. Naglee's brigade ) : 

"About 12 :30 o'clock noon an aide-de-camp of Gen. Casey came to my quarters on the 
Nine-mile road and ordered me to get my regiment under arms immediately. In a few 
minutes afterward it was formed on the color line cut in the bushes. I had but eight 
companies in line, the other two being on picket. My effective strength was a little less 
than 400 men. Shortly after we formed another aide came to my quarters with orders to 
move the regiment out by the left flank to a clearing between the Nine-mile and Williams- 
burg roads to support Spratt's battery of 10 pounders. We marched along a path I had 
caused to be cut through the bushes a few days before, and formed line in the edge of 
the timber a little to the right and rear of the battery. I had hardly dressed my line when 
I was ordered to advance my regiment into the clearing in front, which was done as 
quickly as possible. To attain this position we had to cross the abatis formed to prevent the 
approach of the enemy, and my line was a considerable distance in front of the battery I 
was sent to support. The right of the regiment rested on the timber which flank in on 
that side. Skirmishing had been going on before we arrived on the field, and soon after- 
ward the skirmishers came running in, pressed back by the enemy. The enemy's bullets 
fell in my ranks while the line was being formed. Nevertheless, the regiment was dressed 
with the precision of a dress parade. We opened with a general volley, the first fired that 
day, which announced the action commenced in earnest, and until it was concluded there 
was a perfect rattle of musketry and roar of artillery. The men began to fall, killed or 
wounded, but there was no faltering. Every officer and man stool up to his work. Seeing 
a movement of the enemy on our right as though about to flank us in that direction, Com- 
panies A and D were pushed into the timber to prevent it. The enemy now came out of 
the timber and pressed down upon us in overwhelming numbers. Their fire was withering. 
We had now teen under fire about an hour and a half, and our ranks were much thinner. 



17ii CASEY'S DIVISION 

The enemy was now pressing me hard in front and on the right flank, and their fire had 
approached so near as to endanger the battery. Under these circumstances I ordered a 
charge, the regiment at the word springing forward and advancing with a loud huzzah 
toward the enemy. It had the effect of gaining time and enabled us to hold the enemy 
longer in check. Seeing I must relinquish my ground unless reenforced, I sent Lieut. 
Ashenfeltcr to Gen. Casey on the Williamsburg road with the request that he would send 
me a regiment to support the 104th. He passed twice between the two armies unharmed. 
He sent word that if I could hold my position a few minutes longer he would reenforce 
me. The fight had now raged two hours with great fierceness, and almost one-half my 
regiment had fallen. In this part of the field the 104th was contending single handed 
with overwhelming numbers. We could hold our ground no longer, and the superior num- 
bers of the enemy and the want of the promised support, compelled us to retire. The 
mtn left the ground slowly and sullenly and retired down the Nine-mile road to near 
where it joins the Williamsburg road, where they halted and later in the day fell into 
line to resist the approach of the enemy. Company F came in from the picket-line during 
the afternoon and took part in the action toward the close of the day. Company E was 
less fortunate. It was surrounded by the enemy on the picket-line, and Lieut. Croll and 
about sixty men were captured. Among our wounded was Maj. John M. Gries, who was 
mortally shot in the hip while attempting to rescue the colors, which were brought off in 
safety. He died a few days afterward in Philadelphia. Lieut. McDowell was killed on 
the field, and his body fell into the hands of the enemy. In addition I had 9 officers 
wounded, 16tj non-commissioned officers and privates, and 62 taken prisoners. Both offi- 
cers and men are particularly noticeable for their good conduct ; and among others, Chaplain 
Gries made himself very useful in attending upon the wounded. I received a rifle bullet in 
my left elbow and was hit by a spent ball on my left breast, and am now at home recover- 
ing from my wounds." (O. R. Series I, Vol. LI, Part I, page 99.) 

From Col. H. M. Plaisted's report (comd'g 11th Maine Regiment, Naglee's brigade) : 

"I was on the picket line near the Williamsburg road about noon of the 31st, being 
general officer of the day, when our pickets were attacked by the enemy and driven in. 
1 met Gen. Casey soon after emerging from the woods. He imindiately ordered out the 
llth Maine and the 100th New York. Returning to my camp, opposite Gen. Casey's head- 
quarters, I met three companies of the regiment, under the command of Maj. Campbell. 
* * * The balance of the regiment (7 companies) were on picket. Taking command 
of the battalion, I moved it up the Williamsburg road a short distance, halted and loaded 
under a scattering lire * * *. Orders then came to move my regiment up and support 
Capt. Spratt's battery, then hotly engaged on the right of the road, about 200 yards in 
advance. I moved to post my companies on the right of the battery, as it was supported 
on the left by the 100th New York.' To avoid shots directed to silence the battery, I filed 
to the right across the road to the woods about 150 yards, and, under cover of the woods, 
advanced in line of battle to the front until opposite the right of the battery, then by the 
left flank to my position — about 30 yards from the right of the battery * * *. I ordered 
my men to lie down behind a ridge that protected them, and reserve their fire until the 
rebels emerged from the woods. Soon after, Gen. Naglee rode in front of my line amidst a 
shower of bullets, and ordered me to charge. With the greatest enthusiasm the order was 
obeyed. Willi the 104th Penna. on my right, we advanced across the open space two or 
three hundred yards to the fence, and not more than 50 yards from the woods, wheTe 
we opened fire. We maintained our fire and our position until two-thirds of my commis- 
sioned officers and one-half my battalion were either killed or wounded, my flag per- 
forated by eleven bullets, flagstaff shot away, and the supports upon my right had left. 
Then reluctantly I gave the order, 'Retreat!' I retreated to my old camp-ground with the 
remains of my three companies, and after a little while retired to the Nine-mile road, 100 
yards to the rear, where I supposed the rally would be made. Twice the shattered flag 
was raised to rally the fugitives of other regiments, but only those who stood by it before 
would stand by it now. In good order we retired to near Savage Station." 

From Gen. Palmer's report (comd'g Third Brigade, Casey's division) : 

"My command, consisting of the 81st, 92d, 85th, and 98th New York Vols., numbered in 
the aggregate about 1,200. Of this number 400 of the effective officers and men were at 
the commencement of the engagement on picket guard or on duty with working parties. A 
great portion of these did not join their regiments, as they should have done, but were 
permitted by the officers in charge of them to ramble about, and of course doing but little 
service. The sick, or those reputed sick, in the brigade numbered some hundreds, and in 
some companies there were no commissioned officers — in the most of them not more than 
one — and 1 estimate the whole fighting force on the ground at less than 1,000 officers and 
men. For this condition of my command I hold myself in no way responsible; but this 
matter w'ill be the subject of a special report. It is fair to presume that with this force 
it was not expected to do much more than hold in check the enemy, who advanced so 
rapidly that while the men were in the rifle pits they were raked by a fire from both flanks. 



AT SEVEN PINES. 171 

The disposition of the regiments was made by the order of the commanding general of 
the division and was as follows: The 81st was deployed in the field to the extreme left of 
our line and in front of the woods through which the enemy made the flank movement. The 
85th occupied the left rifle pits, while the 92d and 98th were ordered to the front and to 
the support of the batteries. A very short time after the 81st was placed in position by 
myself, and while I was passing toward the right, the enemy appeared suddenly in front 
of them and delivered a deadly fire. The commanding officer, Lieut. Col. De Forest, was 
wounded, supposed mortally; the major, McAmbly, one captain, Kingman, and several 
men were killed, and many officers and men wounded. The enemy's fire was returned, 
but the force in front was too great for new troops and they retired, leaving many of 
their number on the field, to the woods only a few rods to the rear. The 85th stood their 
ground well in the rifle pits, and I am convinced did good execution. My regiments were 
so situated and the smoke was so dense on the field that it was impossible for me to see 
more than one regiment at a time. While passing along the line I discovered that our 
whole position was gradually becoming enveloped, and that unless re-enforcements should 
soon arrive it must be abandoned. An unfortunate affair occurred about the time of the 
closing in of the enemy on the flanks. A shell thrown from one of our own batteries burst 
just over the rifle pits, killing and wounding several of the 85th, which up to this time 
had stood its ground well. About the same time Col. Hunt of the 92d, who was encour- 
aging his men to hold their position, was shot in the thigh, and he was compelled to leave 
the field. This occurred about 3 o'clock. I believed that it would not be possible to make 
the men stand much longer unless re-enforced, and I went to Gen. Keyes to beg for some 
of Couch's division, which had just arrived. His reply was that he had formed a new 
line to the rear. Shortly after this the divisions of Kearny and Hooker arrived, but 
not until the enemy had possession of the position where the engagement commenced, and 
which they continued to possess until they chose to retire, which was on Monday morning, 
more than thirty hours after the battle. I only mention this fact to show the injustice of 
attaching blame to any one for retiring with a meager force from a position which was 
held by the enemy in spite of the large re-en forccments in Kearny's, Hooker's, and 
Couch's divisions. It was my misfortune to see a portion of the re-enforcements greater 
than my whole command retire from the field before they had scarcely felt the enemy. 
As it was useless to attempt to reform the brigade when the regiments were so widely 
scattered, the work of collecting the men generally was commenced about sundown, and 
on the next morning they took up their position, by the order of the commandinig general 
of the division, at the position in front of Savage Station. I inclose a list of casualties in 
each regiment, and you will perceive that the killed and wounded alone will amount to 
nearly one-fourth of my whole command, and adding the missing, many of whom I 
suspect are wounded and prisoners, the total loss is considerably more than one-third my 
force. This is sufficient to induce me to think that while the men did not, perhaps, act 
like veteran troops, they did as well as could be expected. For the disasters of the day 
those who placed a small force of the rawest troops in the army in a position where they 
would of necessity bear the brunt of any attack on the left must bear the blame. I take 
none of it myself." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 929-930.) 

From report Capt. William C. Raulston comd'g. 81st New York, Palmer's brigade : 

"We were ordered into line at 12:30 P. M. ; formed immediately, and were ordered to 
take a position in a narrow road between the woods and an inclosure of 250 yards in 
breadth. We remained in this position for half an hour, during which time there was a 
brisk fire on our right. When the firing became general we were ordered to pull down 
the fence and advance into the field about 40 yards, when the enemy immediately ad- 
vanced to the edge of the woods and opened fire on our whole front. At the same time 
a volley came from the woods on our left. We returned their fire briskly, and after 
holding our position for some time it became evident, from the destructive fire on our left 
that they were endeavoring to flank us. As we could gain nothing from the position which 
we then occupied, we retired to the cover of the woods, where we retained our position, 
firing with good effect until our ammunition was nearly exhausted and we found our- 
selves again being flanked on our left. We then moved to the right into a clearing 
beyond the woods and took a position facing the enemy. At this point there was a slight 
cessation of the enemy's fire, and we judged that they were being re-enforced. It was 
then that I first learned that the lieutenant-colonel commanding (J. J. De Forest) had been 
carried from the field badly wounded, and the major having been shot in the early part 
of the action, I being senior captain, was in command of the regiment. I immediately 
took command, and not liking the position we then occupied (the enemy, having pos- 
session of the battery on our right, were shelling our position, while we had no means of 
retaliating), I ordered them to the rear of the camp of the 98th Regiment. In this posi- 
tion we did some good execution, but our batteries in front having been captured by the 
enemy, and as we were in some danger of sharing the same fate, I ordered the men into 
the rifle pits on the right, and in rear of the slashing in front of Couch's headuqarters, 
from which we were afterwards driven by the overpowering numbers of the enemy. 



172 CASEY'S DIVISION 

Our loss. * * * is killed, 26; wounded, 90; missing, 22; total, 138." (O R Ser I 
Vol. XI, part I, pp. 930-931.) 

From report of Col. Jonathan S. Belknap, (comd'g 85th New York, Palmer's brigade) : 

"According to an order received from you the regiment was placed in the rifle pits at 
the left of the redoubt, near Gen. Casey's headquarters. Our fire was reserved until the 
regiments of this brigade sent out to the slashing in front of us had been driven back and 
three rebel regiments (afterward known to be Rode's brigade) had advanced into the 
open field in front of us. We then delivered a continuous and deadly fire until they halted, 
wavered, and fell back. Their color bearer was several times shot down, and when they 
retreated to the slashing they left their colors, with their dead and wounded. Up to this 
point our loss was small and the men in the best of spirits and perfectly cool. If our 
flank had been properly protected we could have held our position. About this time it 
became evident that the design of the enemy was to mass his forces on both our flanks 
and turn them. I dispatched a messenger to your headquarters to see what the rebel force 
in that direction was. He reported that the 81st New York was being driven back by 
two regiments of the enemy, who were advancing toward your headquarters. The same 
messenger also reported that the rebel flag was planted on the rifle pits on the right of the 
redoubt, near the Richmond road. The guns at the redoubt had been abandoned for 
fifteen minutes. We were thus completely flanked and could hope for no support, for 
there was not a regiment of our troops in sight. Under these circumstances I ordered 
my regiment to fall back to the road in front of our encampment. Being still desirous 
of holding our position as long as possible, and seeing the danger of being surrounded 
was not so great as I had supposed, I ordered the men into the rifle pits again. They 
obeyed with alacrity. We held our position fifteen minutes longer, and retired only under 
imminent danger of being surrounded. The rebel flag was then floating over your head- 
quarters; also in the immediate vicinity of Gen. Casey's headquarters, on our right. The 
heads of the flanking columns of the rebels having thus enveloped our lines, and being 
exposed to a very heavy cross-fire, I deemed it best to have the men to fall back under the 
best cover they could find. A large portion of the regiment rallied in the first piece of 
woods in rear of our camp, under command of Capt. Clark, and formed on the left of the 
81st. Deeming the position insecure, Capt. Clark ordered the men to fall back to the 
first slashing and form near the rifle pits in front of Couch's division." (O. R Ser. I, 
Vol. XI, part I, pp. 931-932.) 

From the report of Lieut. Col. Charles Durkee (comd'g 98th New York Vols., Palm- 
er's brigade) : 

"The regiment was placed in advance of the fort, and maintained its ground until 
flanked by the enemy on both sides by a superior force, when we were compelled to 
retire. We immediately formed behind the rifle pits and remained there until our whole 
force gave way, when we retired to the woods and formed again, but suddenly finding 
ourselves again outflanked on the left, we fell back through the woods, formed again, 
and advanced in line of battle toward the hottest of the fight. Our friends being in 
front of us, and the brush being so thick we could not distinguish between friend and 
foe, we did not prove so effective as desired. After remaining in that position about 
thirty minutes we retired from the field. Our loss in killed, wounded and missing is 70." 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 933.) 

From Capt. P. C. Regan's report (7th N. Y. Battery), Acting Chief of Artillery, 
Casey's division, after Maj. Van Valkenburgh was killed: 

"The 7th New York Independent Battery, under my command, remained in position 
on the right of the Nine-mile road (he meant the Williamsburg road — Ed.), directly in 
front of headquarters, awaiting the signal to commence firing. Our own troops (101st 
Penna. Regiment — Ed.) were in our immediate front in the undergrowth of pines, which 
compelled us to reserve our fire for fear of killing our own men, and were compelled to 
remain under a galling fire, which wounded one man and killed and wounded several of 
my horses, without the satisfaction of replying. At a signal from Maj. Van Valkenburgh, 
we limbered our pieces and moved to the left, and took our position in battery, with one 
section in the road and the other two in the field to the right of the road, and opened on 
their advancing column and for a time held them at bay. * * * Maj. Van Valkenburgh 
gave the order to limber up the four pieces in the field. As the ground was soft and the 
guns had settled nearly up to their axles, with difficulty we got the guns out and sent 
them to the rear, while we still worked the section in the road. It was at this time the 
major received his fatal shot and fell lifeless from his saddle. At this time all the batteries 
had left the field and all the infantry in our immediate vicinity had been driven back. A 
part of the First Brigade, the 56th New York, were still disputing the ground with the 
enemy on our extreme right. Gen. Naglee ordered me to fix prolonges and fire retiring, 
which was done with one piece. The Garde Lafayette (55th Regiment, New York Volun- 
teers) came up about this time and made a gallant charge, but unfortunately got in front 



AT SEVEN PINES. 17:! 

of our pieces and prevented us from firing when we were able to do so. With two officers 
and one corporal as cannoneers and no lanyard or friction primers, * * * we retired, 
and shortly after received orders from you (Gen. Casey — Ed.) to collect the batteries and 
place them in position where they now are. 

"The colonel (Bailey) was killed in the redoubt in front of your headquarters by a 
rifle ball passing through his brain while giving an order to spike the guns of Co. A, 

* when the redoubt was no longer tenable and the large number of horses killed 
prevented the withdrawal of the guns. The major (Van Valkenburgh) was killed in the 
road between two of my guns while in action and while setting an example to the men of 
cool, self-possessed courage under a galling and terrible fire. I have received no report 
from Co. A, * * * and can only report to you the fact that their battery of six light 
12-pounders were captured by the enemy. Battery H * * * was ordered into battery 
to the left of the Nine-mile (Williamsburg) road, in advance of division headquarters, and 
opened fire on the enemy. Capt. Spratt was wounded in the shoulder early in the action, 
as was also Lieut. Howell, and the command of the battery devolved on 1st Lieut. C. E. 
Mink, who fought the battery, assisted by 2d Lieut. E. H. Clark, with spirit and bravery 
until compelled to retire by the repulse of his supports and the near advance of the enemy, 
but not until the safety of his battery compelled his retreat, with the loss of one of his 
pieces * * *. The 8th New York Independent Battery, Capt. Fitch, commenced firing 
about 1 o'clock, and fired with rapidity and effect on the advancing lines of the enemy until 
compelled to retire, which was done in good order * * * 

The adjutant of the artillery, Lieut. William Rumsey, was wounded while executing 
the orders of our chief. I had orders about two hours before the battle commenced to 
harness up one section of my battery, but before I had barely time to give the order the 
order was changed, and the whole battery was ordered to be harnessed, together with all the 
batteries in the division. I could have saved my battery wagon and forge by sending them 
to the rear sooner, but did not feel justified in assuming by that proceeding that it was 
possible for the division to retreat. Two caissons were abandoned in consequence of the 
horses being killed. The battery wagon, forge, and caissons have been since recovered, with 
the exception of one limber of the caisson, which was taken bv the rebels." (O. R., Ser. I, 
Vol. XI, part I, pp. 918-919.) 

From Gen. Couch's report (comdg. First Brigade, Fourth Corps) : 

"About 2 P. M. I advanced with Neill's and Rippey's regiments through a close 
wood, moving by the flank. Directing Neill where to move, and pushing on with Rippey, 
we at once came upon a large column of the enemy in reserve, but apparently moving 
toward Fair Oaks. Rippey's regiment was therefore posted perpendicularly to Neill's line, 
in the edge of the woods, facing to the front. They immediately engaged, but were finally 
compelled to retire, bringing in 35 prisoners. Here Col. Rippey and all his field officers 
fell, and in twenty minutes the enemy had passed over the road leading to my center, 
cutting off the advance at Fair Oaks, now reenforced by the 7th Mass. * * * an d 62d 
New York. * * * After making demonstrations to cut through and rejoin the main 
body, it was abandoned as suicidal. At the same time large masses of the enemy were 
moving across the railroad to the front and right, with the intention of inclosing us. 
Therefore, with Gen. Abercrombie, four regiments, the battery, and prisoners, we moved 
off toward the Grapevine Bridge for half a mile, and took a position facing Fair Oaks. 
Soon Capt. Van Ness brought me word that Gen. Sumner was at hand. * * * This 
noble soldier came on rapidly with Sedgwick's division. * * * This was about 4 :30 
P. M. * * * Heavy masses of the rebels appeared at Fair Oaks, while large numbers 
from the Nine-miles road filled the woods. Desperate attempts were made to carry the 
batteries and center, but the destructiveness of the artillery, and the close, steady fire of 
the 31st Penna. and the Chasseurs * * * with the firm advance of Gorman's brigade 
and others of Sedgwick's division, drove back the enemy with great slaughter. * * * It 
was night, and the troops lay down in the line of battle order, generals and privates, where 
the fighting ceased. * * * The force of my division engaged near Seven Pines did not 
number over 5,000 infantry and three batteries. For two hours it maintained itself without 
reinforcements, against a victorious enemy greatly superior in numbers, and only retired, 
and that slowly, under positive orders, to a new position jointly with the troops of Gen. 
Heintzelman's corps that had advanced to our support. The 1st Long Island Regiment 
held its ground until outflanked." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 880-881.) 

From Gen. Peck's report (comdg. First Brigade, Couch's division) : 

"At 4 :30 P. M. Gens. Heintzelman and Keyes informed me that the enemy was 
assailing our right flank in great force, and urged me to push forward the regiments at a 
double-quick for its support. I moved off at the head of the 102d Penna., * * * followed 
by the 93d Penna., * * * across the open field, under the concentrated fire of numerous 
batteries and of heavy musketry from the right. These regiments came into line hand- 



174 CASEY'S DIVISION 

somcly, pressed forward on the enemy, and contributed their best energies to sustain their 
comrades so gallantly contesting, inch by inch, the advancing foe. For about the space of 
half an hour our lines swayed forward and back repeatedly, and at last, unable to withstand 
the pressure from successive reinforcements of the enemy, was compelled to fall back to 
the woods across the main road. Having remained near the main road * * * until the 
troops had passed out of view, I pushed on in the direction of the road leading to the 
saw-mill. Coming up with numerous detachments of various regiments and a portion of 
the 102d Penna., * * * I rallied these men and was conducting them back toward the 
Richmond road, when I met Gen. Kearny, who advised me to withdraw these troops by 
way of the saw-mill to the intrenched camp at this place. I stated I did not feel at 
liberty to do so, unless by his order, which he gave. I arrived at this camp about 6 :30 
P. M., in company with Gen. Kearny. Finding nearly all the forces here, I took position 
in the rifle-pit with Gen. Berry's brigade. * * * At daylight on the 1st of June I was 
placed in command of the intrenchments. The force at hand was not far from 10,000 
men, witli a large supply of artillery. Small detachments and stragglers were collected 
' and sent to their respective regiments. * * * Heavy working parties, relieved at intervals 
of two hours, were employed until the morning of the 2d extending and strengthening 
the whole line of works. * * * It gives me great pleasure to say that Maj.-Gen. 
McClellan and Gens. Heintzelman and Keyes rode twice along the entire lines in the 
afternoon of this dav, to the great gratification of the troops, who received them with 
unbounded enthusiasm." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 888-889.) 

From Gen. Abercrombie's report (comdg. Second Brigade, Couch's division) : 

"At 12 o'clock M., May 31, I received notice to warn the men to fall in at a moment's 
notice. The position of the different regiments was at the time as follows: 1st Long Island 
Vols. (67th N. Y.), Col. Adams, in rear of the rifle pits near Seven Pines, on the Richmond 
road; 23d Penna. Vols., Col. Neill, and 1st U. S. Chasseurs (65th N. Y.). Col. Cochrane, 
on the road leading from Seven Pines to Fair Oaks Station and nearly in rear of the 1st 
Long Island Regiment; 31st Penna. Vols., Col. Williams, near the railroad, on the road 
leading from the station to Richmond; 61st Penna. Vols., Col. Rippey, near the railroad, 
on the road leading from the depot to the Chickahominy — Trent's. The duty assigned to 
the last two regiments was to guard the crossing at the depot. I received orders at 1 
o'clock to take position with the 1st Chasseurs, 31st and 61st Penna. Vols., and Brady's 
battery of 1st Penna Artillery, near the camp of the 31st Penna., to prevent the enemy from 
turning our right flank. Shortly afterward the 61st Penna. Vols, was placed in position near 
the 23d Penna. Vols., then already engaged. I was, by the falling hack of Casey's division, 
entirely cut off from the regiments of my brigade engaged in the center, and have to refer 
to the reports of the regimental commanders. * * * Th cavalry outposts * * * 
reporting that the enemy was approaching, and being cut off entirely from Keyes' army corps. 
I. with the sanction of Gen. Couch, * * * sent an officer of my staff * * * to 
inform Gen. Sumner of the state of affairs. 

"Finding my position untenable, I fell back on the road from the depot to Trent's 
house as far as Courtney's house, about half a mile, and there formed line of battle, the 
31st Penna. * * * nearest the house, behind a low rail fence, in the rear of a piece of 
woods. Two companies of the 61st Penna. * * * and 1st U. S. Chasseurs were posted 
on the right of the 31st Penna. * * *. The other troops on the ground at the time were 
62d New York and 7th Mass. * * * and a section of Brady's battery, formed on the 
left of the road. The other section of Brady's battery was placed on the right of my com- 
mand, near the 1st Minn., as soon as that regiment * * * arrived on the ground. 
* * * In retiring from my original position, the Courtney house, a few hundred yards 
to the right and a little in the rear, the column moved in perfect order * * * an j 
remained until after the close of the action." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 8P7-898.) 

From Gen. Devens' report (comdg. Third Brigade. Couch's division; subsequently 
attorney-general, President Hayes' cabinet) : 

"At about 4 P. M., the line of Gen. Casey then having been driven back in front 
and an ineffectual attempt to recover some portion of the ground having been made by 
the 55th New York, an order was received from Gen. Keyes that the 10th Mass. should 
advance up the Richmond road through the felled trees and endeavor to hold the ground 
in front. Col. Briggs moved accordingly up the road by the flank, and deploying, as soon 
as the ground permitted, across the road, so as to move forward by the front, found 
himself immediately assailed on the left flank and rear by heavy volleys of musketry, 
showing the enemy to have outflanked in considerable force the position occupied by him. 
Col. Briggs gallantly struggled, by changing fronts with a portion of the left wing of 
the regiment, to present a front to the enemy which should at least enable him to maintain 
his position. From the nature of the ground, entirely covered with fallen timber, it was 




The above map was sketched bj Capt. John Donaghy, of the 103d Penna Regiment. It 
shows approximately the positions of the respective regiments and batteries of Casey's division 
at the beginning of the battle of Seven Pines between 12 and 1 o'clock, May 31, 1S62 While 
following closelj the official reports of the battle Capt. Donaghy has added some features of 
which he had personal knowledge. A comparison of this map with the large "Century" map, 
which appears on another page, will show some differences, although Capt. Donaghy had 
the "Century" map before him, and followed it where it harmonized with the official reports 
or of those competent to speak with authority. In the "Century" map Regan's battery is placed 
in front of Casey's intrenchwents to harmonize with Gen. Naglee's erroneous statement. Gen. 
Casey and Capt Regan leave o" doubt as to the position of this battery, at Last s,. far as 
hi whether u was in advance ot in rear of Casey's line of battle at the intrenchments. The 
second position of this battery is indicated by the letter C. No is. omitted in the key of 
tin- map. indicates the location of the camp of the 104th Penna, No. 19, also omitted in key. 
indicates the location of the camp of tie 56th N'ew York; No. 15 in ke\ gives Ho- position of 
the 52d Penna.; this is an error; it is the position of the 56th New York; the Penna. regiment 
«as inll\ a hall mile farther to the tight, supporting the pickets on the extreme right. The 
■•Century" map places the redoubt too fai south of the Williamsburg load and indicates no 
abatis sooth .if th.- toad. The abatis «as much widei south of the road than it was north, 
and the timbet comprising it was also heavier. The "Century" map indicates the supports to 

Spratt's battery in rear of the guns; the 1 1 and 92d New fork regiments were sooth of 

the i.col some distance in advance of the battery, while a fragment of the 103d Penna.. three 
companies of the 11th Maine, and the 104th Penna. were on the right, fully :•" yards farther 
west than the position of the guns. 

Capt. 1 aghy, an artist by profession, was officet of the camp guard al the beginning 

of the battle. When the tiring on the picket line became brisk he mounted the pile of cud- 
wood immediatelj in rear of Casey's intrenchments and began a sketch of the sen,, in front, 
while the respective regiments were hurrying to their positions in front. When the musket 

balls of the enemy began to lodge in the woodpile he realized the attack was t,. he than 

a skirmish, and transferred his guard assignment to Lieut. John M. Cochra his regiment. 

who was ill in cam],, and accompanied his company (which came from fatigue duty after 
the regiment had gone to the support of the pickets) into action with the 96th New fork, 



AT SEVEN PINES. L75 

not possible for him to effect this, and the left wing was soon thrown into much con- 
fusion from the heavy fire of the enemy, thus advantageously posted in regard to it. I 
had * * * sent word to Gen. Keyes of the position of the enemy on the left of this 
regiment, but, my aide returning without being able to find that officer, and the left wing 
of the regiment being much broken, I directed Col. Briggs to fall back and reform the 
regiment at the rifle-pits before occupied by him. So much confusion had been created by 
the fire on the rear of the regiment that it was not possible for him to effect this in 
good order, but at a short distance behind the Fair Oaks road Col. Briggs rallied his regi- 
ment successfully and led it forward in good order to the position indicated. Reinforce- 
ments arrived in a short time and were thrown forward to the left and front of the 36th 
New York and 10th Mass., and the fire being now heavy on the right, supposing the 7th 
Mass. to be engaged, I moved in that direction. * * * Finding the attack very severe 
upon the brigade at my right, and that the 7th Mass. was not there, * * * I returned 
toward my two regiments on the Richmond road ; but the enemy had now broken through 
our line between the position occupied by these regiments and Fair Oaks Station and 
threatened seriously to cut them off. The 10th Mass. * * * had during my absence 
been moved toward the right * * * an d was, after the regiments to its right had been 
compelled to retreat, forced back in some disorder. * * * The 36th New York * * * 
maintained its position until the regiments on its right and left gave way, when it retreated 
in good order, moving by the left flank up the Saw-mill road to the rifle-pits on Allen's 
farm." * * * (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 906-907.) 

From Gen. Kearny's report (comdg. Third Division, Third Corps) : 

"On arriving at the field of battle we found certain zigzag rifle pits sheltering crowds 
of men and the enemy firing from abatis and timber in their front. Gen. Casey remarked 
to me on coming up, 'If you will regain our late camp the day will still be ours.' I had but 
the 3d Mich, up, but they moved forward with alacrity, dashing into the felled timber, and 
commenced a desperate but determined contest. * * * The next regiment that came up. 
the 5th Mich., again won laurels. * * * I directed Gen. Berry with this regiment to 
turn the slashings * * * and gain the open ground on the enemy's right flank. This 
was perfectly accomplished. The 37th New York was arranged in column to support the 
attack. * * * In the meanwhile my remaining brigade, the 105th and 63d Penna., came 
up, under Gen. Jameson, the other two regiments having been diverted, one to Birney and 
one to Peck. * * * Of these regiments the 105th was placed in the slashings. * * * 
While S companies of the 63d Penna. * * * were pushed through the abatis, * * * 
and nobly repelled a strong body of the enemy ****** This was perhaps near 6 
o'clock, when our center and right, defended by troops of the other divisions, with all their 
willingness, could no longer resist the enemy's right central flank attacks, pushed on with 
determined discipline and with the impulsion of numerous concentrated masses. Once broken 
our troops fled incontinently, and a dense body of the enemy pursuing rapidly, yet in order, 
occupied the Williamsburg road, the entire open ground, and penetrating deep into the 
woods on either side soon interposed between my division and my line of retreat. It was 
on this occasion that, seeing myself cut off, and relying on the high discipline and determined 
valor ot the 37th New York Vols., I faced them to the rear against the enemy, and held 
the ground, although so critically placed, and despite the masses that gathered on and 
had passed us, checked the enemy in his intent of cutting us off against the While Oak 
Swamp. This enabled the advanced regiments, averted by orders and this contest in their 
rear, to return from their hitherto victorious career, and to retire by a remaining wood 
path * * * until they once more arrived at and remanned the impregnable position we 
had left at noon at our own fortified division camp. * * * It is perhaps within the 
limits of my report to mention Gen. Peck * * *. On the discomfiture of the right and 
center he rallied near the saw-mill several hundred of the fugitives, and was coming with 
them from there to the field when I directed them to anticipate the enemy and man the 
intrenched camp. * * * In finishing this report I trust that you will bring to the atten- 
tion of the general-in-chief that, masters of the lost camp and victorious and in full career, 
the fate of the center decided our own, and that the regiments were suddenly stopped by 
orders dispatched to them, and by hearing the fire of their support, the 37th New York. 
in rear of their entire line; but undismayed and in good order they effected their retreat. 
I add. in conclusion, that the enemy's success in the afternoon did not prevent me that 
very night from pushing forward Maj. Dillman and 200 Michigan marksmen to the saw- 
mill (one mile in advance), whence he boldly threw out reconnoissances in the vicinity and 
to the left of the late battle ground." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 838-842.) 

From Gen. Jameson's report (comdg. First Brigade, Kearny's division) : 

"Upon arriving near the scene of action I rode forward to report to Gen. Kearny. 
* * * Gen. Heintzelman * * * ordered me to send one regiment to the right to the 
support of Gen. Peck and to bring the remaining two regiments forward to the point 



176 CASEY'S DIVISION 

where he was then standing * * *. * * * I ordered the 87th New York * * *, 
to report to Gen. Peck. With * * * the 63d * * * and 105th Penna. I filed off 
through the woods to the left of the Richmond road. I there met Gen. Kearny, who 
ordered me to advance up the road to the abatis and deploy the 63d Penna. * * * to 
the right and left of that road in the abatis, and to move the 105th Penna. * * * to 
the left on to the Richmond road to the abatis, and to deploy the same to the right and 
left of said road. The two regiments having been disposed of as above I ordered them 
to clear the abatis of the enemy, * * * which they succeeded in accomplishing after a 
very sharp engagement of about one and a half hours. Soon after my regiments had 
engaged the enemy in the abatis I perceived by the heavy firing upon our right that the 
enemy were pressing hard upon that point. As soon as our line began to waver on the 
right the men occupying the rifle pits in rear of the abatis broke and ran from the field. 
I do not know what regiments were occupying those pits. * * * As soon as I per- 
ceived the men abandoning the rifle pits I galloped to the front of them, and used every 
exertion in my power to prevail upon them to return, and hold the pits, but to no avail. 
The enemy had by that time succeeded in turning our right and our troops on the right 
were all running from the field. * * * It was with great difficulty that I succeeded in 
returning to my command, the enemy having entered the open field in rear of the abatis. 
Upon my return I found my regiments were charging the enemy through the camp in 
front of the abatis. I immediately ordered them to fall back and to the left as soon as 
possible, which they succeeded in doing with great difficulty. * * * I moved back 
through the woods to a road leading to a steam saw-mill, which road I followed to said 
mill, thence to the position now occupied by my brigade. In retreating as hastily as I 
was obliged to under the circumstances the men became more or less scattered. I com- 
menced immediately to reorganize my regiments, * * *. I succeeded in rallying between 
1,100 and 1,200 men that evening, which 1 placed in line on the north side of the Richmond 
road, * * * the line extending * * * to the left of the 1st Long Island * * * 
the right of said regiment resting on the railroad. The troops still occupy that line." (O. 
R„ Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 843.) 

From Gen. Birney's report (comdg Second Brigade, Kearny's division) : 

"At 3 o'clock P. M. I received an order from Gen. Kearny to move my brigade up 
the railroad * * *. Ten minutes after 3 o'clock P. M. my column was in motion 

* * *. Before I had reached the railroad, at fifteen minutes past 3 o'clock, Gen. Kearny 
rode up to me and ordered me to return to the Williamsburg * * * road and man the 
line of rifle pits * * *. At 5 o'clock P. M. Lieut. Hunt of Gen. Heintzelman's staff, 

* * * ordered me to advance up the railroad to the support of Keyes' corps. * * * 
After advancing a mile * * * the filing became heavy upon my left * * *. Finding 
that the firing on the left was getting more to the rear, I led into the woods the 57th 

* * * Penna. and 40th New York, and succeeded * * * in driving back the enemy 

* * *. Capt. Brady * * * now rode up to me and said that he came from Gen. 
Couch * * *. At this time (about 6 o'clock) Capt. Suydam, of Gen. Keyes' staff, rode 
up to me and told me that Gen. Heintzelman ordered me to advance still up the railroad. 
I asked him if Gen. Heintzelman knew where I was * * *. He replied that Gens. Keyes 
and Heintzelman were some 2 miles in the rear. I at once made disposition to move 
forward, throwing out skirmishers and withdrawing the 40th New York * * *. The 
57th Penna. * * * were thrown into too much confusion in the woods to withdraw. 
When my lines reached the woods near Fair Oaks Station an oblique artillery fire from 
the right across my front commenced. To advance would have subjected me to this fire 

* * * * * * Q en Sumner sent the 7th Mass. to report to me * * *. At this 
time Capt. Hassler rode up to me from Gen. Kearny and ordered me to return at once 
to the position assigned by him to me at 3 o'clock. Before obeying this order I sent my 
aide * * * to state that if I withdrew there would be a gap of half a mile between 
his right and Sumner's left, * * *. He still ordered me to return. I * * * pre- 
ceding my column, went to Gen. Kearny's tent, and explained * * * the position of 
my brigade. He * * * ordered me to return. I did so, and at 10 * * * P. M. 
had my connection perfect with Gen. French. I found the railroad embankment afforded 
natural rifle pits, and posted my brigade behind them * * *." (O. R, Ser. I, Vol. XI, 
part I, pp. 852-853.) 

From Col. Ward's report (Col. Ward succeeded Gen. Birney in command of the 
Second Brigade during the battle) : 

"Up to this time. 7 A. M., Gen. Birney was in command. * * * Considerable 
skirmishing took place in front * * *. About 8 A. M. Gen. Hooker with his division 
appeared in my front and * * * skirted the woods between my skirmishers and main 
body. As Gen. Hooker's command disappeared in the woods to the front and left the 
heavy firing to the left of the railroad and in advance, which had been continued for the 
last half hour, now suddenly ceased, and a new fire was opened in the woods to my right 



AT SEVEN PINES. 177 

and diagonally to my front. I immediately changed front, * * * and as the enemy 
advanced * * * I gave the order to fire and * * * to charge. This movement was 
most brilliantly performed, driving the terrified enemy before them. * * * The rout 
was complete. An attempt was made by the enemy to rally a short time afterward, bat 
it resulted in a complete failure." (0. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 856.) 

From Capt. Pitcher's report (comdg. 4th Maine, Birney's brigade, Kearny's division) : 

"Here we remained at rest till 7:30 A. M., when, while engaged in distributing the 
morning rations * * * we were startled by a sudden and terrific volley of musketry in 
front, which caused several companies on t It < ■ left of Howard's brigade to retreat precipi- 
tately from the woods, passing by us and down the railroad. I immediately formed my 
line on the railroad, at the same time endeavoring to rally the retreating companies to 
make a stand with us. Failing in this I advanced * * * and opened fire." (O. R., Ser. I, 
Vol. XI, part I, p. 861.) 

From Gen. Berry's report (comdg. Third Brigade, Kearny's division) : 
"We were at this time in the woods extending from the edge of the slashings below 
up the woods and on the left of the camping ground of Gen. Casey's division, completely 
commanding his old camp and the earthworks with our rifles. * * * We held the 
enemy in check, and could have driven them back farther had the center and right of our 
line been able to have held their position. About 5 :30 P. M. I discovered the 37th New 
York moving to the rear. * * * I then gave orders to the other regiments to fall back 
also, some portions of which did not get the order in consequence of the thick woods, but 
all did make good their movement to the rear and came into camp in order." (O. R., 
Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 865.) 

From Gen. Hooker's report (comdg. Second Division, Third Corps) : 
* * * "My command was prevented from participating in the engagement of the 
31st ultimo, as it was sundown when the advance arrived in sight of the field in which the 
conflict on that day terminated. As this was a convenient post, we bivouacked for the 
night, to be in readiness on the following morning. This was Sunday, and its stillness 
was suddenly broken a little before 7 o'clock by an impulsive musketry fire of considerable 
volume, which at once discovered the position and designs of the enemy. They had chosen 
to renew the conflict on the right of where it had ended the night before, and my com- 
mand * * * immediately advanced in that direction * * *. On the route and near 
by the enemy I passed on my right a brigade of Kearny's division, under Col. Ward, 
standing in line of battle. * * * From the beginning of the action our advance on the 
rebels along the whole line was slow, but I could feel that it was positive and unyielding. 

* * * After an interchange of musketry of this character for more than an hour direc- 
tions were given to advance with the bayonet, when the enemy were thrown into wild 
confusion * * *. Pursuit was hopeless. This being ended, and no other fire heard on 
any part of the field the troops were ordered to return to their respective camps. The 
engagement lasted upward of two hours, and almost all our loss occurred prior to the 
bayonet charge. * * While these events were developing on the right * * * Gen. 
Sickles was actively engaged with the enemy to the left. When I joined I found them in 
possession of the forest in our front and a portion of the camps occupied by our troops the 
day previous." CO. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I. p. 819.) 

From Gen. Hooker's dispatch to Gen. Heintzelman's headquarters, June 2d : 

"I have the honor to report that I returned from my reconnoissance about 5 o'clock 
this P. M. I found skirting the swamp in front of Casey's camp, on the Richmond road, 
two roads; one leading to the railroad, the other branching toward the James River and to 
the south of Richmond. These were traversed for some distance — the former to the rail- 
road — without important discoveries. In advance of these roads the enemy appeared to 
have a regiment of cavalry and three of infantry, but as the latter were mostly concealed 
in the forest, it was not prudent to determine their number; it may have been much greater. 
Our pickets exchanged a few shots. On my return my command encamped in rear of 
Casey's camp, it not being possible to occupy that ground from the stench arising from the 
bodies of dead animals, and unless early steps are taken I shall be compelled to quit the 
camp now occupied by my command. I intend to make my headquarters there tomorrow 
morning. Kearnv informs me that he has moved on to the railroad." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. 
XI, part III, p. 209.) 

From Gen. Hooker's testimony before Committee on Conduct of the War: 

"The enemy was firing upon Sumner's command, which was occupying the railroad at 

the time. I made towards the heaviest fire, and came up in rear of the enemy, and in half 

an hour after my men became engaged. The enemy was utterly routed, throwing away their 

arms, clothing and haversacks, and broke for the woods in the direction of Richmond. 

* * * That was the end of the fighting of that battle. A part of my troops occupied the 



178 CASEY'S DIVISION 

camp that had been occupied the day before by Gen. Keyes' corps, and the ground that he 
had lost that day. On Monday * * * I received orders — the directions were very vague 
— to make a reconnoissance in force through the camp and beyond it. I did so without 
any resistance, except a little picket firing, and proceeded to perhaps within three and a half 
or four miles of Richmond on the Williamsburg road. I was then recalled and directed 
to establish my command on the ground that Casey's division had occupied on the first day 
of the fight at Fair Oaks." (Report Conduct of the War, part I, pp. 575-582.) 

From Gen. Sickle's report (comdg. Second Brigade, Hooker's division) : 
"At about 7 A. M. * * * we were ordered * * * along the stage road to the 
front * * * The column * * * moved forward a few hundred yards, when I was 
directed by Gen. Heintzelman, * * * to form in line on the right of the road in a large 
field with thick oak undergrowth in front, forming part of Snead's plantation. * * * 
Col. Hall was * * * directed to take position on the left of the road, his right resting 
on the road, supported by Col. Taylor on the left. The 4th, 1st and 5th Regiments were 
already in line on the right. These dispositions were made under an annoying fire from 
the enemy's skirmishers * * *. Skirmishers were thrown forward, * * * an d the 
line moved forward briskly on both sides of the road under a heavv fire * * *. After 
one or two volleys these regiments were pushed forward across the field at double-quick, 
and with a loud cheer charged into the timber, the enemy flying before them. * * * On 
the right the 1st * * * and 5th * * * were advanced * * * found the enemy 

* * * drove him back at the point of the bayonet across the clearing, where he disap- 
peared in the woods beyond. * * * The enemy having retired, I was ordered by Gen. 
Heintzelman to send two regiments to support Gen. Richardson, who was hotly engaged 
farther on the right * * *. Lt.-Col. Potter, with six companies of the 2d Regiment, 
was then pushed forward to establish outposts and advance to the Seven Pines, being a 
portion of the battle ground of Saturday. * * * I respectfully refer to Lieut. 
Col. Potter's report * * * for the details of his service in command of the 
outposts, which was gallantly and efficiently performed until night, when he 
was ordered to bring in his detachment. * * * A line of pickets was thrown out at a 
dusk, and we remained in position, resting on our arms all night. During the night the 
enemy fell back a mile or more on Richmond, moving their artillery and wagon train 
along a road leading from the left of Casey's camp. The dashing charge of the 2d and 4th 
Regiments, the cool and steady advance of the 3d, occurred under my immediate observa- 
tion, and could not have been surpassed. The bold and vigorous movement of the 5th 
and 1st to the right was in the main concealed from my view by the heavy timber through 
which they passed. The best evidence that these regiments sustained their reputation is 
found in the fact that they drove the enemy from his position by their sustained fire and 
with the unfailing bayonet. My particular acknowledgments are due to Lieut. Tremain, 4th 
Regiment, aide-de-camp and acting assistant adjutant-general, upon whom I relied for 
nearly all the staff duty in the field throughout the day. His arduous duties were performed 
with courage, zeal and ability. * * * The fields were strewn with Enfield rifles, marked 
"Tower, 1862," and muskets marked "Virginia," thrown away by the enemy in his hurried 
retreat. In the camp occupied by Gen. Casey and Gen. Couch on Saturday, before the bat- 
tle of the Seven Pines, we found rebel caissons filled with ammunition, a large number of 
small arms, and several baggage wagons, besides two barns filled with subsistence and for- 
age. The most conclusive proof of his flight is the abandonment of six or seven sacks of 
salt, which we found in one of the outbuildings at Fair Oaks on the left of the Redoubt." 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part 1, pp. 823-824.) 

From Col. Hall's report (71st New York, Sickle's brigade) : 

"I marched my command on the morning of the 1st inst. in advance of the brigade 

* * *. Not being familiar with the names of the localities * * * I am only able to 
state that we continued our advance on the left of the Richmond turnpike, under the ob- 
servation and direct orders of Gen. Sickles, until exposed to a severe fire from the enemy, 
consisting of about four regiments, concealed in the woods directly in our front. 

"My regiment charged upon them at double-quick time, driving them from the woods 
with considerable loss. At this time I received orders to halt my command. Holding that 
position, I advanced my skirmishers about 300 yards, and then being supported by the Third 
Regiment * * * on my left and the Fourth Regiment on my right I continued to ad- 
vance them about 400 yards farther, where they remained (about 300 yards from the en- 
emy) until they were ordered by Gen. Sickles to join the regiment. Resting on our arms 
that night in the position above named, the regiment under command of Lieut. Col. Potter, 
next morning (Second inst.) proceeded on the reconnoissance ordered from division head- 
quarters to within about four miles of Richmond, and upon its return the regiment occu- 
pied the woods for the night about 400 yards in advance of our position on Sunday night. 
On the following morning, in obedience to orders, I advanced my regiment with the brigade 
to the earthworks in front, where we remained until relieved this morning. During all this 
time my regiment had supplied large details for picket duty, continually under the fire of 



AT SEVEN PINES. 179 

the enemy's advance; also heavy details for burying the dead and carrying the wounded 
both of Gen. Casey's division and such of the enemy as were left upon the field after the 
battle of Saturday, 31st ult. * * *."(0. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI. part I, p. 826.) 

From Maj. Holt's report (comdg. 70th New York — 1st Excelsior) : 
"At P. M. we encamped for the night, and on the next morning followed the 5th 
Regiment into the field. * * * For nearly two miles we advanced through the dense 
woods * * *. Emerging therefrom, we formed the line of battle * * *. In a few 
moments the enemy was discovered lurking on our extreme left, and before we could open 
on them poured a "flanking fire along the left of our regiment. Our men, rising and rapidly 
rallying from the sudden attack with quick fire, soon drove the enemy from his position. 
After this we were ordered to the left to form a connection with the 4th Regiment, which 
we could nowhere find ; hence we rested in an open field near the hospital depot of the 5th 
Maine Regiment, where we received orders to move to the right along the railroad for the 
support of a battery * * *. After the lapse of nearly two hours we marched back * * * 
to the ground near the brigade headquarters, where we encamped last night. This morning 
(June 3) at 8 o'clock we took up our line of march, following the 3d Regiment, and 
marched over the ground lately occupied by Gen. Casey's division, extending about two miles 
from our last position. Forming a line of battle, we marched through the swamp, having 
previously thrown out pickets and skirmishers into an open field to a point within - r > miles 
of Richmond. This afternoon at 2 o'clock I, with four companies from the right of our 
regiment, and two companies of the 8th Penna. Cavalry, reconnoitered the ground up to 
the open field near which our pickets were posted, and found no enemy. I was then ordered 
to reform my regiment and return to the point from which it was started, and encamp for 
the night in the woods to the rear of the 4th Regiment.'' (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, 
p. 825.) 

From Lieut. Col. Henry L. Potter's report (comd. 71st New York, 2d Excelsior) : 
"After passing through the swamp in rear of the field lately occupied by Gen. Casey's 
command we found the enemy drawn up in large force in line of battle at right angles with 
the main road, crossing the road on a line with the house near which Gen. Casey's head- 
quarters were recently established. I posted three companies (A, B, C) as a reserve in line 
on the end of the field near the swamp, extending from the road to the left and advanced 
with the other three companies (E, F, H) as far as the road that breaks to the left from 
the main road, called the sawmill road. This road crosses the fields about half way be- 
tween the swamp where the enemy were drawn up in line of battle, and within long range 
of the rebel pickets. On this road I posted two companies (E, H), and with Co. F, Capt. 
Donaldson, passed through the wood to the left of the field and advanced the company to a 
house in a field beyond this sawmill road, and on the right flank of the rebels there posted. 
"Immediately after daybreak, June 2, I was ordered to take command of five companies, 
and reoccupy the position of the evening previous. * * * After finding their position 
abandoned I, * * * taking Company A, * * * advanced with it to the redoubt and 
line of earthworks occupied by the enemy the evening previous. * * * Scattered over 
the fields in tents, in the houses, and under sheds were large numbers of wounded men, both 
of the rebel army and our own, in the most distressing condition, many having been since 
Saturday, May 31, without any food or attention. From the wounded we learned that the 
enemy had fallen back that morning, commencing the retreat about midnight, and that their 
rear had not been an hour gone * * *. After advancing all my command to the line 
of earthworks in front of where Gen. Casey's headquarters had * * * been, * * * 
I continued to advance * * * nearly one mile in front of the earthworks * * *. 
Halting in the edge of the wood looking out on an open field for nearly half a mile in 
extent we could see in the far front of the field some persons moving in the skirt of the 
wood. * * * After watching the long field for nearly half an hour without seeing any 
movement whatever, was surprised to hear a bugle sounding the advance, followed by 
cavalry filing into the far front of the field. I speedily returned to the line of earthworks 
* * *. Shortly after the Excelsior brigade had taken position * * * Gen. Hooker 
desired me to accompany him to the front of the swamp to point out where the rebel 
cavalry had been seen. Just as we were returning a party of rebel skirmishers * * * 
fired upon the general, killing one of the horses of his cavalry escort. 

"After returning to the lines, about 9 o'clock a. m., June 2, the 2d Regiment 
was ordered, under my command, to deploy as skirmishers on the right of the road 
through the swamp. The regiment was advanced through the swamp, the right halted and 
posted upon a large field of "slashing," in front of which passes a road extending from 
the right of the long field in front of the swamp to the right through the timber to the rail- 
road in front of the pickets of Gen. Sumner's command on the railroad. The left of the 
regiment was deployed down this road to the edge of the long field in front of the swamp 
above mentioned about one-third of the field to the front. Across the extreme front of this 
field was a rebel regiment drawn up in line of battle, their colors being distinctly visible. 
Both regiments continued in this position until 'retreat,' when by order of Gen. Sickles 



180 CASEY'S DIVISION 

the 2d Excelsior was withdrawn within the lines and rested on their arms during the 
night." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 827-830.) 

From Col. Nelson Taylor's report (comdg. 72d New York, 3d Excelsior) : 

"Ahout 8 o'clock P. M. (May 31), I arrived at a cross-road said to be 8 miles from 
Richmond, and receiving orders, bivouacked, * * *. On Sunday morning, June 1, the 
line was formed at 7 A. M. I was ordered to march, taking the road toward Richmond. 
After proceeding about 100 rods I received an order from Gen. Heintzelman to form line 
and advance to a piece of wood to the left of the road and hold that position, which was 
accordingly done. I deployed two companies to the front to act as skirmishers, and remained 
in this position until 7 o'clock on Monday morning. About 12 M. of Sunday the enemy 
opened upon us from a field battery, throwing shell and shot into the woods to the front ; 
also in rear into the field, evidently trying to ascertain or drive us from our position. This 
firing was kept up at short intervals for about an hour, when it ceased entirely. About 10 
P. M. Sunday night the long roll was beat to our rear, and at the same time a noise was 
heard as if a body of troops were moving past our front toward our left. The line was 
preserved during the night, the men lying upon their arms, and with this exception nothing 
occurred during the night. About daylight, Monday, June 2, I received orders to hold my 
command in readiness to march. About 7 A. M. I received orders to follow immediately 
in rear of a battery of Maj. Wainwright's artillery. In accordance with these orders I 
moved forward about 8 A. M., and proceeded to the camp lately occupied by Casey's division. 
In obedience to orders I placed my command in the trenches as a support to the battery, 
remaining here until 3 P. M.. when being ordered I returned in rear of the battery, and 
bivouacked in the woods lately occupied as a camp by a part of Couch's division. About 
8 o'clock P. M. I received orders to do picket duty with my command, to which was added 
two companies of the 5th New Jersey * * * in front and on the flanks of our position. 
In accordance with these orders I directed Maj. Wm. O. Stevens to take six companies of 
my command and proceed to the works lately occupied by Casey's division, and make such 
disposition of them as in his judgment seemed most judicious. * * * The report of Maj. 
Stevens is herewith forwarded and made a part of this report." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, 
part I. pp. 830-831.) 

From Maj. Stevens' report: 

"In obedience to instructions from you I started from camp at 9:30 o'clock last evening 
(June 2) to do picket duty in front of the lines of this corps * * *. I found the redoubt 
and rifle pits which were formerly occupied by Gen. Casey's division unoccupied. The fol- 
lowing disposition of the force under my command was made for the night : Capt. Bliss 
occupied the rifle pit upon the right of the turnpike with one-half of his company and threw 
out the other half as outlying pickets upon his front and right flank, the left of these 
pickets resting upon the turnpike. Co. E, Capt. Toomey, occupied the rifle pit upon the left 
of the turnpike. Co. D was all thrown out as outlying pickets, the right resting on the 
turnpike and the left reaching 300 yards to the left of the turnpike; 1 sergeant and 2 men 
were thrown forward upon the turnpike 150 yards in advance of the right of the pickets 
of this company. Co. F, Capt. Leonard, and H, Capt. Doyle, were posted in the redoubt, 
each occupying a face looking to the front. Co. I, Lieut. Fogarty, was posted one-half in 
the rifle pit on the right side of the road, which runs in rear of the redoubt at right angles 
with the turnpike and in the direction of the James River ; the other half as outlying pickets, 
the left resting on this last road and the right stretching to a point near the woods in front 
of the redoubt ; three men from this company were posted one-eighth of a mile forward 
upon this road. All the outlying pickets posted 200 yards in advance of the supports 
were placed in pairs, the men lying flat on the ground, with instructions not to fire unless 
a superior force approached, and in a menacing manner. * * * At the first break of 
dawn our outlying pickets fell back upon their supports in the rifle pits, and Co. D was then 
posted in the rifle pit on the extreme left. At sunrise we discovered pickets from the 19th 
Mass. * * * half a mile in advance of our right wing and coming up to the old log 
house on the right of the turnpike. At this time I reported to you that nearly all might 
* * * be withdrawn, and by your direction I withdrew all but Co. E, Capt. Toomey, who 
was instructed to post 2 men in advance at the log house on the turnpike, 6 men on the 
road leading toward the James River and half a mile forward, and to hold the balance of his 
command in the redoubt. At 8 o'clock Co. E was relieved by two companies of the 2d 
Regiment * * *." (O. R„ Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 832-833.") 

From Capt. Chas. B. Elliott's report (comdg. 73d New York — 4th Excelsior) : 

"The regiment marched on Sunday A. M., the 1st inst. * * * second in line in 
marching on the Richmond turnpike, the 2d Regiment being in advance. They charged the 
enemy on the left of the road, this regiment doing the same and keeping on a line with 
them on the right of the road through a wood, and being engaged under heavy fire with the 
enemy, who were concealed in the woods. We continued to advance, firing continually, 



AT SEVEN PINES. 181 

until the left of our line came up to that of the 2d Regiment, who were then engaged. A 
line was formed, skirmishers were immediately thrown out, who continued to advance on a 
line with the skirmishers of other regiments until ordered by Gen. Sickles to return. We 
remained in that position until next morning, when the regiment joined the reconnoitering 
column under command of the general commanding the division. Returning, went into 
camp in the woods on the left of the road a few hundred yards in front of our position of 
Sunday night, where we remained until next morning. On the 3d inst., under orders from 
Gen. Sickles, we marched to the earthworks in advance, and remained there until relieved 
on the morning of the 4th inst." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 833-834.) 

From Col. Chas. K. Graham's report (comdg. 74th New York — 5th Excelsior) : 

"On the 2d instant, at 9 A. M., the regiment left camp and marched to intrenchments 
in front of the camps recently abandoned. There it received orders to proceed by a road 
to the left, deploy through the woods up to a small abatis which it was supposed that the 
rebels had recently placed to impede the progress of our forces. After advancing half a 
mile it reached a large abatis constructed by our forces before the position was abandoned, 
commanding the road to Richmond, which was occupied by the regiment, and a company 
commanded by Capt. Harrison and accompanied by myself was thrown forward and recon- 
noitered a distance of a mile without discovering any signs of the rebels. During the day 
two other reconnoissances were made, one in company with a squadron of cavalry. One of 
these parties exchanged shots with the rebel pickets. On the 3d instant, in the forenoon, 
the regiment occupied the position of the day before. At 3 P. M., sent out a party of 
skirmishers under command of Lieut. Benard and accompanied by Lieut. -Col. Burtis, which 
fell in with the reserve of the enemy's pickets within half a mile of our post. Two volleys 
were exchanged, in which several of our men were wounded. Shortly afterward we could 
hear the enemy in considerable force preparing to advance. About 5 P. M. a volley was 
poured into the right flank of the abatis by the enemy without occasioning any loss. About 
6 A. M. we could hear their men distinctly advancing in double-quick. At this time I 
directed the abatis to be abandoned and the regiment to form in line of battle on the left 
flank, in order to allow our artillery to sweep in front of our position if the enemy attempted 
to advance. Here we stood on arms for three hours, the enemy no doubt abandoning his 
intention on account of realizing the object of our movement. At 11 P. M. we were relieved 
by a New Jersey Detachment." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 835.) 

From Col. Starr's report (comdg. Third Brigade, Hooker's division, Gen. Patterson 
being ill) : 

"At 7 A. M. on the 1st inst. the 5th and 6th New Jersey marched forward and were 
actively engaged from about 7:15 A. M. to 9:45 A. M., * * *. The 5th and 6th Regi- 
ments have been for four days and nights under arms, in battle, reconnoissance. and in 
holding the most advanced position on this flank of the army. They are still under arms, 
and see no prospect of an hour's rest for days to come. They have been exposed night and 
day to deluges of rain, and have suffered every species of privation incident to an army 
in an enemy's country; but among the greatest of their sufferings may be ranked the 
intolerable stench to which they have been and are exposed, arising from the unburied dead 
bodies of men and horses that were and are thickly scattered over the ground for hundreds 
of acres around. I have caused to be buried all my men's strength and time enabled them 
to burv, but I suffer many to lie unburied (June 4), not many hundred vards distant." 
(O. R." Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 836.) 

From Gen. Sumner's report (comdg. Second Corps) : 

"At 2:30 o'clock P. M. I received the order to cross the river and support Heintzel- 
man. The columns immediately moved over the river and marched rapidly to the field of 
battle by two roads. Sedgwick's route being the shortest he reached the field first, Kirby's 
battery coming up at the same time. On arriving on the field I found Gen. Couch with 
four regiments and two companies of infantry and Brady's battery. These troops were 
drawn up in line near Adams' house and there was a pause in the battle. The leading regi- 
ment (Sully's) was ordered to the right to protect our right flank, and the remainder of 
Sedgwick's division was formed in line of battle as speedily as possible, with Kirby's bat- 
tery on the right. One of Couch's regiments was sent to open communication with Kearny's 
division on my left, and the remainder of his command was placed on the left of Sully, and 
these troops all did great execution in the firing. These arrangements were hardly com- 
pleted when the enemy advanced upon us in great force and opened fire. Our men received 
it with remarkable coolness and returned it rapidly. * * * After firing for some time 
I ordered the following regiments, 82d New York, 34th New York, 15th Mass., 20th Mass., 
and 7th Mich., to move to the front and charge bayonets. There were two fences between 
us and the enemy, but our men gallantly rushed over them and the enemy broke and fled, 
and this closed the battle on Saturday. On Sunday morning, June 1, at 6:30 o'clock, the 
enemy attacked us again in great fury, and this time the brunt of the battle was borne by 



18a CASEY'S DIVISION 

Richardson's division. This division was placed on Saturday night parallel with the rail- 
road, and the enemy advanced across the railroad to make the attack. This was a most 
obstinate contest, continuing for four hours, in which our troops showed the greatest 
gallantry and determination, and drove the enemy from the field. * * * Gen. McClellan 
came upon the field on Sunday before the battle closed, and after looking about expressed 
himself satisfied with my arrangements." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 764-765.) 

From Gen. Sumner's testimony before Committee on the Conduct of the War : 
"About half-past seven o'clock on Sunday morning the troops became engaged on the 
railroad. It is not exactly certain which party fired first. A very severe fight continued 
there for the space of three or four hours, in which I lost many valuable officers and men. 
The enemy were then entirely routed and fled. There was fighting on the same day on my 
left by a portion of Gen. Heintzelman's troops, but that was at such a distance that I have 
myself no knowledge of the circumstances. There was no communication at that time 
between us. * * * On Sunday afternoon I received information from Gen. Marcy * * * 
that they had made the discovery from their balloon that a very large force of the enemy 
was moving down upon me from Richmond. This, however, proved to be a mistake, for 
they made no other attack on that day. * * * The battle which I commanded on Satur- 
day and Sunday was at Fair Oaks. The battle of Seven Pines was a separate battle, some 
miles from Fair Oaks. Gen. Heintzelman was in command at Seven Pines. * It 

so happened that the troops that I fought with on Saturday I did not bring into the fight 
at all on Sunday; thev merely held their position." (Report Conduct of the War, part I, 
pp. 350-370.) 

From Gen. Sedgwick's report (comdg. Second Division, Second Corps) : 

"Upon debouching into the open field near Adams' house we found Abercrombie's 

brigade * * * sustaining a severe attack and hard pushed by the enemy. The 1st 

Minnesota * * * promptly formed into line of battle under a very sharp fire, and 

posted on the right of Abercrombie's brigade. Col. Sully's disposition of his regiment 

* * * covered two sides of Courtney's house * * *. The remainder of Gorman's 
brigade (34th and 82d New York and 15th Mass.) formed on the left of Abercrombie's 
brigade, where they became almost instantly and hotly engaged ; and after sustaining, 
without wavering, repeated and furious charges of the enemy, finally charged him in turn 
with the bayonet with such impetuosity as to rout and drive him from his position. * * * 
Lieut. Kirby brought his battery into action in a most gallant and spirited manner. His 
pieces, in charge of Lieuts. Woodruff and French, were run up and unlimbered under a 
very galling discharge of musketry within less than 100 yards of the enemy, and opened a 
terrific fire with canister and spherical case, which contributed in a very high degree to 
break and finally scatter his forces. * * * Gen. Dana with * * * two regiments 
(20lh Mass. and 7th Mich.) went * * * into action on the left of Gorman's brigade, 
sustaining a strong attack and participating in the brilliant and decisive charge of the 34th 
and 82d New York * * * driving the enemy from point to point for a very consid- 
erable distance. Gen. Burns with two regiments took post on the right of Col. Sully, 
holding his other two in reserve. It was not the fortune of any of the regiments in this 
brigade to meet the enemy at close quarters * * *. The 106th and 72d Penna.. held in 
reserve, were several times moved from their positions to different portions of the field at 
double-quick * * *. The 69th Penna. * * * was thrown to the right toward evening, 
and held that position during the night and following morning. * * * On the following 

* * * morning the enemy renewed the attack with great fury immediately on my left 
and in front of Gen. Richardson's line. Parts of Gorman's and Dana's brigades and one 
section of Bartlett's battery were engaged with determined bravery. * * * After the 
close of the engagement on Saturday evening, the enemy having been driven from his 
position and the firing ceased, Gen. Burns was ordered to * * * protect our right and 
rear. Capts. Tompkins and Bartlett * * * arrived upon the field with their guns 
between 7 and 8 P. M. Capt. Owen arrived at daybreak on Sunday." (O. R., Ser. I, 
Vol. XI, part I, pp. 791-793.) 

From Col. Tompkins' report (comdg. artillery, Sedgwick's division) : 

"Kirby 's battery * * * arrived upon the field of battle in time to participate in 
the action. * * * Capt. Tompkins * * * arrived upon the field of action just at 
the close of the engagement. Capt. Bartlett also succeeded in getting one piece across 

* * * arriving upon the field immediately after Capt. Tompkins. * * * By early 
dawn of the 1st inst. all the remaining artillery, with the exception of two pieces of Owen's 
battery, was upon the field, and at 7 A. M. the remaining section of Owen's battery arrived." 

From Capt. Bartlett's report (comdg. Battery B, 1st R. I. Artillery, Sedgwick's 
division) : 

"Soon after daylight of the 1st I was ordered by Gen. Sumner to place two guns on 
the road near Gen. Dana's brigade. One other was ordered there soon after by Gen. 



AT SEVEN PINES. 183 

Richardson, who ordered them to shell the point of woods across the wheat field, about 900 
yards distant, where the bayonets of the enemy could be plainly seen. These were the 
first guns fired on that morning. During the day 56 shell were fired at that point and 
down the road across the railroad. The third piece was brought up about 9 A. M. to the 
point; the howitzers were placed in position in front of the 1st Minn, and fired into the 
woods on the left in the afternoon. * * * This morning (June 3) seven spherical case 
were fired into the woods at 1,500 yards by order of Gen. Sedgwick. All the guns remain 
in the same position tonight. The ammunition expended is as follows : 61 spherical case, 
4 shell, and 6 cartridges from Parrotts, and spherical case and 1 shell from howitzers." 
(O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 797.) 

From Gen. Gorman's report (comdg. First Brigade, Sedgwick's division) : 

"I was ordered to form my brigade by regiments in rear of each other in line of 
battle, while just previous to this the 1st Minn. * * *, having arrived first, was ordered 
to take up a position on the right, its right resting upon a farm house and its left upon a 
wood, in order to prevent the enemy from flanking us on the right, as he appeared there 
in great force. My other three regiments, the 34th New York * * *, 15th Mass., 

* * * and 82d New York * * *, being formed upon the left of a portion of Gen. 
Couch's division and Kirby's battery, occupied the road immediately at the angle of the 
woods, commanding all approaches from the right, left and center. We had not remained 
longer than ten minutes in position before heavy columns of the enemy dashed furiously 
upon us, evidently attempting to take Kirby's battery; whereupon I was ordered to throw 
three regiments of my brigade upon the enemy's flank and front, then showing themselves 
in the open field. I * * * ordered the 82d New York * * * to * * * the left 
of Kirby's battery and engage the enemy as quickly as possible, which they did with great 
promptness * * *. I was ordered * * * to move * * * the 34th New York 

* * * upon the left of the 82d * * *, which was promptly executed, and upon coming 
into position * * * opened a most deadly fire upon the enemy and received one in 
return not less so. I * * * ordered up the 15th Mass. * * * to the support of the 
left of the 82d New York and the right of the 34th New York, when the engagement 
became general from one end of our line to the other, the enemy pushine forward with the 
most wonderful determination while I steadily advanced the brigade from time to time 
until we came to a distance of 50 yards, when Gen. Sumner * * * directed me to charge 
the enemy with the bayonet, and gave the order to the 34th New York in person * * *. 
Muskets were promptly brought down to a charge, and the men threw themselves at double- 
quick headlong upon the enemy, the 34th New York somewhat in the advance on the left 
and in perfect line, the 82d New York on the right, the 15th Mass. supporting the center. 
The enemy on the right and center gave way, but a South Carolina regiment, before the 
34th New York, brought their bayonets to a charge, and stood until that regiment was 
within 10 or 15 paces of them. I halted the 82d New York and 15th Mass. a little before 
they entered the woods, but the 34th New York plunged into the thicket some 50 paces 
before I could halt them. A farther advance would have imperiled their left flank. * * * 
This bayonet charge was made with a yell * * *. The enemy were driven from the 
field in the greatest confusion * * *. From 5 o'clock until 7 :30 o'clock P. M. my 
brigade was engaged giving and receiving as severe a fire of musketry as ever was wit- 
nessed or heard * * * by the oldest officers of the army * * * After the enemy 
had been driven from their position the brigade advanced into the woods and occupied 
during the night the ground previously held by the enemy till daylight, when they pressed 
farther on and took position, the left resting near the railroad, and the right reaching 
toward the Chickahoming. This engagement having ended at dark, left us in complete 
possession of the field * * *. About 7:30 A. M. Sunday * * * the enemy advanced 
in greatly increased numbers * * * and opened fire upon the line upon the left, com- 
posed chiefly of Gen. Richardson's division. I was ordered * * * to * * * take 
two * * * regiments to the assistance of Richardson's division. * * * No sooner 
had they come within 120 yards of the enemy than they became engaged in a most deadly 
conflict, while the whole line along the railroad for nearly a mile seemed to have become 
one continuous blaze of musketry — the fighting being frequently at no greater distance 
than 50 yards, between heavy lines of infantry. * * * Never before have I seen more 
distinguished courage displayed, nor more determination to conquer or fall on the field 
than was shown by all our troops without distinction. The 82d New York * * * sus- 
tained by the 34th New York, and finally, in conjunction with the Irish Brigade and others 
of Richardson's division, had the satisfaction of seeing the enemy abandon the field and 
precipitately retire upon Richmond * * *. And here the battle ended, leaving us in 
possession of the field * * *." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 798-801.) 

From Col. Sully's report (comdg. 1st Minn., Gorman's brigade) : 

"We * * * reached the battle-field near the railroad station at Fair Oaks about 
4:30 P. M., my regiment leading the column. I * * * formed my regiment in line of 



184 CASEY'S DIVISION 

battle, wheeled them to the right, and, charging across the field, took my position in an 
oblique direction, my right resting on a farm house, my left on the edge of a woods. 

* * * Soon after the 1st Chasseurs formed on mv left, and a battery on their left. 
The position we have still kept." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 803.) 

From Gen. Burns' report (comdg. Second Brigade, Sedgwick's division) : 

"Arriving at Adams' farm, the leading brigade (Gen. Gorman) was formed in the 
first line of deployed battalions. My brigade formed the second line of battalions in mass. 
Before my brigade had completely formed, the enemy opened on the right of the first line. 
I received an order from Gen. Sedgwick to throw two of my regiments, perpendicularly to 
the right, to prevent the enemy from turning our right flank and getting to our line of 
communications. I * * * deployed * * * 72d * * * and 69th Penna. to the 
right, in the woods, and advanced in line of battle through the swamp entanglement about 
300 yards, Gen. Sedgwick assuming command of * * * the 71st * * * and 106th 
Penna. * * * continuing them in support of the first line. After getting my line estab- 
lished I went back to the road for more definite instructions and met Capt. Sedgwick, 
A. A. G, who told me to join the left of my line to Col. Sully's right, he forming the 
right of the first line. I * * * sent my aide to find Col. Sully's right, and directed the 
left of Col. Baxter's to join him. Supposing this accomplished, I again went back to the 
road to see what changes were taking place in the order of battle. Being unable to see 
anything in the woods, I met Capt. Sedgwick again, who informed me that my left had not 
found Col. Sully's right. I immediately rode up the road, and found that the first line had 
changed front during the battle and was in an open field nearly parallel to my new position. 
Bringing my line to the open space, Col. Baxter's left overlapped Col. Sully's right. Col. 
Owen was on his right and rear, covering the right of the road which leads from Court- 
ney's to Golding's house. Then, night approaching and the enemy being driven back, the 
battle ceased. * * * About 12 o'clock at night I was directed * * * to take the 
71st Penna. back toward the bridge crossing Chiekahoming. and with it the 19th Mass. 

* * * 42d. and 63d New York * * *. hold our line of communication, protecting the 
artillery and ammunition, nearly all of which was mixed in the bottom on this side. * * * 
1st of June * * * arrived at the close of the battle * * *." O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, 
part I, pp. 806-807.) 

From Gen. Dana's report (comdg. Third Brigade, Sedgwick's division) : 

"On reaching the field I received an order * * * to form my command in col- 
umns of divisions in rear of Kirby's battery to support the first line of battle, which was 
then engaged warmly with the enemy, who were posted in a wood in front. * * * I 
received * * * an order to prolong the first line of battle * * * by extending on 
the left of it, and * * * to engage the enemy. * * * Before the movement was 
fully executed received a withering volley from the enemy's right at short range with 
steadiness. No sooner was my position taken in line than I discovered the rebel force in 
a slight valley in front, where he found a little cover, extending his right to outflank our 
force, and my arrival was not a moment too early. After replying to his first volley I 

* * * advanced at double-quick, dislodging him and compelling him to take cover of 
woods about 150 yards in his rear. Halting a moment to reform my line I advanced again 
to force him through the woods with the bayonet. We received only a scattering fire from 
him till we came within 50 yards of the wood (it being then dark), when we were again 
met with a full volley. At this time I compelled the 7th Mich., which was on the left, to 
cease its fire, changed its front a little to meet a corresponding change of the enemy, and 
then ordered a fire by company, which was well executed in volleys. This closed the action 
for the day, and we lay on our arms, where we stood for the night. About daybreak 

* * * the enemy left the wood in front of my position and renewed his attack, by turning 
our left and attempting to pierce through our lines between this corps and the one next on 
the left. Through the bloody operations of the day this brigade held its place on the extreme 
right of our position, holding the enemy in check. This brigade acquitted itself well and 
gallantly * * *. I regret to report the loss of 16 killed and 113 wounded, including 4 
commissioned officers." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 808-809.) 

From Gen. Richardson's report (comdg. First Division, Sumner's corps) : 

"Nothing was seen of the enemy until about 5 in the morning. * * * At the time 
mentioned the enemy's pickets were deployed * * * and moving toward us. The head 
of a column was also seen just in the edge of the woods * * *. Capt. Petit's battery 

* * * now opened fire * * * The skirmishers and cavalry broke and retired * * *. 
No movement of the enemy in that direction after our firing ceased could be seen during 
the remainder of the day. * * * At 6 :30 o'clock A. M., * * * along the whole of 
our front line the enemy opened a heavy rolling fire of musketry within 50 yards. * * * 
Our men returned the fire with vivacity and spirit, and it soon became the heaviest mus- 
ketry firing that I had ever experienced during an hour and a half * * *. The action 



AT SEVEN PINES. 185 

had continued in this way about an hour. * * * I now ordered in Gen. Howard to 
reenforee the first line with his brigade * * *. Soon after this the * * * enemy fell 
back for the first time, * * * and for a half hour the firing ceased on both sides. 

* * * I ordered forward the 5th New Hamp. and GOth and 88th New York to take their 
positions in the front line of battle to relieve the 52d New York, 53d Penna., and 61st New 
York. * * * The enemy * * * now returned to the attack. The whole of my 
division was very warmly engaged. The action lasted about one hour longer. Our line 
toward the last poured in its fire and repulsed the enemy with a general charge, assisted 
and followed up promptly by a bayonet charge on the left and rear of the enemy's line by 
two regiments of Gen. French's brigade, the 57th and 66th New York, led by the general 
in person. At the same time their retreat was precipitated by the fire of four pieces of 
Petit's battery * * *. The number of my division engaged was about 7,000." (O. R., 
Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 765-766.) 

From Capt. Hazzard's report (Chief of Artillery, Richardson's division) : 

"Petit's battery (B. 1st New York * * *), arrived on the battle-field of Fair Oaks 
about 4 :30 o'clock Sunday morning, and was placed * * * along the road which runs 
north from the railroad station. In this position this battery completely defended the only 
open ground by which the enemy could approach our position, namely, some cleared and 
level fields extending west and southwest from 900 to 1,500 yards and bounded north and 
south by dense woods. Frank's battery (G. 1st New York) was placed 200 yards in rear 
and at right angles to Petit's battery, so as to drive back the enemy should he attempt to 
emerge from the woods which line the southern side of the railroad. My own battery 
(C. 4th Artillery) was at first placed in reserve, but subsequently four pieces (12-pounders) 
were moved south to the railroad, to shell the abandoned camps of Gens. Casey and Couch, 
which the enemy had occupied. About 6 o'clock A. M., June 1, a body of the enemy's cavalry 
and infantry showed themselves in the edge of the woods and fields to the west and south- 
west of our position, but a discharge of shells and spherical case from Petit's battery drove 
them at once out of view. Very soon afterward a most violent infantry attack was made 
on our left flank, with the obvious intention of penetrating between our division and that 
of Gen. Kearny. The attack was continued by the enemy with the utmost pertinacity for 
nearly four hours, and every regiment in the division was sent into the woods and engaged 
the foe before he relinquished his purpose. Toward the close of this attack I was directed 

* * * to move four of Petit's pieces to the left, and one of the infantry regiments being 
withdrawn * * * from the woods, a well directed fire of shells and shrapnel being 
discharged through this opening in our line, no doubt contributed materially to our success 
in repelling this obstinate effort of the enemy to separate the two wings of our army. 
Very soon after the cheers of our men indicated the retreat of the foe." (O. R., Ser. I, 
Vol. XI, part I, pp. 767-768.) 

From Gen. Howard's report (comdg. First Brigade, Richardson's division) : 

* * * "At 4 A. M., my command was deployed in column of battalions in mass 

* * *. I formed the second line, Gen. French being in front. At about 5 A. M. the 
action commenced * * *. I * * * was directed to detach the 81st Penna., Col. 
Miller, to prolong the line of Gen. French to the left, then formed on the railroad. * * * 
Very soon after I was advised that the enemy was moving to the left * * *. Almost 
immediately a sharp musketry fire was opened upon the left of the line. * * * I was 
directed to send the 61st New York and the 64th New York to the support of Gen. French. 
I took these regiments up the railroad, forming them in deployed line on this road in rear 
of Gen. French's left. Here I learned that Col. Miller, 81st Penna. Vols., was killed at the 
first fire of the enemy, * * * and that one wing was without a field officer. I directed 
Lieut. Miles (Nelson A. Miles, subsequently Lieut. Gen. U. S. A.), my aide-de-camp, to 
collect the companies of that wing and to make the best disposition of it he could. He 
continued with it during the day in the open field on the right of the railroad, and checked 
the advance of the enemy in that direction. I immediately moved forward into the woods 
with the 61st and 64th New York. * * * I led the regiments forward, pressing back 
the enemy to and across the old road into the camp which Gen. Casey's division had 
occupied on the Saturday previous. He was in force here and I advanced to within 30 
yards of his line. At this time my horse's leg was broken, and on dismounting I received 
a second wound in my right arm, which shattered the bone, disabling me. I then directed 
Col. Barlow * * * to assume command * * *. Lieut. Miles * * * commanded 
the left wing of the 81st Penna. in a manner to my entire satisfaction and approval. He 
was wounded in the foot." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 768-769-770.) 

From Col. Parker's report (comdg. Howard's brigade after the latter was wounded) : 

"After the command of the brigade was turned over to me, which was about 10 
A. M., previous to that time having command of the 64th New York Regiment, * * *. 
The forces were then disposed as follows : The 5th New Hamp., * * * held the rail- 



180 CASEY'S DIVISION 

road on the left of the (19th New York * * *; the 81st Penna., under command of Capt. 
Nelson A. Miles, * * * on the south side of the railroad in the open field opposite the 
head of the enemy's column, and on the extreme left of the line; the 61st * * * New 
York * * * on the line of woods, in rear of the railroad, and the C4th New York 
* * * to support Capt. Petit's battery * * *. The brigade fought with the greatest 
courage * * * making two successful bayonet charges, driving the enemy from the 
field in perfect disorder." (O. R., Series I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 770.) 

From Col. Barlow's report (comdg. the 61st New York) : 

"At about 7 A. M. we were moved to the railroad and formed in line of battle thereon, 
facing the south, with our right resting about one-quarter of a mile east of the station. 
Immediately to our left was the 64th New York Vols. The two other regiments of this 
brigade were not in sight. * * * After advancing some 150 yards we came upon the 
53d * * * Penna. Vols., Col. Brooke, formed in line and briskly engaging the enemy. 
I requested Col. Brooke to cease firing that we might pass in front and relieve him. This 
was done, and we at once advanced upon the enemy, who were drawn up in line before us 
and who kept up a heavy firing. After advancing some 25 yards beyond Col. Brooke's 
regiment I halted the regiment and fired one or two rounds. The enemy fell back, firing, 
out of sight among the thick undergrowth. We then moved forward in excellent order 
some 180 yards, meeting with a heavy fire, but not seeing the enemy with sufficient distinct- 
ness to warrant * * * our halting and renewing the fire. 

"On arriving upon the crest of a hill within some 20 yards of the road running parallel 
to the railroad and directly opposite the camp of Casey's division, which the enemy had 
occupied, the battalion was halted, the enemy being plainly in sight by the roadside, and at 
once opened fire, receiving a very heavy one in return. This continued for a considerable 
time, and it was there that our principal loss occurred. We drove the enemy back, and he 
ceased firing. When we could no longer see the enemy and his fire had become slackened 
we ceased firing, and I directed my men to sit down and rest. I considered it unwise to 
advance farther, as there were no regiments on our flanks and we were considerably in 
advance of the line in our rear, and were liable to be taken in rear or outflanked by the 
enemy coming up the road if we passed beyond it. We renewed fire several times, until we 
could see that the woods and camp in our front were clear of the enemy for a considerable 
distance, when we finally ceased, and they did not again appear in our front. Finding that 
our flanks were not supported, I sent to ask Col. Brooke to bring up his regiment upon our 
line, which he did. Scarcely any firing was done after his arrival, but lines were rectified 
and the men rested. A tremendous fire was soon opened upon us from the rear, which 
would have been murderous had we not avoided the balls by lying down. * * * We 
refrained from firing to the rear in return, although it bad been reported to me that the 
enemy were there, a report for which I could find no foundation. * * * On the return 
of Lieut. Gregory, with orders * * * for us to retire, we marched off in perfect order 
by the road leading to our right and returned to the field whence we started. We were not 
again engaged. Just before we started on our return from the front I plainly saw a body of 
the enemy advancing obliquely upon our right on the other side of this road, but we had 
cleared the woods before they reached our position. Our wounded who were left on the 
ground state that the position was occupied by the cnemv immediately after we left it." 
(O. R„ Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 772-773.) 

From Lieut. -Col. Johnson's report (comdg. 81st Penna.) : 

"The regiment took up its position early in the morning on the left of French's 
brigade, on the south side of the railroad. * * * In an instant a murderous fire was 
poured into the regiment at a distance of about 100 feet. The right wing fell back, returning 
the fire. Almost simultaneously the left flank was attacked by a large force * * *. They 
fell back, disputing the way, firing as they retired. The right wing fell back, and was 
formed by their officers in an open field on the north of the railroad. A portion of the 
left wing, being separated from the regiment, took up a position on the railroad, and 
continued firing until all their ammunition was expended. The regiment being formed, I 
took up a position on the edge of the woods, supporting the party on the railroad. I 
reported to headquarters for orders, and was ordered by Gen. Sumner to remain in the 
position I then held until further orders, which I did until I received orders from Gen. Rich- 
ardson to move to our present position on the north side of the railroad, supporting the 
line which is on the railroad." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 775.) 

In his official report of the Seven Days' Battles, Gen. Heintzelman says: 

"A few days after the battle of Fair Oaks our pickets were withdrawn from the 
position they occupied after the battle. This was in consequence of the difficult character 
of the swamp and the thick undergrowth. Our pickets being so near, necessitated keeping 
the troops more on the alert than would have been necessary had they been out the usual 
distance, thus depriving them of necessary rest. All our efforts to extend our pickets were 



AT SEVEN PINES. 187 

opposed by the rebels iii the most determined manner, occasioning a daily loss on both 
sides." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 96.) 

From Gen. Meagher's report (comdg. Second Brigade — Irish Brigade — Richardson's 
division) : 

"On Saturday * * * we * * * heard considerable firing in front. The firing 
continuing to increase in rapidity and loudness. * * * About 1 o'clock P. M. I took the 
liberty of ordering the several regiments of my command to place themselves under arms 
immediatelv, anticipating that an order would at any moment reach me * * * directing 
me to proceed * * * to the scene of action. * * * It was between 9 and 10 P. M. 
when the head of our brigade entered on the scene of * * * conflict. * * * I 
received orders to throw the * * * 69th New York * * * upon the railroad 

* * *. This order was executed promptly and dashingly, a pretty brisk fire opening on 
the regiment * * *. The 88th New York * * * was ordered to occupy the railroad 
on the left of the 5th New Hamp., which regiment prolonged * * * on the left of the 
69th New York * * *. I regard the conduct of the 88th, * * * as being especially 
effective and entitled to distinctive commendation. Had the 88th winced from this position; 
had they faltered or been thrown into confusion when proceeding on the railroad; had the 
two companies of this regiment, which were for some minutes isolated, not sustained the 
fire of the enemy, I believe the issue of the day adversely to the Army of the Potomac 
would have been materially influenced. The conduct of the 69th was incomparably cool. 
The officers and men of the regiment stood and received the fire of the enemy whilst they 
delivered their own with an intelligent steadiness and composure which might have done 
credit to, and might perhaps have been looked for in, the mature troops of more than one 
campaign. The creditable and memorable conduct of the 69th on this occasion was, in my 
opinion, owing in a great measure to the soldierly bearing and fearless tone and spirit of 
Col. Nugent, who, standing close to the colors of his regiment, over and over again 
repeated the order to fire on the enemy. The fire of the two regiments, in a word, was so 
telling, that the enemy, although in considerable force and evidently bent on a desperate 
advance, were compelled to retire, leaving their dead and wounded piled in the woods and 
swampy ground in front of our line of battle. * * * In making this report I find but 
one circumstance which diminishes the pleasure I feel in speaking so laudably of those 
whom I have the honor to command, and this circumstance is the withdrawal of the 63d 
New York Vols., commanded by Col. John Burke, which regiment * * * was ordered 
to fall back and defend the batteries of the division * * *. These orders were executed 

* * * with promptness and full efficiency * * *. I am happy to inform you that in 
killed and wounded the brigade has lost only 2 officers * * * and something less than 
50 men." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 775-780.) 

From Lieut. -Col. Kelly's report (comdg. 88th New York — Irish Brigade) : 

"By order of Gen. Richardson * * * I took the regiment across a belt of wood 
for the purpose of reenforcing * * * the 81st Penna. Vols. * * *. On emerging 
from the wood I found I had only two companies, * * *. I, with the two companies, 
continued forward to the open space now occupied by Hazzard's battery, and advanced them 
in line of battle toward the railroad under a heavy fire. Shortly after the rest of the 
regiment came up * * * where they were much needed." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part 
I, p. 781.) 

From Gen. French's report (comdg. Third Brigade, Richardson's division) : 

"As Gen. Richardson had impressed upon me the importance of communicating 
during the night with Brig.-Gen. Birney on my left, this was continually done, and he was 
kept informed of our relative positions. * * * At 5 o'clock A. M. I was authorized by 
Gen. Richardson to move the length of the front of three regiments to the left. This 
movement covered the front of the attack. In a few moments after * * * the enemy 
made an attack upon my whole front. My troops (with the exception of the 66th New 
York), to form the line of battle, had to cross the railroad through a dense thicket and 
swamp, which covered the approach of the enemy, who opened his first fire at about 50 
yards distance. * * * The first attack was at once repulsed. After a few moments' 
pause the heads of several columns of the enemy threw themselves upon the intervals of 
the regiments on the right and left of the 52d New York. For some time the most des- 
perate efforts were made to break our line. The left of the 53d Penna., consisting of seven 
companies, led on by the gallant Col. Brooke, repulsed them again, and again, * * *. I 
called on Brig.-Gen. Howard, who, with the 61st New York, was awaiting impatiently on 
the railroad in rear to pass my lines. * * * Taking advantage of the temporary cessa- 
tion of our fire the enemy threw upon the advancing supports all their remaining fresh 
troops. * * * Joining himself to the 61st New York, Col. Brooke, of the 53d Penna., 
instead of retiring to the second line, continued to charge the enemy. It was now that 

* * * Brig.-Gen. Howard was twice wounded, and the brave Major Yeager, of the 53d 



188 CASEY'S DIVISION 

Penna., was killed * * *. * * * About two hours had elapsed * * * I moved 
the 66lh and 57th New York * * * to feel the left and rear of the enemy's flank. After 
penetrating the swamps and thicket about three-fourths of a mile the skirmishers of the 
66th encountered the 41st Virginia. A heavy fire being opened upon them the enemy broke 
and precipitately fled, when my brigade, occupying the ground thus conquered, * * * 
remained upon the field unbroken and exultant. Upon the 52d New York, Col. Paul Frank, 
and the 53d Penna., Col. Brooke, devolved the honor of holding that position of my line 
most seriously attacked, under fearful odds, against the best troops of the enemy * * *." 
(O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI. part I, pp. 782-783.) 

From Col. Brooke's report (comdg. 53d Penna., subsequently Brig.-Gen. U. S. A.) : 

"About this time I met Gen. French in rear of the left wing of my regiment. After 
standing with him some time he asked me if my ammunition was nearly gone. I told him 
it was, from the upper of the boxes. He told me to stand fast until he returned, and passed 
back toward the railroad. In a few moments he returned, leading the Sixty-first New York, 
when he ordered me to have my men lie down and let the Sixty-first New York pass my 
line, which was accordingly done. The men were then ordered to fill the upper parts of 
their boxes from the box magazine, when the general immediately ordered us forward to 
the right, where we continued fighting until the fire of the enemy had ceased, when we held 
the position we then occupied until an order came to Col. Barlow of the Sixty-first New 
York to move out of the woods by the right flank, said orders coming from Gen. Richard- 
son, to communicate them to me also. I then followed the Sixty-first New York out of the 
woods into the field occupied by the brigade the night previous, where I again met Gen. 
French, who ordered me to the position I now occupy. 

"The firing during the engagement was very heavy. The time during which we were 
under fire was nearly four hours. The regiments opposed to us during this action were 
the 41st Virginia, 3d Alabama, 53d Virginia, and a regiment supposed to be the 23d Ala- 
bama. Also a regiment with black slouch hats supposed to be Mississippians. My loss is 
as follows: Killed 13, wounded 64, missing 17; making a total of 94." (O. R., Ser. I, 
Vol. XI, part I. p. 790.) 

The Report of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War say: 

"On the 31st of May and the 1st of June the battles of Seven Pines and Fair Oaks 
were fought. As there has been so much controversy in regard to the conduct of some of 
the troops engaged in that battle, your committee will refer more particularly to the testi- 
mony of Gen. Casey, who commanded the advanced division, upon which the attack was 
first made. Gen. Casey states that, when the campaign of the Peninsula commenced, his 
division consisted principally of raw and inexperienced troops. They had suffered greatly 
from the labors and exposures incident upon the siege of Yorktown and the advance of 
the troops up the Peninsula. Some of them had been for weeks without shelter, being 
compelled to leave their camp equipage behind when ordered on the pursuit of the enemy 
after the evacuation of Yorktown. That division took the lead across the Chickahominy, 
taking up a position at Seven Pines, where it established itself by throwing up intrench- 
ments and cutting abatis. 

"A few days before the battle of Seven Pines, contrary to the advice and opinion of 
Gen. Keyes and Gen. Casey, the division was ordered three-quarters of a mile to the front, 
within six miles of Richmond, the pickets extending to within five miles. They had no 
support on their right or their left, the remainder of the corps to which they belonged 
(Keyes') being in their rear. They at once commenced digging rifle pits and cutting abatis, 
the pickets at night being attacked by the enemy, who were repulsed. About 11 o'clock on 
the morning of the 31st the pickets reported the enemy approaching, and an aide of Gen. 
Johnston was captured and brought in with important papers upon him. Gen. Casey, with 
his aide and his general officer of the day, went to Gen. Keyes and reported the circum- 
stances to him. Gen. Keyes testifies that for some days before the attack he sent to Gen. 
McCIellan reports of his condition, the threatening attitude of the enemy in his immediate 
vicinity, and urged that Gen. Sumner be sent across to his support. This was not done, 
however, until after the attack commenced. Reports continued to come in of the approach 
of the enemy. The division was called out and formed, the working men called in, and 
preparations made to meet the coming attack. Two lines of battle were formed — one in the 
rifle pits, and another, composed of five or six regiments and four pieces of artillery, about 
one-third of a mile in advance. A regiment had previously been sent out to support the 
pickets. About 20 minutes to one o'clock the enemy commenced the attack in force, sup- 
posed to amount to about 35,000 men, attacking in front and on both flanks. After fighting 
for some time, the enemy continuing to come on in force, the forces in front fell back to 
the rifle pits, and fought there until nearly surrounded. Reinforcements had been promised, 
and Gen. Casey had selected the position to which they were to be assigned ; but no 
reinforcements came up to his position until just before he was forced to fall back from 
his second line, when a single regiment arrived. After about three hours' fighting the division 



AT SEVEN PENES. 189 

fell back from its second line with a loss of 1,433 in killed, wounded and missing. In the 
course of an hour after Casey's division had been driven back, the remainder of our forces 
were swept back from a mile and a half to two miles from Casey's first line, when the 
enemy were checked, and the fighting ceased for the day." (Report Conduct of the War, 
part I, pp. 20-22.) 

The return of casualties at the battle of Fair Oaks, May 31 and June 1, compiled from 
nominal lists of casualties, returns, etc., and published in the Official Records of the War 
Department (Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 7.37-761), give the aggregate Federal loss at 5,031. 
The Second (Sumner's) Corps lost 1,185; Third (Heintzelman's), 1,245; Fourth (Keyes'), 
2,597. Richardson's division (Sumner's corps) lost 838— killed, 32; wounded, 188; captured 
or missing, 22. Sedgwick's division (Sumner's corps) lost 347 — killed, 62; wounded, 282; 
captured or missing, 3. Hooker's division (Heintzelman's corps) lost 154 — killed. 16; 
wounded. 129; captured or missing, 9. Kearny's division (Heintzelman's corps) lost 1,091 — 
killed, 193; wounded, 816; captured or missing, 82. Couch's division (Keyes' corps) lost 
1,164 — killed, 207; wounded, 818; captured or missing, 139. Casey's division (Keyes' corps) 
lost 1,429 — killed, 177; wounded, 927; captured or missing, 325 

A summary of the foregoing extracts from the official reports of the battle show that 
Casey's division was attacked by an overwhelming foe between 12 and 1 o'clock P. M. and 
was not driven from its position until between 3 and 4 P. M., three hours after the attack; 
that Couch's division, reenforced by Kearny's division, was driven back, and had taken 
refuge behind intrenchments two miles in rear of Couch's line (intrenchments thrown up 
by Casey's division the previous week) before 6:30 P. M. ; that the right of Couch's division 
in position at Fair Oaks, reenforced by two other regiments of that division, had become 
isolated from the main part of the division and driven a half mile back from Fair Oaks 
and would have been annihilated had not succor come by the timely arrival of Sedgwick's 
division of Sumner's corps ; that on the following day spasmodic attacks were made by the 
enemy, continuing not to exceed four hours, the brunt of which fell on Richardson's division 
of Sumner's corps, but which were discontinued when Hooker's division and one brigade 
of Kearny's division advanced on the battle-field of the day before; that the Confederate 
forces were permitted to retain Casey's line of intrenchments unmolested until they saw fit to 
retire, which was at least half a day after they had fallen back from their last attack; that 
the casualties in Casey's division, although the weakest division in the army, were 263 greater 
than in Couch's division, 338 greater than in Kearny's division, and 90 more than in the 
three other divisions of the army engaged in the battle on May 31 and June 1. The official 
reports of the Federal commanders hastily and imperfectly made within a few hours or 
days after the conflict ceased not only make this showing, but a careful analysis of all sub- 
sequent reports and the official reports of the Confederate commanders verify it beyond 
question. This being so, why should the real hero of this battle, who had won eminent 
distinction for valor on the battle-fields of Mexico, and who was in the forefront of the 
battle from the beginning until it ceased on May 31, be forced to finish his official report 
by these pathetic words : 

"In my humble opinion from what I witnessed, on the 31st, I am convinced that 
the stubborn and desperate resistance of my division saved the army on the right bank of 
the Chickahominy from a severe repulse, which might have resulted in a disastrous defeat. 
The blood of the gallant dead would cry to me from the ground on which they fell fighting 
for their country had not I said what I have to vindicate them from the unmerited asper- 
sion which has been cast upon them." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, Part II, p. 916.) 

According to the official report of Gen. Sumner, Gen. McClellan must have been on 
the battle-field before 10:30 A. M., Sunday; he also inspected the lines of the divisions that 
were driven back the day before in the afternoon. In the interim, however, he sent the 
following account of the battle to the Secretary of War : 

"Field of Battle, June 1, 1862—12 o'clock M. 
"We have had a desperate battle, in which the corps of Sumner, Heintzelman and 
Keyes have been engaged against greatly superior numbers. Yesterday, at 1 P. M., the 
enemy, taking advantage of a terrible storm which had flooded the vallev of the Chicka- 
hominy, attacked our troops on the right bank of that river. Casey's division, which was 



190 CASEY'S DIVISION 

in first line, gave way unaccountably and disunite dly (discreditably). This caused a tem- 
porary confusion, during which some guns and baggage were lost, but Heintzelman and 
Kearny most gallantly brought up their troops, which checked the enemy; at the same 
time, however, (Gen. Sumner) succeeded by great exertion in bringing across Sedgwick's 
and Richardson's divisions, who drove back the enemy at the point of the bayonet, covering 
the ground with his dead. This morning the enemy attempted to renew the conflict but 
was everywhere repulsed. We have taken many prisoners, among whom is Gen. Pettigrew 
and Col. Long. Our loss is heavy, but that of the enemy must be enormous. With the 
exception of Casey's division (our) men behaved splendidly. Several fine bayonet charges 
have been made. The Second Excelsior Regiment made two to-day." (O. R.., Ser. I, Vol. 
XI, pp. 749-751.) 

Twenty-four hours, later he sent another dispatch to Sec. Stanton, in which he said: 

"The attack was a sudden one by the enemy in large force on Casey. On Saturday 
Casey's pickets rushed in without attemptinig a stand, and the camp was carried by the 
enemy. Heintzelman moved up at once with Kearny's division and checked the enemy. 
* * * As soon as informed of the state of affairs, I ordered Gen. Sumner across the 
Chickahominv. * * * The result is that our left is now within four miles of Richmond." 
(O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, Tart I, p. 749.) 

Gen. McClellan's first dispatch to the Secretary of War censuring Casey's division 
was published in all the leading daily papers of the country on June 2, the first announce- 
ment the public had of the battle. As soon as Gen. Casey's attention was called to it he 
protested in the following letter addressed to Gen. McClellan's chief of staff: 

"Camp at Poplar Hill, Va., June 5, 1862. 
"In the New York papers of the 2d inst. I see that Gen. McClellan reported to the 
Secretary of War that my division, in some unaccountable manner, was driven back, losing 
artillery and baggage. This statement certainly does great injustice to my division, which 
I doubt not was unintentional. Some of my regiments undoubtedly wavered, but the truth 
is, I stood with my division of about 5,000 men the attack of the enemy for about one hour 
under a most galling fire and without a man being sent as reenforcement. The division was 
not driven from its line until it was turned on both flanks, losing the six pieces of artillery 
which were in the redoubt, and one piece on account of the horses being shot down. We 
did not retire from the first line until Gen. Heintzelman, with a portion of Gen. Kearny's 
division, had come up to the second line. I managed to rally a small portion of my men at 
the second line, but most of the division retired to the third line. The second line could 
not be maintained by the troops belonging to the line, together with the reinforcements 
brought up by Gen. Kearny, and the troops retired to the third line by order of Gen. 
Heintzelman. From an examination afterward of my field of battle, from the number of 
graves, and the number of killed and wounded still on the ground, I am of opinion that 
no division that day or the next killed and wounded more of the enemy than mine. You 
can well imagine that I feel much aggrieved by the remarks of the general commanding, 
but have that belief in his sense of justice which cannot conceive that he will fail to correct 
an error." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 752.) 

On the receipt of this letter Gen. McClellan's assistant adjutant-general (A. V. 
Colburn) sent the following letter to Gen. Sumner: 

"Headquarters Army of the Potomac, June 4, 1862. 
"Gen. McClellan directs me to say that it is difficult for him to decide what was the 
exact conduct of Casey's division during the fight. The report of the corps commander differs 
from the information the general had before received. The general desires that you give 
him as soon as possible, in a few words, the position and condition of Casey's troops when 
you came onto the field, mentioning any that you believe to have acted creditably and those 
who did not. It is the general's impression that that division should be broken up, and 
such portions of it as are not completely demoralized transferred to other divisions. Before 
doing this, however, he wishes for your statements in the case, to enable him to do justice 
to all concerned. Your statements will be considered purely confidential, and will only be 
used to assist the general in deciding what to do, so that no one shall be treated unjustly." 
(O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, p. 750.) 

The official reports do not give Gen. Sumner's reply to this communication, but he 
evidently informed Gen. McClellan that he was at no time within a mile of Casey's line 
of battle, nor had any opportunity to see any of his troops, except the pickets who were 
on duty from two to three miles away from where the battle began. To have gone to such 
a source for information as to the position and condition of Casey's troops is evidence that 
the commanding general had no correct comprehension of the lines of battle, or the position 
of Casey's troops. His official report, dated fourteen months later, gives evidence that he 




THE TWIN FARM-HOUSES BEHIND 
CASEY'S REDOUBT (seen indis- 

iiim ill mi the left I. 
i From a photograph, i 

The ui>i"'i picture looks toward Rich 
mond; the grove stands between the Wil- 
liamsburg stage road and thi I 

which front squarely on the road, per- 
haps 300 feet away. Four hundred dead 
of the battle of Seven Pines were burled 
in the foreground (behind the houses), 
where also si I a pari of Casey's ''.-111111. 

I'll,- foreground of the lower picture 
.slums either .1 corner of Casey's redoubt 
111- the works between it ami the Wil- 
liamsburg road. 

(in tin- Official Map of tin- Campaign "I 
1864 (In- twin houses are named "Kuhn." 
in ism; only one of them remained. A 
persimmon tree stood at that time mi th< 
sir.' nf Casey's redoubt, and there were 
slight traces of the old earthworks thai 
I'm tin- most part were erei ted aftei the 
battle nf Seven Pines. 



THE TWIN FARM-HOUSES AS SEEN FROM 
CASEY'S REDOUBT. 
1 From a photograph.) 



Tin above cuts ami text are from the "Century War Series." and appear in "Battles 
and Leaders of tin- Civil War." By courtesy of tin- Century Company duplicate plates wit. 
secured tor this volume. To the right of the foreground of the upper picture was the site of 
Palmer's camp, the western edge of which almost reached to the ground shown heri 

Between the foreground of the It wer picture ami trees in front of the houses was the 

1 Ipile, consisting of four-foot cordwood, over a hundred feet long ami twelve feel I 

In lltnT between the foreground of the lower picture and the trees, ami extending west of 

1 he foreground, was an appl 'chard, which seem...] to be dying of old age or through lack 

nt care. Wild blackberry hushes covered the site of Casey's redoubt Tin- distance between 
iht" fin tit i't the "twin houses'' in t h ,- lower picture and the Williamsburg road is 100 feet 
This was the site of w'esseiis' tamp, the western edge of which was only a few yards east 
nt tin- woodpile, extending east along the southern side of the road. The eastern house cm 
the right of the upper picture) was still standing ami occupied during the summer of 1907 



AT SEVEN PINES. 191 

never knew where the fiercest part of the battle was fought, notwithstanding he gets credit 
for being present before the battle ended. Even Gen. Sumner, who is credited with being 
the hero of the battle, had a peculiar conception of the battle-field of Fair Oaks or Seven 
Pines. When testifying before the Joint Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the 
War in 1863, he was asked the following question by one of the committee: 

"Who had command at the battle of Fair Oaks or Seven Pines? They are the same 
thing under two names, I understand?" To this he replied: "No, sir; they were two 
distinct places. The battle which I commanded on Saturday and Sunday was at Fair Oaks. 
The battle of Seven Pines was a separate battle, some miles from Fair Oaks. Gen. Heint- 
zelman was in command at Seven Pines." (Report Conduct of War, part 1, p. 362.) 

It is relevant here to call attention to a different statement made by Gen. Sumner 
in his testimony from the closing paragraph of the official report he furnished to the com- 
manding general. In the report he said : "Gen. McClellan came upon the field on Sunday 
before the battle closed." In his testimony he said : "Gen. McClellan came over to me at 
Fair Oaks about 12 o'clock on Sunday. The action of Sunday had then ceased." 

On June 4, Gen. Naglee, commanding the First Brigade of Casey's divisioin, sent the 
following communication to Brig.-Gen. S. Williams, assistant adjutant general of the Army 
of the Potomac: 

"I would respectfully request that the commanding general shall appoint a proper 
board of officers to investigate and report upon certain charges made against Casey's 
division, that the truth may be known concerning their conduct and that of others engaged 
in the affair at the Seven Pines, on May 31 and June 1 and 2." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol, XI, 
part I, p. 750.) 

This communication was forwarded to army headquarters through the proper channel, 
Gen. Casey indorsing it as follows: 

"I feel confident that the general commanding could not have been possessed of the 
whole truth with regard to the affair of the 31st ult., or he would not have made the remark 
he did about my division. I feel that injustice has been done." 

Gen. Keyes in his indorsement approved the application requesting that a board of 
officers be named. On June 5, Gen. Williams replied to this communication, addressing it 
to General Keyes, as follows: 

"* * * I am directed by the commanding general to say that he is fully disposed 
to render entire justice to Casey's division, and will be glad to embrace any opportunity to 
manifest this disposition. A board of officers of high rank cannot conveniently be sum- 
moned now to 'investigate and report' as requested. As soon as the exigencies of the 
service permit, however, it shall be done. Meanwhile an inspector general will be directed 
to proceed and make a preliminary investigation. I am to assure you that it will afford the 
general commanding sincere pleasure should the facts prove such as to require a change of 
his expressed views, founded upon his official statements, in regard to the conduct of Casey's 
division on the 31st ult." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XT, part I, p. 752.) 

However, Gen. McClellan, late that same night, sent the following dispatch to the 
Secretary of War : 

"My dispatch of the 1st instant, stating that Gen. Casey's division, which was with 
first line, gave way unaccountably and discreditably, was based upon official statements 
made to me before I arrived upon the battle-field, and while I was there by superior com- 
manders. From statements made to me subsequently by Gens. Casey and Naglee I am 
induced to believe that portions of the division behaved well and made a most gallant stand 
against superior numbers, but at present the accounts are too conflicting to enable me to 
discriminate with certainty. When the facts are clearly ascertained the exceptional good 
conduct will be properly acknowledged." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 754.) 

In Gen. Williams' reply to Gen. Naglee's request for an investigation he said : "Mean- 
while an inspector general will be directed to proceed and make a preliminary investigation." 
The inspector general made the investigation the same day he was 'directed to proceed' 
to make it and submitted the following report :" 

"Inspector General's Dept., Army of the Potomac, 

Camp Near New Bridge, Va., June 5, 1862. 
General R. B. Marcy, Chief of Staff. 

General: I have the honor to report that I have made the examination directed in 
Casey's division and report thereof as follows : Strength present accounted for averages 



192 CASEY'S DIVISION 

in— First Brigade, 340 per reg't and 5 regiments, 1,700; Second Brigade, 348 per reg't and 
4 regiments, 1,392 ; Third Brigade, 345 per reg't and 4 regiments, 1,380. Making a total in 
this division of 4,472. The numbers in Third Brigade I did not get, and those of Second 
Brigade are given, as reported, approximately correct. I expect a detailed report from 
Second and Third brigades soon. Reported loss in this division, 1,845; in First Brigade 
521 and Second Brigade 553, total 1,074, which leaves for the loss of Third Brigade 771. 
Several who were reported missing in first reports have since reported to their regiments. 
From information gained from a variety of sources, within and without the division, it 
appears there was exhibited both gallant and bad conduct in this division in its recent 
engagement with the enemy at the battle of Fair Oaks, and although attacked by an over- 
whelming force, it poured a most destructive fire upon the enemy, as shown by the large 
number of his dead left on the field, and checked his advance. The first line of rifle pits 
were not left until flanked by the enemy's fire, but were then left in disorder. At the second 
line of rifle pits or trenches the men of this division rallied in part and again caused the 
enemy to suffer by their fire. The actual loss of killed a id wounded in this division proves 
conclusively that it 'was exposed to a heavy fire. As reported, the men did not run when 
falling to the rear, but walked and were in disorder and generally had their arms, but they 
could not be rallied by their officers in their original organizations. Regimental line officers 
in some cases set their men the example of breaking to the rear. Of the number at first 
reported missing several have since joined; others are said to be about in the woods. Many 
were supposed to have gone toward the White House. In this division there are many 
worthy of praise for good conduct who suffer for the bad conduct of others. 

"Remarks. — Casey's division at the recent battle of Fair Oaks zvas not surprised 
according to reports made to me, but defective disposition of picket forces and inefficiency 
of officers, together with bad discipline, account for its conduct, in my opinion, in this 
battle. As a division I do not think it could be trusted by itself in another engagement 
with the enemy soon, believing the shock and repulse it received in the last action has too 
much demoralized the men and officers to safely count upon their making a firm stand. 
The best disposition to make of the troops of this division under existing circumstances is 
to consolidate regiments, weeding out inefficient officers, and to combine them with other 
troops, in my opinion. I would break up the division organization, but not the brigade 
altogether. Efficient officers, associated with good troops and proper encouragement will, 
I think, work great changes for the better of this command. * * * 

"N. (Nelson) H. Davis, Asst. Inspector Gen'l U. S. A." 

(O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 753-754.) 

Surely the fates had decreed that Casey's division should suffer ignomy ! It was 
not enough that this dispatch of the commanding general of the army pillorying this division 
for poltroonery should go the rounds of the press of the country once, but it must be 
repeated a few days later, and even in worse form. The hero of the battle, Gen. Sumner, 
had not received sufficient notice ; owing to a bungle somewhere in transmission of the 
dispatch his name had been omitted in a paragraph. Gen. McClellan hastened to apologize 
for this seeming neglect by sending the following message to Gen. Sumner : 

"My telegraphic dispatch to Secretary of War in regard to battle of Fair Oaks is 
incorrectly printed in the Herald in several particulars. I am there made to say that we 
succeeded by great exertions in bringing across Gens. Sedgwick's and Richardson's division. 
I merely wrote that Gen. Sumner succeeded, etc. I then appreciated what you had done, 
and wished to have it known as soon as possible. I will send you copy of my dispatch as 
written and sent. By some strange chance most of my dispatches in these days are changed 
and mutilated before publication." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part 1, p. 750.) 

Gen. Sumner was not satisfied with a copy; he wanted the country to know how he 
had served it, and he replied in these curt words : 

"Gen. McClellan — Sir: Will you please do me the justice to have your dispatch about 
the battle of Fair Oaks published as it was written?" (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. LI, part I, p. 657.) 

On the same day the following dispatch was sent to Secretary Stanton by Gen. 
McClellan : 

"My telegraphic dispatch of June 1 in regard to battle of Fair Oaks was incorrectly 
published in newspapers. I send with this a correct copy, which I request may be published 
at once. I am the more anxious about this since my dispatch, as published, would seem to 
ignore the services of Gen. Sumner, which were too valuable and brilliant to be overlooked, 
both in the difficult passage of the stream and the subsequent combat. The mistake seems 
to have occurred in transmittal of the dispatch by the telegraph." 

The corrected dispatch read as follows: "We have had a desperate battle, in which 
the corps of Sumner, Heintzelman and Keyes have been engaged against greatly superior 
numbers. Yesterday at 1, the enemy, taking advantage of a terrible storm, which had 



AT SEVEN PINES. 9 

flooded the Valley of the Chickahominy, attacked our troops on the right bank of that river. 
Casey's division, which was the first line, gave way unaccountably and discreditably. This 
caused a temporary confusion, during which some guns and baggage were lost, but Heint- 
zelman and Kearny most gallantly brought up their troops, which checked the enemy. 
At the same time, however, Gen. Sumner succeeded by great exertions in bringing across 
Sedgwick's and Richardson's divisions, who drove back the enemy at the point of the 
bayonet, covering the ground with his dead. This morning the enemy attempted to renew 
the conflict but was everywhere repulsed. We have taken many prisoners, among whom 
are Gen. Pettigrew and Col. Long. Our loss is heavy, but that of the enemy must be 
enormous. With the exception of Casey's division our men have behaved splendidly. 
Several fine bavonet charges have been made. The Second Excelsior made two to-day " 
(O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 751.) 

On June 17 Gen. Naglee sent the following communication to Gen. Williams : "The 

action of Gen. McClellan in regard to my communication to you of the 4th instant was not 
communicated to me until the 14th. I would respectfully request you send me at your 
earliest convenience a copy of the dispatches sent by Gen. Heintzelman and others to Gen. 
McClellan upon which he based his dispatch to the Secretary of War on the 1st of June 
respecting the battle of Fair Oaks, that I may place on record in your office a statement 
of facts in direct refutation of the same." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 755.) 

This called forth the following reply from Gen. Williams, dated June 20, 1862: 

"Your letter of the 17th instant, applying to be furnished with a copy of the dispatches sent 
by Gen. Heintzelman and others to Gen. McClellan upon which he based his dispatch to the 
Secretary of War of the 1st of June respecting the battle of Fair Oaks, has been received. 
In advance of the rendition of the official reports to the War Department the general com- 
manding does not deem it proper to furnish copies of papers on file pertaining to the opera- 
tions of the campaign. His dispatch of the 1st of June was, however, published by the 
War Department, and its contents are known to you. It is not thought that Gen. Heintzel- 
man's dispatches will be of any material value to you in preparing a statement of facts in 
refutation of matter in the general's telegram objectionable to yourself. You are aware 
that a subsequent dispatch to the War Department from the general commanding sus- 
pended the judgment of the behavior of Casey's division, on the 31st of May, conveyed in 
his dispatch of June 1, until further investigation shall enable him to do justice to the good 
conduct which was displayed by portions of the divisions on that day. The general com- 
manding would be glad to receive any statement throwing light upon the occurrences of the 
31st ultimo as far as Casey's division is concerned. His only desire in the premises can be 
to do full justice to any portion of the troops engaged." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, 
p. 756.) 

In the wide search the writer has made he has found no dispatches from Gen. 
Heintzelman to Gen. McClellan of the afternoon of May 31 or the whole of the next 
day, except those published in the official records. That Gen. McClellan based his 
censorious message on these dispatches is evident, although in his official report he says 
he received information previous to his arrival on the battle-field, to the effect that Casey's 
division had given way without making proper resistance, and that this influenced him in 
shaping his telegram. This information was evidently acquired in a similar manner to that 
of Gen. Heintzelman's from persons who were a mile or more in the rear of where Casey's 
troops were holding an overwhelming force of the enemy in check. There is little doubt 
(hat the accusations against Casey's troops were honestly made. The scene to one a 
mile or more in the rear, after the battle had been raging a half hour or more, must have 
had the appearance of a rout. To this phase of the situation the writer will refer again. 
The following dispatches from Gen. Heintzelman or his headquarters to Gen. McClellan 
or to the headquarters of the Army of the Potomac during the battle and a day or two 
afterwards, will in a measure indicate whether the commanding general of the army was 
justified in censuring the rawest troops in his army in so conspicuous a manner. They 
are given in full : 

At the Front, May 31, 1862, 6 p. m. 

Gen. McClellan : Our troops on the road have given way. Birney is advancing on 
the railroad. Our left still holds its own. [O. R., Ser. I, Vol. LI, part I, p. 646.] 

S. P. HEINTZELMAN. 

Headquarters Army of the Potomac, May 31, 1863, 6:20 p. m. 
Col. Colburn : Gen. Casey's division is being rallied by Lieuts. McAlester, Hunt and 
Johnson, of the general's staff. Gen. Casey is reported dead. Lieut. McAlester reports that 



194 CASEY'S DIVISION 

Gen. Kearny is at the Seven Pines, driving the enemy back slowly. Gen. Sumner's column 
is just arriving on the ground. Gen. Hooker's about half a mile in rear of these headquar- 
ters. [O. R., Ser. I, Vol. LI, part I, p. 646.] 

C. McKEEVER, Chief of Staff. 

Head Qrs. Army of the Potomac, May 31, 1862. 

Col. Colburn : Gen. Casey's division is entirely demoralized. Gens. Casey and Palmer 
are reported killed and Gen. Naglee wounded. I have been able to find but one colonel, and 
he says the men have nothing to eat. C. McKEEVER, Chief of Staff. 

P. S. — It is reported that some of the regiments of Gen. Peck's brigade have broken 
and dispersed. [O. R., Ser. I, Vol. LI, part I, p. 617.] C. McK. 

Head Qrs. 3rd Corps, Savages, May 31, 1862, 8 :45 p. m. 
Gen. Marcy, Chief of Staff: I am just in. When I got to the front the most of 
Gen. Casey's division had dispersed, and our fortified position was lost. I ordered up all 
Kearny's and the most of Hooker's division. We checked the enemy and was outflanking 
him on his right, when our center gave way and eventually our left had to follow. A num- 
ber of pieces of artillery were lost before I arrived; how many I am not able to say. I 
ordered up a brigade on the railroad, but it advanced so slowly that it arrived too late to 
prevent the disaster to our center. We have fallen back to the rifle-pits first constructed 
by Gen. Casey, and now hold them. I have no idea of our loss. The rout of Gen. Casey's 
nien had a most dispiriting effect on the troops as they came up. I saw no reason why we 
should have been driven back. [O. R., Ser. I, Vol. LI, part I, p. 645]. 

S.P.HEINTZELMAN. 

Head Qrs. Third Corps, Savage's, May 31, 1862, 9:15 p. m. 
Gen. McClellan: I returned here half an hour since. I got information of the 
attack about 2 p. m., and sent reinforcements at once, at the same time going to the front. 
I soon met the fugitives of Gen. Casey's division, and learned that the most of them had 
given way. When I got forward I found the enemy had possession of our front lines. 
When the reinforcements came up I put them into the woods on the left to turn the 
rebel flank and capture their artillery. Another portion advanced in the center and a 
brigade was ordered up on the railroad. The firing soon became tolerably heavy and the 
center gave way, necessitating the left to fall back. Had the brigade I ordered up on the 
railroad advanced promptly, this disaster to our center might have been repaired, if not 
prevented. We had fallen back to some unfinished rifle-pits less than a mile in front of 
this position. How much artillery we have lost I am unable to tell, as it was lost before 
I got up. Our loss in killed and wounded is considerable. I have ordered up ammunition 
and intrenching tools. The stragglers of Gen. Casey's division had a most dispiriting 
effect, and our troops did not fight well. [O. R., Ser. I. Vol. LI, part I, p. 646.] 

S. P. HEINTZELMAN. 

Head Qrs. Third Corps, May 31, 1862, 10 p. m. 
Gen. McClellan : I have sent across Bottom's Bridge for our ammunition, and it 
will be up before daylight. My corps is supplied with three days' rations. Gen. Keyes 
thinks that Gen. Couch's is supplied till tomorrow night. They are now issuing to Gen. 
Casey's. Gen. Casey's division cannot, however, be relied upon for any purpose whatever. 
The intrenching tools must be left at this place. We are much in want of them. [O. R., 
Ser. I, Vol. LI, part I, p. 617.] S. P. HEINTZELMAN. 

Rifle-pits, June 1, 1862, 8 :30 a. m. 
Gen. McClellan : We are driving the enemy back. The Second Excelsior drove the 
enemv back with the bavonet. Thev are falling back on the right and left on the railroad. 
[O. R, Ser. I, Vol. LI, part I, p. 619] S. P. HEINTZELMAN. 

At Rifle-Pits. June 1, 1862, 9 a. m. 
Gen. McClellan : We have driven the enemy in front. I have a report that they 
are trying to outflank us on our left with 6.000 or 8.000 men. I need reinforcements, as 
Casev's division is not of any use, and the other division not very effective. [O. R., Ser. 
I, Vol. LI, part I, p. 649] S. P. HEINTZELMAN. 

Head Qrs. Third Corps, Savage's, June 2, 1862, 6 a. m. 
Gen. R. B. Marcy: An officer went out at daylight; has just returned. The enemy 
lias fallen back from our front, where they were in strong force last evening with artillery 
and infantry. They retreated on the Williamsburg Road. Our pickets are half a mile 
beyond Gen. Casey's old camp. [O. R., Ser. I, Vol. LI, part I, p. 653.] 

S. P. HEINTZELMAN. 

Head Qrs. Left of Line, June 2, 1862, 11:45 a. m. 
Gen. Marcy: Gen. Hooker reports that he is two miles in advance of Casey's Camp 
and about four miles from Richmond, with seven regiments of infantry and one 
regiment of cavalry (Gregg's 8th Penna.). The rebel pickets fell back as he advanced. 



AT SEVEN FIXES. 195 

He has seen no large body of the enemy. The roads are impassable for artillery. What 
order shall I give Gen. Hooker for tonight? He is advancing with great caution. [O. R., 
Ser. I, Vol. LI, part I, p. 654.] S. P. HEINTZELMAN. 

Head Qrs. Third Corps, Savage's, June 3, 1862. 
Gen. R. B. Marcy: The condition of Casey's old camp is such from the large num- 
ber of dead horses lying around that it is impossible for any troops to occupy it 
or its immediate vicinity. I propose to have Gen. Hooker's division, the portion that is 
in advance, occupy the fields in front of the lines we occupied on Sunday. Our pickets, 
with a sufficient support, can remain in front of this line (Casey's). No troops, rebel or 
ours, can occupy the space of nearly a mile from Casey's position toward the rear. The 
swamp in front, but in rear of our pickets, is filled with abandoned rebel wagons with 
provisions. Gen. Hooker is of the opinion that the enemy is out in force in our immediate 
front. [O. R., Ser. I, Vol. LI, part I, p. 655.] S. P. HEINTZELMAN. 

Although the constant iteration of the delinquencies of Casey's division 
in these messages may have justified the commanding general in calling the 
attention of the country to the shortcomings of this division in so conspicuous 
a manner, ought not a careful reading of the dispatches have caused him to withhold the 
emphasis he gave to it in concluding his telegram? But had Gen. Heintzelman sufficient 
reasons for such constant hammering of the division which had been doing the heaviest 
work of the part of the Army of the Potomac under his command? What was the 
motive for his persistency in discrediting the troops of this division? Such questions 
naturally arise in the minds of those who know the treatment was unjust. Col. Davis 
states in the history of his regiment (104th Penna.) that Heintzelman had the reputation 
of being the enemy of Gen. Casey. This cannot be the reason, although it may have been 
contributory. Certainly a kindly feeling for his classmate at West Point and also as a 
brother officer of years' standing in the same regiment of the regular army should have 
restrained him from his persistency in discrediting the troops of this comrade in arms. 
So far as the writer can find, there is no evidence of animosity or ill feeling between these 
two generals, more than has been made manifest in Gen. Heintzelman's official dispatches 
and report. The fact that Gen. Casey succeeded in obtaining first merit for distinguished 
services in the Mexican war may have been a motive for jealousy, or there may have been 
personal friction because of continued service in the same regiment, but that would rather 
have tended to restrain than to incite undue criticism. These were not the reasons. One 
need not look far, however, for an impelling motive for Gen. Heintzelman to make a 
scapegoat of the division first routed in the battle. The rout of the Federal troops on 
May 31, so far as it has been attributed to lack of generalship, has been imputed to Gen. 
Casey; and most of the writers that have absolved him have shown undue animus against 
Gen. McClellan and attributed the disaster to him. That Gen. Casey was in no sense 
responsible is apparent by a perusal of the record. As he and his comrades have long 
since passed beyond the vale of calumny and invective, reason must take the place of 
passion. The official reports and the testimony before the committee on the conduct of 
the war of Gens. Heintzelman, Keyes, and Casey establish' '••> fOnd di pute three impor- 
tant facts, which, when duly considered, will give a reason why Gen, Heintzelman threw 
the responsibility of the rout of his command on the "raw" troops of Casey's division. 
First: The position occupied by Casey's troops was precarious and could not be defended 
against an overwhelming attack without reinforcements. Second: Casey's division, although 
considered by the corps commander "as a matter of pickets," not only gave sufficient alarm 
of a formidable attack, but also held the enemy in check long enough for the reinforce- 
ments to have reached the intrenched line in front of Seven Pines. Third: Gen. Heintzel- 
man did not send forward reinforcements promptly, even after hearing heavy firing of 
artillery and musketry, because "we had it before." 

Neither in his official report nor in his testimony before the congressional committee 
does Gen. Heintzelman give the time of his arrival on the battle-field, but he does make it 
clear that he did not arrive until after Casey's division had been driven back on to Couch's 
line. Gen Keyes modifies his official report and takes it about 4 P. M. In his official report 
Gen. Heintzelman says : 

"Believing the position in front of the Seven Pines to be a critical one, and not hav- 



100 CASEY'S DIVISION 

ing entire confidence in the raw troops comprising the division of Gen. Casey, I sought and 
obtained permission on Friday afternoon to advance a portion of my corps from its position 
near Bottom's Bridge. The order was to make such disposition of the troops as I saw fit. 
I immediately ordered two brigades of Kearny's division to move forward on the Wil- 
liamsburg stage road and encamp about three-quarters of a mile in advance of Savage 
Station." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 813.) 

The above, fully confirming his testimony before the congressional committee, places 
the full responsibility for the movement of the troops on the south bank of the railroad 
upon Gen. Heintzelman. Although regarding the position of Gen. Casey to be a critical 
one and lacking confidence in his troops, he permitted these raw, undisciplined men to 
withstand the assault of an overwhelming force at least two hours without growing 
uneasy and yet he had felt that the troops had been too much scattered. He says: 
"About 1 o'clock, there was considerable heavy firing of artillery and musketry. As we had 
it before, it did not cause me much uneasiness, until I found it was continued." If the 
general to whom" the welfare and command of the army had been entrusted, and who 
regarded the position of his advance division as critical, felt no uneasiness when the infantry 
and artillery were both heavily and continuously engaged with the enemy, should not some 
charity have been shown the raw, undisciplined troops for loitering away from their camps 
after the firing began? Had they not stood in line of battle for hours the two previous days 
expecting an enemy who only drove in the pickets? Why should they rush to their camp 
because the pickets were firing? In this statement of Gen. Heintzelman is an admission 
which places the responsibility of the disaster to Casey's troops on the general commanding 
the left wing of the army. Gen. Keyes says that he sent for reinforcements to Gen. 
Heintzelman about one o'clock, but for some reason his messenger was unaccountably 
delayed. It would seem that after two weeks (his report is dated June 13, 1862) his 
messenger should have been able to explain the delay. Gen. Heintzelman says that he 
received a note at 2 P. M. from a staff officer of Gen. Keyes, asking for two brigades. If 
this were so, why did an hour elapse before Gen. Kearny received the order to advance 
his first brigade? Is it not possible that either or both Gens. Sumner and Kearny may 
have been absent from their commands at the time, inasmuch as the commanding general of 
the left wing had no apprehension of a battle even after it had been waged an hour or 
more? There is evidence, not in the official report however, that Gen. Kearny was not 
with his command durinir the first hour of the battle. Brev.-Brig. Gen. Francis W. Palfrey, 
in a critical paper, prepared for the Military Historical Society of Massachusetts, and 
read at a meeting of the society and subsequently published with other military papers on 
McClellan's Peninsular Campaign, entitled "After the Fall of Yorktown," says: 

"As for Kearny, I saw him myself that day, as I returned from dining with Gen. 
Sumner near Tyler's house. I think I saw him as late as two o'clock; and as he was 
riding east, away from the river, * * * and so was late in getting his men forward." 

The Tyler house was on the east bank of the Chickahominy river, midway between 
the positions of Richardson's and Sedgwick's divisions before they moved on May 31. But 
even if Gen. Heintzelman was derelict in duty that is no excuse for discreditable action on 
the part of Casey's troops. Volumes have been written as to the discreditable rout of 
Casey's division, and yet the writer has been unable in all his researches, in the libraries of 
the principal cities of the country, to find that any one of the writers was within a mile 
of where Casey's first line held the enemy in check for over an hour, or within three-fourths 
of a mile of his intrenched line which the enemy did not reach for nearly three full hours 
after the attack was made. That there were many of Casey's troops panic-stricken early in 
the fight it is useless to deny. Every regiment had its quota at some stage of the battle. 
But the officer or enlisted man of the regiments of the two other divisions that participated 
south of the railroad on Saturday who will deny the same condition did not obtain in his 
own regiment more or less, will discredit himself with any one conversant with the true 
condition of affairs that afternoon. The entire left wing of the Army of the Potomac was 
bordering on a panic, and had not the shadow of evening come when it did, notwithstanding 
the arrival of Sumner and Hooker, there is little doubt that the two corps south of the rail- 
road would have been driven pellmell into the Chickahominy. Even as it was, with night 



AT SEVEN PINES. 197 

intervening, with Sumner's entire corps across the river, with the Confederate general who 
planned the battle wounded and hors de combat, no attempt was made to retake the posi- 
tion Casey had occupied until the enemy had retired. This is history. It was not the 
arrival of Sumner that saved the day. It was the God of Battles, who had decreed that 
human slavery on this continent should end, and that this grand army, which as yet was 
fighting for the Union with chattel slavery, needed chastening. Night came on and 
checked the forward rush of the victorious enemy, who then had the Federal army on 
the south bank of the Chickahominy practically cut in twain, and these two fragments 
of the left wing completely isolated from the right wing. Before dawn the Confederates 
had an opportunity to count the cost of the first day's victory. The result was appalling. 
Their commander was gone and the ground for a mile and a half square was literally 
covered with their dead and wounded. Even in advance of where the "raw" troops had 
broken "unaccountably and discreditably," havoc had been made in their ranks. One 
entire brigade (Garland's) was practically annihilated and the identity of its regimental 
organizations lost. Another brigade, (Rains') with a loss of one-seventh of its ranks, 
in turning the left flank of the "raw'' division, satisfied to go no farther. Two regiments 
(Gth Alabama, Rodes' brigade and 4th North Carolina, G. B. Anderson's brigade) which 
led the front attack on the "rawest" troops of the Army of the Potomac, sustaining the 
largest numerical loss of all the Confederate regiments during the entire period of the 
Civil War save one (26th North Carolina) ; the first with an aggregate loss of 373, out 
of about 632 engaged; 91 killed, 277 wounded and 5 missing; the other with an aggregate 
loss of 369, out of 678 engaged; 77 killed, 286 wounded and 6 missing; 46 of the dead 
lying within an area of an acre, in front of Casey's intrenchments, defended only by the 
"rawest" troops of the army. During the afternoon of June 2, the writer counted 13 
Confederate dead within an area of ten feet square on the western border of the abatis 
in rear of Wessells' camp, immediately south of the Williamsburg road. Such tremendous 
losses after the flush of victory had subsided, had a tendency to depress and dispirit the 
Confederate troops. The day before some of the commands had shown an utter defiance 
of danger. Many of the fainthearted became bold and rash when they saw the routed 
Federals fleeing, and vied with their most courageous comrades in pushing forward. The 
changed condition obtained not only in the ranks but to a limited degree it affected 
the officers of high rank in command, especially those who had participated in the battle 
of Saturday. Gen. G. W. Smith, who by reason of seniority of rank, succeeded Gen. 
Johnston in command of the Confederate army, says in his book ("Battle of Seven Pines," 
p. 129), that Longstreet, who commanded the right wing, showed no disposition to renew 
the attack and had to receive positive orders before doing so. There is little doubt in the 
mind of the writer that had night been two hours later in coming the army on the right 
bank of the Chickahominy would have been disastrously defeated, notwithstanding the 
heroic action of Sumner's troops. Men in the first flush of victory become imbued with 
a spirit of invincibility, while sudden and unexpected defeat, that becomes a rout, pro- 
duces a radically different morale among the best disciplined and most courageous troops. 
According to the testimony of Gen. Heintzelman the esprit de corps of most of his com- 
mand was at so low an ebb, that gallant Phil. Kearny begged him to let the enemy go 
in peace. No one can read the official reports of Gens. Heintzelman, Kearny and Peck 
without seeing that Casey's division was not the only one routed on Saturday afternoon. 
Why, then, did the commanding-general of the left wing of the army continue criticizing 
the weakest and rawest division in his command? 

"When I got to the front the most of Casey's division had dispersed !" "The rout of 
Gen. Casey's men had a most dispiriting effect on the troops as they came up!" "Gen. 
Casey's division is entirely demoralized." "Gen. Casey's division cannot be relied upon for 
any purpose whatever!" "The stragglers of Gen. Casey's division had a most dispiriting 
effect I" etc. 

This constant iteration of the shortcomings of Casey's division would indicate that 
Gen. Heintzelman was not in a judicial state of mind. His own report and his testimony 
before the congressional committee make it clear that the full responsibility of holding the 
position in advance of Seven Pines devolved upon him. On May 29 he sent a note to Gen. 



198 CASEY'S DIVISION 

Keycs that he was moving a brigade of Kearny's division to a position where in case of an 
attack it could reenforce Keyes in half an hour. On the afternoon of May 30 Gen. Keyes 
informed him of the dangerous condition in which Casey's troops were placed, indicating 
great apprehension of disaster in case of an attack and intimating that he regarded 
Casey's division as a picket guard for the army. With such expressions from his chief 
subordinate officer, intimating that an attack was impending and that the position of the 
advanced line was precarious, his delay in sending forward reinforcements places the culpa- 
bility for the rout of Casey's division on him beyond question. In an endeavor, apparently, 
to distract attention from his own dereliction he allowed vituperation to sway him against 
the "raw" troops of his command. He seems to have let his mind run riot in accusation 
against the division that first gave way. He could not stop at reviling the living but 
resorted to a wanton characterization of the men who did not fall back, but resisted to 
the death a half mile in advance of where the troops of no other division of the Federal 
army dared go on the afternoon of May 31, or at any time during June 1. In his official 
report, dated June 7, he says : 

"An officer informed me that after we had driven the enemy beyond our first intrencli- 
ments he visited Gen. Casey's camp, and found more men bayoneted and shot within their 
shelter tents than outside of them." 

The context, both preceding and succeeding this sentence, makes it an asper- 
sion of the dead. It unquestionably implies that they had played the part of 
poltroons and lay cowering in their tents, making no resistance while the enemy bayoneted 
and shot them at will. Passing by the false claim that the enemy were driven beyond the 
intrenchments the report of the first commanding officer to reach the fortifications in front 
of Casey's camp, Lieut. -Col. H. L. Potter, Second Excelsior Regiment (71st New York), 
has already told the story. However, one sentence is worth reproducing: 

"Scattered over the fields in tents, in the houses, and under sheds were large numbers 
of wounded men, both of the rebel army and our own, in the most distressing condition, 
many having been since Saturday, May 31, without any food or attention." 

Col. S. H. Starr (comdg. Third Brigade, Hooker's division) reported the following 
condition in front of Casey's camp : 

"The 5th and 6th Regiments have been for four days and nights * * * holding the 
most advanced position on this flank of the army, * * * but among the greatest of their 
sufferings may be ranked the intolerable stench to which they have been and are exposed, 
arising from the unburied dead bodies of men and horses that were and are thickly scattered 
over the ground for hundreds of acres around. I have caused to be buried all my men's 
strength and time enabled them to bury, but I suffer many to lie unburied not many hundred 
yards distant." 

This was dated June 4, four days after the battle had occurred on this part of the 
field. Col. Starr was in command of Patterson's brigade of Hooker's division. Two 
regiments of this brigade (5th and 6th New Jersey) were then in the most advanced 
troops. From noon May 31, until June 2, no Federal troops were near this position except 
the "raw" troops of Casey's division. "The unburied dead bodies of men * * * that 
were and arc thickly scattered over the ground for hundreds of acres around," corroborates 
with emphasis the official reports of the Confederate commanders. Lieut. Col. Potter, 
who modestly made no claim of driving "the enemy beyond our first intrenchments," 
refutes the story of the officer who informed Gen. Heintzelman that "we had driven the 
enemy beyond our first intrenchments," and then visited Gen. Casey's camp and found 
more men bayoneted and shot within their shelter tents than outside of them. 

There is an adage that "Where there is much smoke there must be some fire," and 
where so much has been said to the discredit of Casey's division there must have been 
some basis for it; and there was. There is another adage to the effect that "Appearances 
are at times deceptive," and certainly the appearances to the rear of Casey's division as 
soon as the attack had assumed a serious aspect did have the appearance of a rout. But 
what were the conditions surrounding Casey's division at this time? The report of the Joint 
Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War tells it in part, chiefly gathered 
from the sworn testimony of Gen. Casey, as follows : 

"When the campaign of the Peninsula commenced, his division consisted principally 



AT SEVEN PINES. 199 

of raw and inexperienced troops. They had suffered greatly from the labors and exposures 
incident upon the siege of Yorktown and the advance of the troops up the Peninsula. Some 
of them had been for weeks without shelter, being compelled to leave their camp equipage 
behind when ordered on the pursuit of the enemy after the evacuation of Yorktown. That 
division took the lead across the Chickahominy, taking up a position at Seven Pines, where 
it established itself by throwing up intrenchments and cutting abatis." 

This is only part of the story. Nothing is said about the heavy details building roads, 
bridges, etc. ; of the rifle-pits, breastworks and abatis constructed near Savage Station, 
behind which the routed left wing of the army took refuge on the evening of May 31 ; no 
reference is made to the letter to Gen. Casey, from the headquarters of the Army of the 
Potomac, under date of May 23, 1862, desiring "An explanation in detail of the extra- 
ordinary falling off in the effective strength of Casey's division since March 30, 1862." The 
daily returns had shown an extraordinary falling off, but these men had not gone to their 
homes, they had not even been sent to the rear to hospitals, but they had continued to keep 
up with their regiments as long as they had strength to do so, and when not able to con- 
tinue the march thev lav down by the wayside, singly and in groups, frequently a friendly 
comrade tarrying to minister to their needs. Drinking surface water, lying on the damp 
ground, with no covering or shelter, and insufficient nourishment had produced such an 
epidemic of disease that the surgeons in charge were completely overwhelmed with work. 
During the first year of the war every regiment had its quota of men, who having the 
least ailment, would rush to the doctor. The arduous fatigue duty devolving on Casey's 
troops in addition to picket and camp guard duty, reconnoissances, etc., gave an additional 
incentive for this class to get excused from working in the swamps, slashing timber and 
digging rifle-pits. The surgeon's mandate was supreme and could not be annuled by higher 
authority except in extreme emergencies. That there were a great many of this class of 
men, those who asked exemption from duty on the slightest cause, in every regiment of 
Casey's division, will hardly be disputed. But, on the other hand, at this time there was a 
greater corresponding number who were not fit for duty and were not excused, some 
through the lack of acumen, or perhaps indifference, on the part of the surgeon; others who 
would suffer and perform all the duties for which they were detailed rather than appear 
to belong to the shirkers. But outside of these the camps were full of sick men in all the 
various stages of disease, in every regiment there being virulent cases of malarial and 
typhus fevers, the most prevalent ailment being of a dysenteric nature. The sickness was 
not confined to the enlisted men, however ; the officers, both regimental and company, seemed 
to be affected even more than the men, and but few of Casey's regiments had but more than 
one field officer, and in some companies all the officers were either absent or ill. Palmer's 
brigade probably suffered the most, possibly due to its closer proximity to White Oak 
Swamp. Gen. Palmer in his report says : "The sick and reputed sick numbered some hun- 
dreds; in some companies there were no commissioned officers, in the most of them not 
more than one." However, this description would probably be a fair statement of most of 
the regiments of the division. As before stated, the daily returns indicated such a falling 
off of the effective men that a week previously there came a request from the headquarters 
of the army for an explanation of this unprecedented falling off of the effective men for 
duty. From the time Casey's division landed on the Peninsula it had more or less difficulty 
in getting commissary supplies. After crossing the Chickahominy this difficulty became 
intensified, as all supplies had to be transported by wagons from White House Landing 
on the Pamunkey river, and the roads were not in the best condition. Probably the very 
rawness of the troops of the division was a reason why it should be served last, especially 
as it had been assigned to do most of the menial work of the army, it being the rule even 
to this day that those who do the most drudgery, shall have the least and wait until their 
betters are served. Be that as it may, however, a bountiful quantity of commissary sup- 
plies, including several barrels of whiskey, arrived at Casey's camps on Saturday forenoon, 
May 31, requiring a vast stream of wagons to transport them, and these were all parked in 
and about the camps in front, the horses and drivers enjoying their midday meal prepara- 
tory to the return trip. The heavy firing of the previous two days at Casey's advanced 
position had made that an attractive point for the troops in the rear, who wished to know 



200 CASEY'S DIVISION 

what was going on in the front ; added to this, the troops of the other divisions of the army 
had friends in Casey's division, and it, holding the advance, gave a double incentive for 
visiting their friends. When the visitors arrived many of them found their friends in front 
slashing timber or on the picket line. Discipline in those days was more lax in all divisions 
than later, and there was little difficulty in getting to and from the picket line. Gen. Pal- 
frey, in his critical paper before referred to, says: 

"It is within my personal knowledge that it was stated (Somebody told him so. — Ed.) 
at the time on the ground, that is within the days immediately succeeding the action, that 
discipline was slack in Caseys' division; and that when the pickets were driven in, as 
many as a thousand of them were straying to the front without arms and equipments, 
prospecting and amusing themselves generally, and that their rush back to camp, when the 
first shots were fired, had a very confusing and demoralizing effect." 

What percentage of the men straying in front belonged to Casey's division, of course, 
is unknown, but the probabilities are that more than 50 per cent, belonged to other divisions, 
who had come forward to get a glimpse of the enemy, and to have, what was then consid- 
ered an honor, the credit of having been within five miles of Richmond. There were 
several hundreds of men of Casey's division a half mile in advance of the camps slashing 
timber. It being the noon hour, many had hastily eaten their scant provender and hurried 
out to the picket line, less than a fourth of a mile in their front, and were observing the 
enemy when the signal guns were fired ; others were resting in such elevated spots as they 
could find in the vicinity of where they were working. Another thing that should be con- 
sidered, the exceptional torrentional rainstorm of the afternoon and night before, beginning 
when Casey's division was still standing in line of battle in advance of the rifle-pits and 
redoubt to repel the expected attack of the enemy. This rain had not only flooded the 
level grounds, filling the woods with water, making the cultivated grounds one vast morass 
or mire, but had only slightly affected the Williamsburg road to the rear, as it had a ditch 
on either side that kept it pretty generally dry. In going to the rear from Casey's or 
Couch's camps everything converged to this road. The first firing of the pickets, which 
began within two or three minutes after Bondurant's battery had fired the three signal 
guns, was not at all startling at first because it was quite limited in extent and it was some 
little time before the Confederate skirmishers returned the fire. The first light firing of 
the pickets was due to the fact that Garland's brigade, which led the attack, was massed 
so its line of battle did not reach at first to exceed a fourth of a mile north of the Wil- 
liamsburg road, and that it was fully twenty minutes, or perhaps more, in advance of 
Rodes' brigade, which covered the advance south of the Williamsburg road. The picket 
firing opposing Garland's advance forced his regiments, then moving by the right flank, 
to deploy, the skirmishers intermingling with the regiments as they advanced. Up to this 
time the firing had been no heavier than when the pickets were previously attacked, although 
four brigades of Hill's division were advancing on Casey's raw division, within less than 
a mile from his frail intrenchments. Notwithstanding this meager firing. Gen. Casey had 
been advised by the pickets that the enemy were massing in his front and he had taken 
the precaution to order his men under arms and was already placing them in position 
when the firing became more formidable. This occurred immediately after Garland's 
regiments had deployed, they returning the fire of the pickets. This fire being returned 
by the 103d Penna., was the first announcement to the troops in camp and in the rear that 
the attack of the enemy was more formidable than the former ones. Not until then did 
the surgeons in camp become apprehensive of danger, and the sick were given orders to 
get to the rear at once. The commissary wagons were transformed into ambulances, those 
able to walk were told to move to the rear, and soon the road was full of wagons and 
men. Many of the sick, the ambulances having been exhausted, had to be helped to the 
rear, some on stretchers and others by comrades holding them by the arm; to this stream 
were added the full complement of skulkers, and non-combatant camp followers, etc. 
The visitors from other camps tarried to see the fun, but when the enemy made his appear- 
ance in great force they joined the procession to the rear, now anxious to get with their 
respective commands. Wounded men from the picket line and from the regiment sent to 
its support, in some cases assisted by comrades who were not wounded, helped to swell 



AT SEVEN PINES. 201 

the caravan to the rear ; later, when the troops supporting Spratt's battery became engaged, 
the quota of wounded men increased and when this line was finally broken, some of the 
regiments were routed, and this caused a constant flow to the rear. The men who had 
been routed in the woods in the front by overwhelming numbers of the enemy, and also 
later in the abatis when charging at close quarters, when they found they were largely out- 
numbered, had become more or less demoralized and panic-stricken, and instinctively cried 
out, "My regiment is all cut to pieces," as they passed to the rear. While to the observer 
in the rear the appearances indicated that Casey's division was routed, Gen. Casey and 
his subordinate brigade commanders were along the lines in front encouraging the men 
who were gallantly defending the position. None of the calumniators of this division wit- 
nessed the white-haired old general as he sat on his iron-gray horse back of Spratt's 
battery directing the movements of the respective troops, nor saw the men who stood by 
their guns for the first three hours of the battle; had they done so, their accounts would 
have been different; for not until after they were completely overwhelmed and threatened 
on both flanks at close quarters, and had been broken into such fragments that brigade and 
regimental identities had been completely lost, did the penny-a-liners see the men who did 
the most courageous fighting in the battle on May 31. Had these scribblers first seen Gens. 
Kearny and Peck retiring by a wood path with a disorganized mass, more than a mile 
to the rear of where they had met the enemy two or three hours before, would they 
repeatedly have called them fugitives fleeing from the enemy, and ignored their previous 
services? But Casey's division had still more charged to it than was its due. The same 
conditions prevalent among Casey's men obtained, to a less degree, perhaps, among Couch's 
men. But each regiment had a large quota of sick and those who feigned illness, and when 
the enemy's shot and shell began to fly back of Couch's line of battle these joined the 
procession to the rear and all were designated as "fugitives from Casey's division retreating." 
Nowhere do you hear of any fugitives from any other division than Casey's. Like a bad 
boy at school, it had every delinquency charged to it, and the imaginative correspondent 
had a splendid opportunity to corroborate in his dispatches and letters all that the com- 
manding general had said in derogation of the rawest and weakest division of the army. 
Why has the official report of Gen. Casey, which was fully substantiated by all his 
subordinate brigade commanders, and to a degree by his corps commander, been so gen- 
erally ignored, and full credence given to the statements of Gens. McClellan and Heintzel- 
man? Simply because he has been accorded the same treatment that the criminal receives 
when testifying in his own behalf; the very charge against him discrediting his testimony. 
But there is evidence in abundance that can not be questioned corroborating every claim 
made by Gen. Casey as to the courage of his troops; evidence from eye-witnesses who 
knew whereof they testified. Is it not strange that in no official reports of the Confederate 
generals who assaulted Gen. Casey's division, is there a taint of animadversion against 
the action of the Yankees comprising the division first assaulted? Even the newspaper 
writers in the Confederate journals, in describing the battle of Fair Oaks, paid much more 
attention to the "obstinate and prolonged resistance" than they did to the "flying Yankees." 
The official reports of the officers who led the troops and who routed the division can tell 
the story without embellishment. In all the animadversions among the officers on the Con- 
federate side as to who was remiss among the Confederate commanders, there was one 
general in no wise implicated and that was the general who commanded the 
division that made the assault on Casey's troops, Maj.-Gen. Daniel H. Hill. He has been 
preeminently accorded the palm as the hero of the battle. In the concluding paragraph of 
his official report he says : 

"Appended is a list of the killed and wounded. From this it appears that of the less 
than 9,000 taken into action nearly 3,000 were struck down. The loss was principally in the 
three brigades which made the front attack. Rain's brigade, which executed the flank 
movement, suffered but little in comparison. The gallant charge of my division demoralized 
the Yankees, and our re'enj or cements were not hotly engaged; the succor brought to Casey 
not fighting so well as his own men. This accounts for the fact that more than half of 
the entire loss in the two days' fight fell upon my division." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, 
p. 946.) 



202 CASEY'S DIVISION 

In an indorsement to Gen. Rodes' report, Gen. Hill says: 

"I had a full view of the field from my position, and could see no movement toward 
evacuating the works till Gen. Rains opened fire on the flank and rear. This brigade 
(Rains') unfortunately, did little more. Had he pressed vigorously on the right, 500 
casualties would have been saved in Rodes' brigade." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 976.) 

Gen. Hill paid the following compliment to Casey's division at Richmond, Va., Oct. 22, 
1885, in an address at the reunion of the Virginia Division, Army of Northern Virginia 
Association (Southern Historical Society Papers, Vol. 13, p. '-'fill): "It was said 
for a time that Casey was surprised and that his division was defeated by a sudden rush 
of mine. His own report and the reports of all his officers show that there was nothing 
of the kind. He had been waiting for us for hours with his men and guns in position. 
The sudden rush began at 1 o'clock and Casey's works were captured at 3 o'clock. It is 
a misnomer to call a deadly struggle for two hours a sudden rush. It is unjust to my 
division, as well as that opposing me, to say that Casey's men fought badly. They fought 
better than the reinforcements sent to help them. Fowler Hamilton, a jolly dragoon officer, 
was asked in the Mexican war, by some of the newly arrived troops, 'Are the Mexicans 
brave?' They are brave enough for me,' replied be. Casey's men were brave enough for 
me, and he himself was a veteran of approved courage and conduct. He seems to have 
been one of the very last to abandon his earthworks." 

Gen. Garland, whose brigade led the advance, and which was literally "cut to pieces" 
before Casey's line was reached, says in his official report: 

"My line of skirmishers had advanced only a few hundred yards when they encoun- 
tered that of the enemy. * * * Still all pushed forward with alacrity — so fast, indeed, 
that when the skirmishers became heavily engaged the regiments pressed upon their heels 
and the fire became hot along our whole front before emerging from the woods. The 
regiments were broueht into line of battle to support the skirmishers, who, without retiring 
behind them to reform, became in many places intermingled in their ranks, and so continued 
throughout the day. We drove the enemy before us out of the woods back into the abatis, 
where they had several regiments drawn up behind a fence to support them. I am of 
opinion that the line of skirmishers upon our right, on the opposite side of the road, did 
not advance so raoidly as our own, for Maj. W. S. Wilson, of the 2d Miss. Battalion, 
reports that the right of our advancing line was subjected to a fire from the front and 
flank. We had now reached the edge of the wood, where the abatis impeded our further 
advance, and the troops were under heavy fire. I now learned that Col. McRae * * * 
had been compelled to retire * * *. A portion of his regiment I found temporarily con- 
fused * * * and I assisted * * * to rally them. I also assisted Col. Christie 
* * * to reform * * * a portion of his regiment * * *. About the same time, 
Maj. Maury having fallen, I assisted in keeping the 24th Virginia to its place, some embar- 
rassment and delay having been produced by his fall. * * * Hurrying forward * * * 
to the abatis I found that as the regiments emerged from the woods * * * were 
suffering terribly from the enemy's fire. The regimental commanders, who had received 
my orders to move by the left flank, were unable to effect the movement in good order 
under the galling fire. The alternative was adopted to push the regiments forward through 
the abatis against the enemy, which was done, the 2d Florida on the left and in advance; 
the 38th Virginia, now next on its right, only a little behind. * * * I trusted to Col. 
Anderson's intuition as an accomplished soldier to perceive that we were hotly engaged, 
and, as I anticipated, he arrived upon the field just at the proper time. Meanwhile my 
regiments bad advanced more or less into the abatis, the 2d Florida and 38th Virginia up to 
the fence, and driving away the gunners and killing the horses from a section of artillery 
near the road. We were losing heavily, especially in field and company officers. Within 
the space of a few minutes the 24th Virginia had lost its only field officer, wounded (Maj. 
Maury) ; the 23d North Carolina all its field officers, wounded or disabled, and 8 out of 10 
company commanders and 17 out of 29 officers killed or wounded ; the 2d Florida 2 field 
officers and 10 out of 11 company commanders, killed or wounded; the 38th Virginia its 
colonel temporarily disabled, but who again took the field. The entire brigade of five regi- 
ments and a battalion was in front of the fight, receiving the first shock of the enemy's 
force with only six field officers, two regiments without any, two more with one apiece. 
Add to this the list of casualties among company officers shown in the returns, and it is not 
surprising that regimental lines were not accurately preserved ; yet nothing occurred to the 
disparagement of the general reputation of the troops. * * * The supporting brigade 
advancing at this opportune moment, and the passage of lines being a feat in tactics which 
had never been practiced by any of us, large fragments of those regiments who were left 
without field or company officers were joined in and continued forward with that brigade. 
The regiments with field officers remaining (the 2d Florida and 38th Virginia especially) 
preserved a more distinct organization. I assisted Maj. Wilson to collect some of the 
Mississippi Battalion, and sent them to the left of the 28th Georgia. Passing to the right, 
where Lieut. -Col. (R. D.) Johnston, before being wounded, had attached some of his 



AT SEVEN PINES. 203 

companies to the 4th North Carolina, I kept on the right with the mixed command up to 
the earthworks and rifle-pits, placing them to hold the rifle-pits and use them in reverse. 
Arriving there, my horse, which had been shot at an early hour, became now SO disabled 
that I was compelled to abandon him, accepting the use of Capt. Manning's until required 
by him to go after ordnance. Finding Maj. -Gen. Hill * * * near me, I reported to 
him, and rendered assistance for a time in conducting the reinforcements now arriving to 
their positions and in rallying regiments or parts of regiments as wavered anywhere on 
our part of the lines. My own command, now upon the field, was intermingled, in the 
manner already stated, to a large extent with Col. Anderson's brigade. The 2d Florida 
and 38th Virginia, having continued in the light until a late hour, were sent back, under 
orders to supply their exhausted ammunition, about the same time with the 49th Virginia. 
* * * Riding back, at the request of Gen. Hill, to communicate with Gen. Wilcox, whose 
brigade was coming up, I found that Col. Smith, 40th Virginia, bad been directed by Gen. 
Longstreet to join these regiments with his own and carry them back to the front. * * * 
The 2d Florida captured the colors of the 8th New York (evidently Capt. Fitch's battery — 
Ed.) and 45 or 50 prisoners, with several horses, was leading the advance, and, with other 
troops, clearing men and horses from the section of artillery planted near the road, which 
the enemy never afterwards regained. The regiment kept in the fight up to the enemy's 
camp on the left. * * * The 38th Virginia captured the marker's flag of the 104th 
Penna. and prisoners, including one captain, and kept well up in the fight with or near 
the 2d Florida, retiring under orders as above stated. The casualties of these two regi- 
ments were heavy, as shown by the reports; those of the 2d Florida especially so, being 
about 45 per cent, of their force engaged, and the 38th Virginia not much less. Late in 
the afternoon I succeeded in separating and reorganizing my command, and held it under 
orders in reserve. Sleeping upon the field of battle, this brigade, along with Col. Ander- 
son's, was held in reserve on Sunday, the 1st instant, and was not engaged, there being no 
need for its services. * * * Lieut. -Col. Taylor and Maj. Wilson, of the 2d Mississippi 
Battalion, did their whole duty throughout the day, and succeeded in reforming parts of 
their line of skirmishers into bodies and carrying them into the fight. I regret that circum- 
stances did not afford their fine battalion (lie bci upportunitv for separate action on that 
day." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 961-964.) 

The official records of the War Department contain the report of only one regimental 
commander of Garland's brigade, that of Col. Daniel H. Christie, of the 23d North Carolina. 
He says : 

"The regiment was formed in line of battle, occupying the center of the brigade, at 
about 1 :30 P. M., and moved at the command by right of battalions to the front, endeavoring 
to preserve regimental distance on our right for the 38th Virginia. * * * I soon found 
that my command and the 24th Virginia were moving on converging instead of parallel 
lines. I notified Maj. Maury immediately, but a heavy firing in front, indicating the skir- 
mishers would soon be overpowered, I was obliged to bring my command rapidly into line 
of battle before he had time to gain distance for me. * * * We were now suffering 
from a heavy skirmishers' fire (the fire of the 103d Penna. — Ed.), but pressed on through 
swamp and thicket, officers and men exerting themselves to the utmost to overcome the 
obstacles in their line of march and obeying strictly the order to reserve their fire. As we 
neared the edge of the abatis a terrific fire from the opposite side opened on us, which we 
returned with effect. The fight here for some minutes was stubborn in the extreme. The 
felled timber was an almost insuperable obstacle to a successful charge against a firm line, 
and I waited the auspicious moment when they should waver. At this juncture a regiment 
on my right was ordered to fall back and reform. The order reaching the ears of my 
company commanders on the right wing, they mistook it for mine, and commenced putting 
it into execution. That moment I felt to be pregnant with the most disastrous conse- 
quences to my command, but by the quick, intelligent cooperation of Lieut. -Col. Johnston 
the movement was stopped, and we again pressed forward, drove the enemy from his strong 
position, and were entering the abatis when Gen. Garland rode up and ordered me to move 
by the left flank. In the execution of this order the three right companies became detached, 
but were gallantly led by Lieut. -Col. Johnston across the Williamsburg road, and cooper- 
ating with the 4th North Carolina, charged in the direction of the battery in the redoubt, 
officers and men acting nobly, but suffering terribly. Having passed the opening and the 
abatis with what was left of my command, with a part of the 21th Virginia I again pressed 
forward, the enemy fighting but giving way. The swampy earth and thick undergrowth 
continued to check rapid movement. The 2d Florida, on my left, was hard pressed. When 
the 49th Virginia came up cheering upon our right the enemy began again to give way and 
our line went forward. About this time my horse was shot, and in falling with him I was 
so much injured as to be incompetent for further service. AH the field officers and two- 
thirds of the company officers were now hors de combat, but several officers and many of the 
men joined other commands and fought on until night closed the engagement." (O. R., 
Ser. I, Vol. VI, part I, pp. 967-968.) 



204 CASEY'S DIVISION 

Col. Christie's report is fully corroborated in the history of the 23d North Carolina 
Regiment in "North Carolina Regiments" ; the writers, two members of the regiment, say 
of the battle of Seven Pines: 

"Few attacks in war were ever made under circumstances more unfavorable to the 
assaulting force. A swamp, in some places waist deep in water and thick with undergrowth 
and tangled vine, had to be crossed, and a skillfully made abatis confronted and struggled 
through before the heavily manned hostile works beyond could be reached. Through them 
all swept the regiment in line, with its comrade commands, under a fire of musketry and 
artillery as hot as mortal men ever breasted with success. Many a gallant fellow was 
stricken down dead or wounded. Some, rendered helpless by wounds not necessarily fatal, 
sank and were drowned in the deep waters of the swamp. * * * But in our front the 
victory was complete. After two hours, ending in the brilliant charge described above, 
Casey's works were carried and his routed line driven back on Couch's. Then the division, 
reenforced by only one, R. H. Anderson's, smashed Couch, though reenforced by Kearny, 
and drove all back on their third line two miles in rear of the first line. * * * Darkness 
put an end to the battle. But a heavy blood equivalent was paid for the victory. * * * 
None of the field officers escaped injury. Col. Christie was wounded. Lieut.-Col. R. D. 
Johnston was wounded in the arm, face, and neck, had his horse killed under him and was 
shot down within fifty feet of the hostile works. Capt. C. C. Blacknall * * * was 
grazed by seven balls and received a painful bruise near the spine from a fragment of 
shell. * * * Capt. Wm. Johnson * * * Lieut. E. A. McDonald * * * were also 
wounded, Lieuts. J. D. Knott and A. M. Luria * * * were killed * * *. Maj. E. J. 
Christian was mortally wounded, dying a few days later. * * * He had received two 
wounds, either of which would have justified his retirement from the field. But he pluckily 
went forward at the head of his men till stricken down with the third and mortal wound." 
(North Carolina Regiments, Vol. II, pp. 204-206.) 

Col. George B. Anderson, of the 4th North Carolina Regiment, who commanded 
Featherston's brigade, of Gen. Hill's division, the supporting brigade to Gen. Garland, says : 

"The brigade was put in motion * * * between 1 and 1:30 P. M., so as to be 
about one-quarter of a mile in rear of Garland's brigade. After moving a short distance, 
not more than half a mile, word was sent me from Gen. Garland that he was in great need 
of reenforcements. The step of the troops was quickened and theymoved on rapidly, the 
whole advance being over ground exceedingly boggy and much of it covered with a very 
thick growth of trees. The 4th North Carolina, being on the right and somewhat in 
advance, came first into action, emerging from the woods half a mile or more in front of 
the enemy's redoubt and breastworks, upon ground which, up to within 200 or 300 yards 
of the redoubt, was obstructed bv the felling of trees. The other regiments, in the order 
of their positions in line— 49th Virginia, 28th Georgia, and 27th Georgia— came up success- 
ively into action, but the 28th Georgia bv mistake, resulting probably from the density of 
the woods through which it had marched, came up on the right of the 40th Virginia and 
remained thus during the action. Having started the three regiments on the right fairly 
into action, I found myself in the woods on the left of the clearing with the 27th Georgia, 
and, from the force of circumstances as the day advanced, remained on this flank during 
most of the action. This regiment, having formed line in the woods, engaged the enemy 
there and charged him over a very difficult piece of obstructed ground; but finding itself 
in the face of a very greatly superior force and in too advanced a position— one, in fact, 
which endangered its being completely flanked— it was withdrawn a short distance, its left 
flank thrown back, and I went into the clearing to endeavor to procure reenforcements 
before again advancing. Col. Jenkins' regiment of South Carolina Sharpshooters and the 
6th South Carolina Volunteers were sent with me, and as soon as they could be formed 
in line and the firing stopped sufficiently to make the signal agreed upon (a shout from 
the 27th Georgia) heard, the three regiments again charged in the best style over the same 




Carolina and being somewhat scattered and very much fatigued, was now halted and 
reformed in line. The South Carolina regiments advanced some distance farther, and 
after a short time became engaged with the enemy. * * * I then left it and went to 
look after the rest of the brigade. * * * In passing to the right I found the 4th North 
Carolina under fire, but completely exhausted and very badly cut to pieces. The 49th Vir- 
ginia and 28th Georgia had retired. * * * Being completely exhausted myself, and the 
regiments of the brigade being exhausted and cut up and to some extent scattered, and 
the ground being held by fresher troops, I proceeded as the evening closed in to collect 
them together at a point in the rear portion of the clearing to the left of the road. 
Mai Brvan Grimes * * * led his regiment in the thickest of the fight. His horse was 
shot under him not more than 100 vards directly in front of the enemy s redoubt. After 
three color-bearers of his regiment had been killed he bore in his own hands and brought 



AT SEVEN PINES. 205 

out of action its tattered but honored flag. * * * I close my necessarily imperfect 
report with a statement, whose dry figures may be truly said to speak with touching elo- 
quence, of what was done and what was suffered by the brave men of this brigade on 
Saturday, May 31. Carried into action, 1,865; killed, 149; wounded, 680; missing, 37; 
grand aggregate, 866." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 951-953.) 

From the report of Lieut.-Col. Charles T. Zachry, 27th Georgia, Infantry of Feather- 
ston's brigade: 

"About 2 P. M. we emerged from the woods through which we had advanced 
rapidly and with great fatigue to the men, in the open field just in rear of the 4th North 
Carolina State Troops and the 49th Virginia Regiment, who were both engaging the enemy. 
We were ordered to the left into the woods, and our line reached along an abatis of the 
enemy 75 or 100 yards in width. One captain (O. A. Lee, Company I) and several men 
had been killed before we arrived at this position. The enemy had concealed himself on 
the other edge of the abatis, and when we had arrived within this easy range, opened a 
tremendous fire of musketry, with some grape and shell. We replied with greater effect 
upon the enemy, as shown by their dead and wounded, for a brief period, and then charged 
over the abatis, the enemy's sense of danger on seeing our bayonets intrepidly advancing 
allowing him to take but little advantage of the exposure of our men in crossing such a 
place. Advancing beyond where the enemy had been and discovering he had flanked us, 
we fell back across the abatis. Scarcely was our line well in its position before the enemy, 
with three fiendish yells, opened from the same place on us a terrific fire, which we returned 
till reinforced by Col. Jenkins' South Carolina regiment ; then charged the abatis again. 
The enemy fled so rapidly we saw him no more until we had passed three of his camps. 
In the first charge, or while falling back after it, the gallant Capt. Bacon fell mortally 
wounded. * * * Between the first and second charges Col. Smith was severely wounded 
* * *." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 953-954.) 

From report of Capt. John N. Wilcox, comdg. 28th Georgia Infantry: 
"The force of the regiment upon entering the field of action consisted of 370 officers 
and men. The regiment entered the field of action in the position assigned it with the 
brigade under a heavy fire of the enemy's guns and remained on the field between three 
and four hours, constantly engaged under the enemy's galling fire. * * * Loss in killed 
and wounded, 121 officers and men." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XL, part I, p. 955.) 

From report of Maj. Bryan Grimes, comdg. 4th North Carolina Infantry: 
"After marching to the field agreeably to orders, when near the Williamsburg road 
the enemy commenced an enfilading fire from a battery stationed in the road, concealed 
by the woods. I then filed my regiment to the left and brought it into line of battle, and 
ordered it to lie down until the other regiments of the brigade moved up. Just as the next 
regiment reached us a courier arrived from the front calling for reinforcements, and you 
ordered me forward. The woods were very thick and water deep in ponds from recent 
rains, in places waist deep. The enemy, during our advance through the woods, playing 
upon us with canister and shell, it was impossible to keep an accurate alignment ; halted 
at the edge of the woods, rectified the alignment as near as possible before uncovering my 
men, and then ordered them to advance, which was through a thick and entangled abatis, 
formed by felling the trees in opposite directions, which was difficult and tedious to march 
through. At this time I first saw the redoubt of the enemy about half a mile in front, and 
somewhat to the right, of my center, which caused me to right oblique my command. The 
enemy also had a section of battery (two pieces) which was dealing destruction to my left 
wing, while my center and right wings were being mowed down by grape and canister from 
the redoubt; but the men steadily advanced in admirable order. The enemy fled from the 
field pieces on my left and we then concentrated our whole attention to the redoubt. 
Between this entangled brush-wood and the redoubt was a plowed field, rendered very 
miry by the late rains, in which the men would mire ankle deep at every step; through this 
we continued our way. Other regiments at this time were emerging from the thicket both 
on my right and left, when I gave the order to charge on the redoubt, which was done by 
my men in gallant style. When within about 100 yards of the redoubt my horse was killed, 
catching me under him in his fall. Assistance came and I was extricated uninjured, when 
we rushed on. When within 30 or 40 yards of the redoubt I saw that we were 200 yards 
in advance of any other regiment and thought best to fall back to a ditch midway between 
the redoubt and entangled woods, which I ordered, and the regiment retired in good order : 
but the color-bearer misunderstanding the order, fell back beyond the ditch to this entangled 
brush. Those who had taken cover in the ditch then followed the colors, which were then 
halted, and all ordered to lie down, being still within 250 yards of the redoubt. About this 
time our battery arrived and commenced playing upon the enemy. As an evidence of the 
severity of the fire of the enemy while in front of the battery 46 of my men were found 
killed, within an area of one acre. After allowing my men time to recover from their 
fatigue, just then I saw my third color-bearer shot down. Capt. Simonton and myself 



206 CASEY'S DIVISION 

rushed up to raise th^ colors. Capt. Simonton, reaching them first, placed them in my 
hands, raising them aloft, calling upon my men to rally around their standard. It was done 
with alacrity, and, together with several other regiments, we reached the redoubt, the 
enemy fleeing. About 300 yards distant to tin left I saw two regiments of the enemy drawn 
up in line of battle, protected and partially concealed by the woods. I faced my men to the 
left and double-quicked them through an open field to reach a cover of the same woods, 
but before reaching it I saw breastworks to my right thrown up, which the enemy were 
leaving, and ordered my men to move by the right flank and get behind their breastworks, 
tiring upon them during the while, which was continued until I saw a regiment of ours 
marching to the left to attack them. I ordered them to cease firing for fear of shooting 
our friends. In a short time we were ordered forward to support a regiment in front and 
to our right, which was done. While at this spot, of my four officers who had followed the 
flag through the day two were shot — Capt. Simonton, killed instantly, and Capt. Wood, 
very seriously wounded. From here we were ordered to fall back from the breastworks, 
and in a short time it became dark, and orders arrived for me to retire to the road. Just 
before doing so I ordered them to count the number then present, which was 54 * * *. 
It is impossible for me to obtain the names of those who acted with more than common 
gallantry in the first and hottest part of the engagement, as the company officers, tc/io had 
better opportunity of noticing them, are absent wounded * * *. No braver men died 
that day than Capt. Barnes, of Company F. and Lieut. White, of Company C, who xvere 
killed while leading their men up to the breastworks * * *; the list of casualties will 
show, leaving the encampment with 20 officers, 23 of them being killed and wounded." 
(O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 955-057.) 

The official return of casualties as given in the report of the brigade commander 
(O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 953) gives the casualties of the officers and men of this 
regiment as follows : Total carried into action, 078 ; casualties of officers, 24 ; enlisted men, 
345 ; aggregate, 369. A digression from the official reports to give added testimony to the 
report of Maj. Grimes, will not be inappropriate here; but in order to break the monotony 
of repetition a brief reference to the remarkable military career of this Confederate officer 
will be injected first. Although caught by the falling of his horse when that animal was 
killed, Maj. Grimes escaped without further injury, although nearly every other officer of 
the regiment was either killed or seriously wounded. At the battle of Mechanicsville, June 
26. 1862, another horse was killed under him, and again on Sept. 14, 1862, at Brownsboro, 
still another horse was killed under him and again he escaped serious injury. He was the 
first Confederate officer to enter Gettysburg. In July, 1864, he was with Early's command 
and again his horse was killed under him and every member of his staff either killed or 
wounded and yet he escaped without injury, and again, Oct. 19, 1864, he had two horses 
shot under him without resultant injury. He was commissioned major-general in February, 
1805, and planned and led the final charge of the Army of Northern Virginia, Sunday, 
April 9, 1865, when he succeeded in opening a way of retreat to Lynchburg and held the 
position until ordered by Gen. Lee to fall back. Notwithstanding he served from the begin- 
ning to the end of the war without receiving a serious wound, he was mysteriously assassi- 
nated in the evening of Aug. 14, 1885, as he was returning from Washington, N. C, to his 
plantation, a short distance from the town. A worthless character of the neighborhood 
was suspected of the crime and brought to trial, but for lack of evidence was acquitted; 
he then left that part of the country, but in later years returned and in a drunken orgy 
boasted of committing the crime, entering into such details as to remove any doubt of his 
guilt. The indignation of the community was manifested by the citizens promptly lynching 
the assassin. 

Col. E. A. Osborne, of the 4th N. C. Regiment, in a graphic narrative of the battle 
of Seven Pines, or Fair Oaks, published in Vol. I, N. C. Regiments (Col. Osborne com- 
manded a company in this battle), says: 

"The regiment was in fine condition, 25 commissioned officers and 520 men and non- 
commissioned officers reported for duty on the 31st of May, 1862, and as they filed out and 
moved off toward the battle-field of Seven Pines they presented a splendid picture of 
manhood, energy and courage. * * * The 4th Regiment was to the left of the stage 
road, the right being near the road, which ran diagonally across our front, crossing the 
enemy's line a little to the left of the front of the 4th Regiment. A very heavy redoubt 
was in front of us, bristling with artillery supported by a mass of infantry and flanked on 
either side by extensive earthworks filled with men supported by artillery. A fearful storm 
of shot, grape and canister, tore through the trees, plowing up the ground on every side 



AT SEVEN PINES. 207 

and cutting down the brandies and saplings around us. Soon the order was passed along 
the line to move forward. The nun sprang to their feet without a word and advanced to 
the assault. Eor many rods we made our way through the obstructions above mentioned, 
under- a terrible fire of musketry and artillery, which we could not return with any effect 
on account of the confusion into which we were thrown by the obstructions and the great 
difficulty in getting over them. Heavy musketry on the right indicated that the battle was 
raging there with terrible fury. Onward moved our devoted men, until at last the open 
field was reached within one hundred yards of the enemy's works. The men quickly 
resumed their places in line of battle and opened fire upon the enemy with such deadly 
effect as to cause a momentary lull in the storm of deadly missiles that were assailing us. 
But again the enemy renewed his fire with redoubled fury. Our line moved on to within 
fifty or sixty yards of the enemy's works. The men were falling rapidly. We halted near 
a zigzag fence to await support on the right, which had failed to come up. The enemy's 
fire continued with unabated fury, and it was evident that the regiment could not remain 
there without being entirely destroyed. The writer of this narrative looked around for a 
field officer. Maj. Grimes was near, sitting calmly on his iron gray horse, with one leg 
thrown over the saddlebow, as afterwards so often seen on the battle-field. I seized his 
leg to attract his attention. He leaned toward me with his car near my face to hear what 
I had to say. 'Major,' I shouted, 'we can't stand this. Let us charge the works.' 'All 
right,' said the major, 'charge them! charge them!' I rushed back to the front of my 
company, leaped over the fence, and waved them, forward with hat and sword. My com- 
pany, H, rushed forward and the whole regiment instinctively moved with them, yelling 
and firing as they advanced. In front of our left was a field battery, which was instantly 
silenced, also the heavy battery in front of our center and right. On we rushed with such 
impetuosity and determination that the enemy abandoned everything and retired. 

"We captured the works and six pieces of artillery. Rut again we had to halt to 
await necessary support on the right and left. The writer of this sketch was wounded at 
this point within a few rods of the breastworks. After the works were captured in the 
first assault the line retired to the fence from which we had made the charge, to await 
reinforcements, which arrived in a few minutes, when the whole line advanced and drove 
the enemy away. When the second charge was ordered the regiment passed over the same 
ground over which they had charged but a little while before. It was appalling to see how 
much the line had been reduced in numbers. The heavy, compact, orderly line of half an 
hour previous was now scarcely more than a line of skirmishers, but they moved with the 
same boldness and determination as they moved before. The ground was literally covered 
with the bodies of their dead and wounded comrades, yet they moved steadily forward, 
directing their fire with telling effect, until within a few paces of the fortifications, when 
the enemy again retired from his works. Of the twenty-five commissioned officers and 053 
men and non-commissioned officers, every officer except Maj. Grimes was killed, wounded 
or disabled, while of the men, 74 were killed and 205 were wounded. Maj. Grimes had a 
horse killed under him in the charge. His foot was caught under the horse, and it was 
with much difficulty that he was extricated from his helpless condition. While on the 
ground and unable to rise, he moved his sword and shouted: 'Go on, boys! Go on!' Upon 
regaining his feet he saw that his color-bearer, James Bormer, of Company K, was killed, 
when he seized the flag himself and rushed forward, waving his men on to the charge. 
After the works were captured, John A. Slikeleather, of Company A, asked to be allowed 
to carry the flag; and from that day to the close of the war, except when necessarily absent 
for a short time, he bravely bore the regimental colors. 

"A few minutes after the enemy was driven from his works he began to rally in 
rear of his tents. Maj. Grimes ordered his regiment into a piece of woodland nearby and 
opened fire upon him. In moving at double-quick across the open field, to seek the cover 
of the woods, he discovered that the enemy was throwing up breastworks on the right. 
He charged, driving him away and taking a number of prisoners. The night was spent 
upon the field. The men being worn out, were glad to stretch themselves upon the ground 
and rest, surrounded, as they were, by dead and wounded men and animals, while the air 
was filled with cries and groans of the wounded and dying. 

"The conduct of the officers and men in this notable conflict was splendid beyond 
description. Their coolness and deliberation in making their way through the abatis, under 
the most galling fire at short range; the firmness and calmness with which they reformed 
their weakened and disordered line and awaited orders in the open field within seventy-five 
yards of the enemy's works under the same awful and destructive fire; the coolness and 
precision with which they delivered their fire under all these trying conditions; the irre- 
sistible firmness and determination with which they made that wonderful and heroic charge 
in the very jaws of death; the calmness and sullenness with which they retired when the 
danger of being flanked was apparent, and the grim and unwavering deterrhination with 
which they returned to the second charge and continued to fight, all displayed a spirit of 
courage and manliness worthy of any men the world has ever produced. It would be a 
privilege to record the list of the gallant men who fell in this fight, but time and space 



208 CASEY'S DIVISION 

forbid. Their names may not be known to history or to fame, but their comrades knew 
and loved them. We believe the world is better and humanity is honored and ennobled by 
the lives of such men, and that both arc the poorer by their untimely loss. 

"The figures in regard to the number of the men engaged and of those killed and 
disabled are taken from Col. G. B. Anderson's official report of the battle. In all this 
carnage these heroic men never for an instant wavered or showed the slightest trepidation. 
It was as if some superhuman spirit had been infused into them, and nothing but death 
could stop them. The writer shall never forget his feelings." 

In a memorial address on Gen. George Burgwyn Anderson, delivered May 11, 1885 
by Hon. A. M. Waddell, the following reference was made to the action of the 4th North 
Carolina Regiment in this battle: "The battle of Seven Pines was a bloody baptism for 
Col. Anderson's regiment ; indeed, it was almost unparalleled in its terrible destructiveness 
to that command, for of the 27 officers fit for duty, all except one were either killed or 
wounded, and of 520 men in the ranks, 80 were killed and 376 were wounded, leaving only 
58 out of the 520 unhurt, a record which is the best evidence of the perfect discipline and 
splendid courage exhibited by that glorious regiment in its first hard fight with the enemy." 
(Southern Historical Society Papers, Vol. 14, p. 392. ) 

From report of Col. William Smith, comdg. the 49th Virginia: 

"On the morning of the 31st ultimo I received your orders to move by the left flank, 
file right, preserving such a distance from the 4th North Carolina Regiment, on my right, 
as would afford me room promptly to form in line of battle. I accordingly moved, and 
unhappily had to make my way through a trackless forest, encountering at almost every 
step brush, bramble, and pond, and after a most exhausting march of upward of a mile we 
cleared the woods and entered the open field. Passing through this field to the right we, 
with the previous orders renewed, entered the next body of timber, which was either occu- 
pied in common by, or separated us from, the enemy. The 4th North Carolina was on my 
right and the 27th and 28th Georgia on my left. Dressing by the right, we were ordered 
carefully to preserve our distances, (bat not a moment might be lost in forming in line of 
battle. I endeavored to obey this order literally, and in so doing was brought in contact 
with an enormous abatis and with rifle-pits, all right in front, and with a redoubt on my 
right flank. Here I met with Gen. Garland, who, stating that his brigade had been cut to 
pieces, urged me jorward. I gave the word, and my gallant boys dashed into the abatis, 
pressing forward with every possible dispatch. My men were falling fast from the fire of 
an unseen foe — indeed several bad fallen in the limber through which we had just passed 
and from the shell of the enemy, and yet they gallantly pressed forward and had more 
than half perforated the abatis — had passed the rifle-pits and were under a galling fire 
from front and flank before I opened fire. * * * We had been under fire for three 
and a half hours, a portion of the time under a combination of four opposite fires. Our 
brigade had promptly relieved Garland's shattered columns, yet during my long and pro- 
tracted struggle of three and a half hours I had received no succor and no command as to 
my progress or management. My regiment which went into action 390 strong only, had been 
cut down to a mere handful. * * * Of the rank and file 32 were killed, 158 wounded, 
and 22 missing." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 957-959.) 

From report of Capt. John R. Bagby, comdg. 4th Virginia Batallion (an irregular 
organization attached to Featherston's brigade during the battle of Fair Oaks) : 

"Wc were formed in line of battle on the right of the Williamsburg road. From 
thence we passed through the woods to an opening in front of the enemy's intrenchments 
in good order, some four or five of the battalion being wounded. At this juncture one of 
the companies (Capt. Bagby's) was ordered to take charge of three pieces of artillery left 
by the retreating foe. This duty was discharged, firing into two regiments of Yankees 
forming to attack us with considerable effect. Also a portion of Capt. Montague's com- 
pany was detailed to assist in Capt. Carter's battery, many of his cannoneers having been 
disabled. The battalion was then ordered forward, * * * and ordered to charge the 
enemy in ambush among felled trees on the right of Barker's house. We passed through 
the enemy's tents, wheeled to the right, and upon reaching the felled trees threw our- 
selves on the ground, and fired upon the enemy whenever they showed themselves. After 
being in this position some fifteen or twenty minutes some officer in our front ordered his 
regiment to retire, and when they reached our position * * * we retired through the 
enemy's tents, and about half the battalion stopped at the intrenchments; the halance 
retreated farther. * * * The dispersion of Capt. Otey's company was due to the fact 
their first lieutenant (acting captain) was severely wounded, another wounded, and the 
remaining taken prisoner, who, however, escaped upon the second retreat of the enemy. 
We suffered in this battle verv severely, losing in killed and wounded 6 commissioned officers 
and 80 enlisted men." (O. R, Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 968-969.) 



AT SEVEN PINES ''"' 

From report of Brig. Gen. Gabriel J. Rains, comdg. brigade of Hill's division: 
^ "Pursuant to the instructions of Maj. Gen. Hill, on tbe field of battle, Brig.-Gen. 
Rode's brigade being actively engaged with an overpowering mass of the enemy, with the 
two right regiments of my command, soon followed by the third and part of the fourth, 
we penetrated the woods, to take the enemy in rear, and drive him from his batteries, now 
playing with fearful effect upon our troops. We found ourselves in a swamp, but pressed 
on with alacrity until we had gained the rear of the enemy. Here we halted, directed by 
a divine Providence, exactly at the right place, where I made a change of front by a wheel 
in the thicket, and advancing found ourselves facing the foe. Some of our men had fired 
on what I was afraid t" be some of our own troops, but it proved otherwise from the dead 
bodies we passed, and the enemy must have been firing then upon one another. As soon 
as we reached the edge of the thicket, seeing the enemy in front, I ordered the fire. For 
a moment it ran along the line, not fairly yet in position, and was then followed by a 
long, loud and continued roll of musketry for full fifteen minutes without cessation. 
I had heard many a volley before, but never one so long and continuous. We evidently 
were unexpectedly there, were near at hand to the for, and truck them like an avalanche. 
Their shot and cannon balls came like hail into the bushes around us, but the men lay 
close to the ground and only rose upon the knee to fire. The enemy were in great force 
before us, at least ten to one, and increasing by reinforcements, and at their fire about 
100 of our men broke to the rear, but happening to be just there I easily rallied them, and 
tluy fought like heroes, and more than redeemed the act of a momentary panic. All 
acquitted themselves well, and when we emerged from the woods and swept through the 
desolated camp of the enemy, amid their dead and wounded, their property lying every- 
where around, not one article was taken up by the men, who maintained their ranks like 
true soldiers and ultimately passed the night in line of battle without fire or light in another 
part of the woods, ready to receive and check the enemy should he advance, also taking 
a number of prisoners. * * Our loss in the battle was more than one-seventh of the 

whole brigade, and of these very few not killed or wounded * * * ." (O. R., Ser I 
Vol. XI, part I„ pp. 969-970 I 

From report of Brig.-Gen. R. E. Rodes, comdg. Third Brigade, Hill's division: 

"When the signal was given my line of skirmishers and the 12th Mississippi Regi- 
ment moved to the attack and immediately thereafter i he action began. Under these cir- 
cumstances, as each of the remaining regiments came up I caused it to move forward to 
the attack, so that my brigade moved to the field en echelon and in the following order: 
1st, 0th Alabama * * * Col. Gordon * * * deployed as skirmishers, covering the 
whole front of the brigade; '1>\. 12th Mississippi, Col. W. II. Taylor, moving with its left on 
the Williamsburg road; .'id., I leaw Artillery Battalion, Capt. C. C. Otey; * * * 4th, 5th 
Alabama * * * Col. C. C. Pegues * * * 5th, 12th Alabama * * * Col. R. T. 
Jones. * * * The King William Artillery, Capt. Thomas H. Carter, * * * I ordered 
to proceed by the shortest route to the Williamsburg road, and to follow the left of the 
brigade along that road after the whole of the brigade had advanced. Ascertaining the 
position of the right of the 12th Mississippi * * * I endeavored to move the remain- 
ing regiments rapidly into line of battle witli it ; but finding that this regiment was pressed, 
I moved the 5th Alabama directly to its support. The ground over which we were to move 
being covered with very thick undergrowth and the soil being very marshy, so marshy 
that it was with great difficulty either horses or men could get over it, and being guided 
only by the fire in the front, I emerged from the woods upon the Williamsburg road under 
a heavy fire of both artillery and musketry with only five companies of the 5th Alabama; 
the remaining companies having become separated, had moved into the abatis in their 
front and on the right of the 12th Mississippi. Finding that the 12th Mississippi had moved 
forward into the abatis and was gallantly holding its own along its front, and my battle 
instructions required me to operate upon the right of the Williamsburg road, I ordered 
the left wing of the 5th to move through the abatis and join the right and moving toward 
the right myself, found the battalion of heavy artillery opposite their position in line, but 
halted and lying down in the wood behind the abatis, which Capt. Bagby, temporarily in 
command, informed me was in obedience to an order from Maj. -Gen. Hill. Ordering 
them forward, I proceeded further to the right, and found that the 12th Alabama, which 
had moved over less difficult ground than the other regiments had, was considerably in 
advance of the brigade, and that, together with the 6th, still deployed as skirmishers, it 
was i ngaging the enemy, having driven him steadily up to his intrenchments. Concentrating 
the 6th, I moved both it and thc_ 12th Alabama about 60 yards to the rear, in order to 
form the whole brigade in a continuous line preparatory to an advance upon the enemy's 
earthworks. While arranging the line of battle the left wing of the 5th Alabama, under 
Maj. E. L. Hobson (Lieut.-Col. J. M. Hall having been wounded), in its eagerness to 
engage the enemy at close quarters and having misunderstood my order to move to the 
right, moved forward without orders into the field in front of the abatis and directly under 
the guns of the redoubt. After holding its position there a few minutes and finding that 



210 CASEY'S DIVISION 

its movement was premature it moved back in perfect order, under a heavy fire of artillery 
and musketry, to the front of the abatis. My line of battle was thus completed. It was 
formed under a heavy fire throughout its entire extent and seemed about equal in extent to 
that of the enemy, which was then in front of his camp and was protected by a redoubt 
and intrenchments. * * * I therefore determined to attack from the position my brigade 
then held. * * * By this time the enemy began to show signs of wavering under the 
effects of a heavy fire from a Confederate battery on my left, which proved to be the King 
William Artillery, under Capt. Carter. Their battery of seven guns was in a moment after 
silenced and the occupants of the redoubt driven out by Capt. Carter's five pieces. Capt. 
Carter, as far as the enemy's first line of intrenchments was concerned, had achieved 
a victory, for upon moving with the whole brigade to attack the enemy, having already 
abandoned his guns and redoubt, fled from his intrenchments and camp to occupy a line 
of abatis and woods about 150 yards in rear of .the redoubt. * * * From this new 
position they opened fire upon my right regiment, the 6th Alabama, across an open field. 
Finding that they outflanked smartly my right and that my left was exposed, as I saw 
no Confederate troops on that flank, and that the brigade would be well protected on the 
outside of the enemy's works and by a fence extending in front of a thin skirt of woods 
occupied by my right regiment, I gave orders that it should occupy and hold that line 
while I waited for Gen. Rains to come up on my right and until I could examine the 
ground to the left of the Williamsburg road, my left flank being closely approached by 
woods. At the moment of our taking possession of the works I discovered a brigade of 
Federal infantry approaching my brigade from the woods just mentioned on the left of 
the Williamsburg road. The head of this column halted within 350 yards of the redoubt. 
I immediately caused the 5th Alabama to occupy the redoubt and the 12th Mississippi to 
occupy the rifle-pits between the redoubt and the Williamsburg road, and called for a com- 
pany of heavy artillery to turn upon the enemy's column some of his abandoned guns, an 
order which Capt. Bagby's company promptly obeyed. But before he succeeded in opening 
fire Capt. Carter arrived with his battery, and immediately opened fire with the first of his 
pieces and in a moment after with a second. In a few moments Capt. Bagby, having suc- 
ceeded in getting two of the enemy's pieces in position, opened fire upon him, and then 
under the combined fire of those four pieces he gave way and retired. An attack being 
threatened in front, as soon as the force on the left was dispersed one of Capt. Carter's 
pieces was, under direction of Maj.-Gen. Hill, who had just arrived, placed in such a 
position as to enfilade the road. At this moment, from a point 600 or 700 yards down this 
road and directl" in front of our position, the ^emy's battery opened fire upon us with 
considerable effect, sweeping off almost every man from Capt. Carter's last-mentioned 
piece. (The Federal battery referred to here was the 7th New York Battery of Casey's 
division, commanded by Capt. P. C. Regan. — Eds.) Finding that Confederate troops were 
arriving on my right and left, I ordered my brigade to move forward again, which it 
bravely did, th:ugh encountering a heavy fire of musketry and artillery from the enemy 
concealed behind a second row of abatis, woods, and fence. My two regiments, the 6th 
and 12th Alabama, suffered severely in this advance. The 6th Alabama, upon moving across 
the field in the edge of which they had first halted and entering the woods on the opposite 
side, driving the enemy before them, encountered a heavy fire of musketry upon its right 
and front, and finally upon the rear of its right wing. * * * I ordered this regiment 
to fall back to the position it had last occupied on the edge of the field, where it was about 
in line with the enemy's intrenchments, and where, though still under fire, it was somewhat 
protected. * * * When the 6th Alabama moved back, the right wing of the 12th Alabama 
* * * retired with it and took position on its left behind the intrenchments. The left 
wing also started to retire, but at the command of its major promptly resumed its posi- 
tion, but afterwards fell back to a position in front of the intrenchments. At this time a 
portion of the Heavy Artillery Battalion retired and, I regret to say, headed by their officers, 
took refuge in the ditches in front of the enemy's redoubt, a position from which I had 
much difficulty in dislodging them when they were called upon to man the redoubt. I did 
not attempt to reestablish either this portion of the battalion or the 12th Alabama * * * 
in the position from which they had withdrawn, because it was evident that nothing could 
be effected toward an advance while the right wing of the brigade was so exposed. A 
part of the battalion, the 5th Alabama, and 12th Mississippi Regiments, continued to hold 
their ground steadily, though subjected to a constant fire from the enemy's musketry, 
which inflicted a severe loss upon them. The enemy's batteries in the meantime had been 
silenced, but while the contest between them and our own was going on the 12th Mississippi 
and a portion of the 5th Alabama, which were directly between these batteries, maintained 
their posts without flinching. Just after the 12th Alabama had fallen back and about an 
hour after the brigade had assumed its most advanced position, during which time it had 
been under constant fire of musketry, reinforcements commenced to arrive, and in assisting 
Gen. Kemper to place his brigade, so it could move forward to relieve any advanced regi- 
ments, which by this time had been under fire fully three hours, I received a wound in the 
arm, which in a short time became so painful as to compel me to turn over the command 



AT SEVEN PINES 211 

of the brigade to Col. Gordon, of the 6th Alabama. * * * The loss in the brigade, and 
especially in the 6th Alabama and 12th Mississippi Regiments, had already been serious, 
but in this second forward movement, and while holding the advanced position, the loss 
inflicted upon it was far heavier, the 6th Alabama having lost more than half its force. 

* * * The brigade was under a constant fire of musketry and artillery during five and a 
half hours, and hence its loss was heavy. The following statement exhibits the casualties 

* * * . Total, killed, 241 ; wounded, 853 ; missing, 5 ; aggregate loss, 1,099. The total 
number of men carried into action was about 2,200. The aggregate number at camp was, 
however, 2,587. The 6th Alabama lost near 60 per cent of its aggregate force. Some of 
its men were drowned after having been wounded, as they fought at times in a swamp in 
which the water was from 6 inches to 2 feet in depth." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 
970-976.) 

From report of Col. J. B. Gordon, 6th Alabama, who succeeded to the command of 
Rodes' brigade during the battle: 

"Notified that I was placed in command, I reported to Maj.-Gen. Hill for orders. 
Under his direction I moved the brigade about half a mile to the rear, and ordered them 
to camp on either side of the Williamsburg road, spending nearly the entire night with 
large details from the brigade in nursing the wounded whom the surgeons had been unable 
to remove. I was ordered soon after the firing began Sunday morning to move the brigade 
forward to support the troops then engaging the enemy on the left of the Williamsburg 
road and to prevent the enemy from retaking his earthworks. * * * Forming a line 
around the front of the abatis, on the left of the road, this position was held, in constant 
expectation of being called into action, until we were relieved by the brigade of Gen. 
Colston." (O. R, Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 977.) 

From the report of Col. C. C. Pegues, 5th Alabama: 

" * * * The regiment emerged from the woods in front of the enemy's camp, 
which was fortified with a redoubt and a long line of breastworks and rifle-pits, and 
advanced toward it over an abatis formed by thickly-felled timber, which in some places 
was almost impassable. While in the abatis an order was received to move by the left 
flank and approach the redoubt more in rear. I immediately moved the right wing in the 
direction ordered, leaving instructions with Lieut.-Col. J. M. Hall to follow with the left 
wing. In consequence of a wound * * * Lieut.-Col. Hall left the field before executing 
this order ; hence the left wing remained in the abatis in front of the redoubt, being at the 
time under command of Maj. E. L. Hobson, where it suffered severely from the enemy's 
batteries and long-range guns. The right wing formed line on the left of the 4th Virginia 
Battalion, and the entire line was ordered by Gen. Rodes in person to charge the redoubt. 
While making this charge the left wing emerged from the abatis, took its proper place in 
line, and the whole regiment charged over the ditch and embankment into the redoubt, 
where we captured a stand of colors and six pieces of artillery. * * * This position 
was held by my regiment until the command was given by Gen. Rodes to advance. The 
regiment moved through the enemy's camp into the open field beyond under a heavy fire 
of artillery and small arms from the enemy, who was concealed in the felled timber in rear 
of his camp. Here we remained one and a half hours under a galling fire and unable to 
return it ourselves on account of the Virginia battalion being in front. It was here my 
regiment suffered most severely, losing more than 100 men in killed and wounded at this 
particular spot. I was finally ordered to lead my regiment under cover of a woodpile about 
60 paces to the rear, where it remained until the fighting for the day ceased * * * The 
list of casualties * * * shows a loss of 229 killed and wounded and only 2 missing and 
unaccounted for * * * (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, pp. 978-979.) 

From report of Col. John B. Gordon, comdg. 6th Alabama : 

"* * * I moved my regiment across to the Williamsburg road by the left flank, 

* * * deployed them as skirmishers in front of the brigade, with the left resting on the 
road. They were moved forward as the skirmishers from the brigade of Gen. Garland, 
deployed on the left of the road, approached my left flank. This forward movement was 
difficult and fatiguing in the extreme. * * * The enemy's advanced posts were first 
reached and attacked by Gen. Garland's skirmishers, then by my left, then by my center, 
and finally by my right, demonstrating that the enemy's line did not extend across the Wil- 
liamsburg at right angles, but nearly parallel to the general course of the Chickahominy 
river. As my skirmishers entered the open field in which the enemy had erected his earth- 
works a regiment was moved up in line of battle covering my left wing. Upon this regi- 
ment I ordered a forward movement under their fire, in order to get within easy range 
for my rifles. A few rounds were exchanged and they retired to their intrenchments. 
(96th New York with two companies — F and I — 103d Penna.) From the woods 
in front of my right and center and on the left of the enemy's works he 
had by this time thrown forward one or two regiments, protected by a heavy rail fence. 
My skirmishers were immediately ordered forward until within easy range, and then, lying 



212 CASEY'S DIVISION 

down behind stumps and logs, they poured a most deadly fire for some minutes into the 
solid ranks of the enemy, when, reenforced and assisted by the 12th Alabama Regiment, 
this line of the enemy was also driven under cover of the woods. Under this fire from 
the enemy some of my best officers and many men fell. Capt. Fox, Company E, no less 
brave than accomplished, was killed ; Capt. A. M. Gordon, Company D, seriously wounded. 
The brigade was now being formed in line of battle just in rear of my line of skirmishers, 
when, upon application to Gen. Rodes, I was ordered to form my regiment on the right of 
the brigade and charge with it the enemy's earthworks. These were soon occupied by 
the brigade. Here the troops on my left halted, but the order not having reached me, 
my regiment moved on into the enemy's camps and captured a stand of colors. * * * 
Ordered back to form on the brigade, I moved by the right-about until I reached my posi- 
tion, when, anxious to screen my men as soon as possible, I ordered them to lie down. 
A charee on the abatis and swamp was soon ordered. The command was given, 'Forward 
(and pausing for the men to rise), march!' The entire regiment rose promptly and began 
the march to the rear under their conception of the order. Impressed with the importance 
of arresting the movement at once, I galloped about equi-distant between my line and that of 
the enemy, and called to my men by word and gesture to move on the enemy. Promptly 
facing about, and exclaiming from one end of the line to the other that the order was 
misunderstood, they moved at double-quick with such impetuosity that the enemy fled from 
his hiding-places before us. Falling back, however, upon a second line, he poured a most 
terrific fire upon my ranks. * * * We were driving the enemy steadily before us, when 
he suddenly moved upon my right flank a strong force bearing Confederate battle-flags and 
enfiladed my entire line. * * * Messenger after messenger was then dispatched to urge 
the troops in rear of my right to move down to my support. This brigade, although within 
sight and but a few hundred yards distant, failed to give me any assistance whatever. 
Prompt succor would have enabled us to have driven the enemy, already fleeing in my 
front, entirely from the abatis, and have saved to the service one-half of my fallen. * * * 
Gen. Rodes gave the order for this regiment to fall back * ^ * * when they retired to 
the enemy's intrenchments in the rear." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, p. 980.) 

As elsewhere noted only one Confederate regiment, during the entire four years 
war met with a heavier numerical loss than was sustained by two regiments in the 
battie of Seven Pines; the 6th Alabama, and the 4th North Carolina. The official report 
of Gen. Rodes gives the loss of the latter regiment as follows: killed, 9 officers and 82 
men; wounded, 22 officers and 255 men; missing. 5 men; aggregate casualties, 373. Refer- 
ence has been made to the remarkable military career of the commanding officer of the 
4th North Carolina, Maj. Grimes. The commander of the 6th Alabama, Col. John B. 
Gordon, had a record equally meritorious. From the rank of captain he rose successively 
to the rank of acting lieutenant general of the Confederate army and commanded one 
wing of Lee's army at Appomatox. Before Gen. Lee surrendered he sent a staff officer 
to Gen. Gordon to inquire as to the situation. Gordon's answer was; 

"Tell Gen Lee I have fought my corps to a frazzle, and I fear I can do nothing 
unless I am heavily supported by Longstreet's corps." (Military Memoirs of a Confederate 
by E. P. Alexander, p. 603.) 

Gen. Gordon was wounded in battle eight times during the war. At Sharpsburg he 
was five times wounded, four rifle balls passing through his body— the fifth passed through 
his face and rendered him unconscious. 

From report of Lieut.-Col. B. B. Gayle, comdg. 12th Alabama: 

"After penetrating a swamp knee deep in water we were in full view of the foe, 
and forthwith received a heavy fire from him. We lay on the ground in the edge of the 
woods for a short time, using our long-range guns to no bad purpose. An order was then 
received to move forward to the right. This was done without hesitation, and the right 
wing having to cross an open field, received a heavv fire. Here several of our men were 
wounded, but none, I believe, killed. We did not remain long in this position, for the 
enemy seeing that another regiment to our right was about to Hank them, retired. In a 
few moments the whole brigade was in line, and after making a half wheel to the left com- 
menced to charge upon the breastworks and camp of the enemy. In this charge the men 
were exposed to a terrific fire * * *. We oushed onward, and on reaching the works 
that were then deserted found ourselves exposed to a severe cross-fire from the bushes on 
the right- kept close to the ground until orders were given to continue the pursuit, when 
everv man rose to his feet and dashed onward. We soon came to thick brush and felled 
trees in which the fleeing foe had concealed himself. Owing to these obstructions we could 
charge no farther. Here now we lay in the open field, while the enemy * * is 

concealed in thick brush in front. Our brave men are falling rapidly. I soon 



AT SEVEN PINES 213 

saw that our exposed position could not be maintained ; we were fighting under too many 
disadvantages * * * . After remaining under this fire for more than an hour I per- 
ceived that the regiment on my right had fallen back and the foe that had engaged it was 
now opening a deadlv cross-fire on the 12th. * * * To stand this state of affairs any 
longer I knew would be death to all, so I gave the command to retreat. * * * The 
12th Alabama, while advancing, charged directly through the camp of the enemy. Soon 
after passing it. halted, laid down, and opened a heavy volley, then charged the brush. It 
was while in this hazardous position that our brave colonel was slain. After falling back 
to the redoubt we remained half an hour, and night having set in, retired down the road 
about half a mile, where we remained until morning." (O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XI, part I, 
p. 981.) 

From report of Maj. Gen. Daniel H. Hill, comdg. division : 

"These facts I communicated to Gen. Johnston about noon on Friday, May 30. I 
received a prompt answer from him, saying that, being satisfied by my report of the presence 
of the enemy in force in my immediate front, he had resolved to attack him, and directed 
me to serve with Maj. Gen. Longstreet and under his orders. I was directed by Gen. 
Longstreet to move with my whole division at dawn on the Williamsburg road and to lead 
the attack on the Yankees. I was, however, directed not to move until relieved by Huger's 
division. 

"The relieving force not having reached me at 1 o'clock, the signal guns were fired, 
and my division moved off in fine style, Rodes' brigade on the right of the road, supported 
by Rains' brigade; Garland on the left, supported by G. B. Anderson. Each wing was 
preceded by a regiment deployed as skirmishers. Having been long delayed in waiting for 
the relieving force, the right wing did not advance for a quarter of an hour after the left. 
This exposed Garland and Anderson to the whole Yankee force. The right wing was 
hurried forward and came up handsomely preserving the line although wading through the 
mud and water in places two or three feet deep. I now detached Gen. Rains, to make a 
wide flank movement to take the Yankee works in reverse, while Rodes moved steadily to 
the front. Before he (Rodes) reached the Yankee abatis Garland and Anderson had 
captured a two-gun battery, enfilading the road. A heavy column of re-enforcements was 
now coming up to the assistance of the Yankee general (Casey) commanding at Seven 
Pines. Having previously put the battery of Bondurant in position, I now brought up that 
of Carter, which opened just at the critical moment. The Yankee column was almost in 
musket range of the gallant Col. William Smith, 4flth Virginia, and his noble regiment. 
The Yankees came up as on parade day, until Carter's shot and shell began to play among 
them, when they broke and sought shelter in the woods. An animated artillery duel now 
began between Carter's four guns and six Yankee guns. Gen. Rains had now gained the 
rear of the Yankee redoubt and opened fire on the infantry posted in the woods. I now 
noticed commotion in the camps and redoubts, and indications of evacuating the position. 
Rodes took skillful advantage of this commotion, and moved up his brigade in beautiful 
order and took possession of the redoubt and rifle pits. So rapid was the advance that six 
pieces were abandoned by the Yankees. These Rodes had turned upon the retreating 
column with effect. Carter galloped up with his pieces, and these, with the captured guns, 
successfully repulsed an attempt of fresh Yankee troops to recapture the works. 

"We had now captured eight pieces of artillery, the camp, tents and stores of a 
brigade, and had successfully driven the Yankees back V-k miles, forcing them to abandon 
a wide skirt of abatis, rifle pits, and redoubts. My division had beaten Casey's division 
and all the re-enforcements brought him, and had driven him and his supports into the 
woods and swamps. It was desirable, however, to press the Yankees as closely as possible. 
I therefore sent back to Gen. Longstreet and asked for another brigade. In a few moments 
the magnificent hrigade of R. H. Anderson came to my support. A portion of this force, 
under Col. Jenkins, consisting of the Palmetto Sharpshooters and the (!th South Carolina, 
was sent on the extreme left to scour along the railroad and Nine-mile road, and thus get 
in rear of the enemy, while a portion, under Gen. Anderson in person, was sent on the 
immediate left of the redoubt, into the woods, where the Yankees had hid after being 
repulsed by the tire of Carter's battery and the captured guns, under the direction of Gen. 
Rodes. The Yankees permitted Gen. R. H. Anderson to get within a few yards of them, 
when they opened a murderous fire upon him from their cover in the woods. His heroes 
replied with interest, and some guns, which were brought to enfilade the Yankee lines, 
added to their confusion, and they were soon in full retreat. They were hotly pursued, 
and R. H. Anderson and Jenkins, assisted by portions of G. B. Anderson's brigade of my 
division, swept on the left of the road, driving brigade after brigade of the Yankees 
before them, capturing two more cannon, several camps, with their commissary and 
quartermaster's stores, and finally, after dark, halting more than a mile beyond the main 
works of the Yankees at Seven Pines." 

" N **The flank attack of Gen. Rains was most opportune and important. Gen. Garland, 
when his brigade was not actually engaged, reported to me with his aide and his adjutant to 



214 CASEY'S DIVISION 

serve on my staff. * * * Appended is a list of the killed and wounded. From this it appears 
that of the less than 9,000 taken into action nearly 3,000 were struck down. The loss was 
principally in the three brigades which made the front attack. Rains brigade, which exe- 
cuted the flank movement, suffered but little in comparison. The gallant charge of my 
division demoralized the Yankees and our re-inforcements were not hotly engaged ; the suc- 
cor brought to Casey not fighting so well as his own men. This accounts for the fact that 
more than half of the entire loss in the two days fight fell upon my division. (O. R. Ser. I. 
Vol. XI, part I, pp. 943-946.) 

From report of Maj. Gen. James Longstreet, comdg. Right Wing, Confederate 
Army : 

"Agreeably to verbal instructions from the commanding general, the division of 
Maj. Gen. Hill was on the morning of the 31st ultimo formed at an early hour on the 
Williamsburg road as the column of attack upon the enemy's front on that road. A 
brigade was placed on each side of the road to advance to the attack, and each was 
supported by one of the other brigades of the same division. In advance of each of the 
columns of attack a regiment as skirmishers were deployed. The plan for the forward 
movement was that fields should be passed by a Hank movement of the regiment of 
skirmishers, and the woods in front, once in our possession, the brigades were to advance 
rapidly, occupy them, and move rapidly forward. Abatis and intrenched positions were 
ordered to lie taken by a Hank movement of the brigades or brigade in front of them, the 
skirmishers engaging the sharpshooters ami tin' supporting brigade occupying the position 
of the brigades during the flank movement 

"The forward movement began about 2 o'clock, and our skirmishers soon became 
engaged with those of the enemy. The entire division of Gen. I Ml became engaged about 

3 o'clock, and drove the enemy steadily back, gaining possession of his abatis and part of 
his intrenched camp; Gen. Rodes, by a movement to the right, driving in the enemy's left. 
The only re-enforcements on the field in hand were my own brigades, of which Anderson's, 
Wilcox's, and Kemper's were put in by the front on the Williamsburg road, and Colston's 
and Pryor's by my right flank; Colston's just in time to turn the enemy's flank. At the 
same time the decided and gallant attack made by the other brigades gained entire pos- 
session of the enemy's position, with his artillery, camp equipage, etc. Anderson's brigade, 
under Col. Jenkins, pressing forward rapidly, continued to drive the enemy until nightfall. 

"The severest part of the work was done by Maj. Gen. D. II. Hill's division, but 
the attack of the two brigades under Gen. R. H. Anderson — one commanded by Col. 
Kemper (now brigadier general), the other by Col. M. Jenkins — was made with such spirit 
and regularity as to have driven back the most determined foe. * * The conduct of 

the attack was left entirely to Maj. Gen. Hill, The entire success of the affair is suffi- 
cient evidence of his ability, courage and skill. * * * A rough estimate of the loss on 
the part of the field may be put at 3,000 killed and wounded." (O. R. Ser. I., Vol. XI ., 
Part I , pp. 939-941. i 

From report of Maj. Gen. Gustavus W. Smith, C. S. Army, comdg. Left Wing: 

"At 12:30 o'clock on the morning of May 31, at my headquarters, on the Brook turn- 
pike, 1 received a note from Gen. Johnston, directing that my division should take position 
as soon as practicable upon the Nine-mile road, near the New Bridge fork roads, to sup- 
port, if necessary, the divisions upon the right in an attack upon the enemy, which was 
to be made early in the morning. I was informed that in case my division did not arrive 
in time a portion of the troops composing the center would be moved forward, and I was 
directed in that event to replace the troops thus moved by my division. Whiting's, Hood's, 
and Pettigrew's brigades were placed near the fork of the Nine-mile and New Bridge roads. 
Hatton's and Hampton's in reserve near Mrs. Christian's farm. As the day wore on, 
and nothing decisive was heard from Gen. Longstreet's attack except occasional firing of 
cannon, it seemed that no real attack was likely to be made, that day at least, but between 

4 and 5 o'clock heavy musketry was distinctly heard, and Gen. Johnston directed Gen. 
Whiting to move the three brigades then at that point by the Nine-mile road to Long- 
street's assistance, and the two brigades at Mrs. Christian's were ordered to move up, 
follow, and support them. 

"All the generals and staff officers were at once occupied in impressing upon the 
troops the necessity of moving rapidly forward. Hood's brigade was upon the right of 
the Nine-mile road, Whiting's upon the road and somewhat to the left, and Pettigrew's 
following Whiting's upon the road. The troops, notwithstanding the mud and difficulties 
of the ground, moved forward in double-quick time, driving in the advance pickets of the 
enemy upon their support, and taking and passing their camps with scarcely a perceptible 
halt or notice, only anxious to find the enemy in force, who were still making resistance 
in front of Longstreet and Hill. Hood's brigade had crossed the railroad to the right 
of the Nine-mile road, part of Whiting's had also crossed, Pettigrew's close upon it, with 



AT SEVEN PINES 215 

Hatton's and Hampton's a short distance in rear, when a fire from two batteries of artil- 
lery opened upon the advance brigades from a position on their left and rear. These bat- 
teries were supported by infantry, and the fire becoming troublesome, it was determined 
to take them, at the same time not giving up the forward movement in favor of Longstreet. 
"Xight was fast approaching, and I received from Gen. Johnston instructions to move 
all the troops within reach forward as fast as possible. This order was at once trans- 
mitted to Gen. Magruder, who caused all his troops in that vicinity to be put in motion. 
Gen. Johnston was at this time near the point where the Nine-mile road crosses the rail- 
road. I was about half a mile farther back, and the batteries of the enemy on the left 
were in this rear, but in front of the position where 1 was. As soon as Gen. Hampton 
came up I directed him to take a by-road through the woods leading to the left and front; 
left orders for Hatton's brigade to come on by the main road, and moved forward to an 
open field upon the left-hand side of the road. From this point I could for the first time 
see the relative positions of the batteries and the different brigades. I soon learned that 
Gen. Whiting's brigade was returning to attack the batteries; that Pettigrew's brigade was 
also moving in that direction; that Hampton had come upon it and had already attacked, 
and that the three brigadier-generals were all apprised of each other's relative positions, 
and were acting in concert under Whiting's orders. The force of the enemy was not 
known, but it was confidently believed that we would soon capture or drive off the bat- 
teries and resume our march in support of Longstreet. * * * Various attempts were 
made to charge the enemy, but without that concert of action almost absolutely necessary 
to success, and the gallant spirits who attempted it were many of them shot down, when 
the rest would fall back into the line and resume their firing. On no part of the line where 
I was did the enemy at any time leave their cover or advance one single foot. Our troops 
held their position close to the enemy's line until it was too dark to distinguish friend 
from foe. I retired among the last, came off slowly, and was not interfered with by the 
enemy in any manner. 

"In this engagement, which lasted about an hour and a half, the four brigades of 
my division lost in killed, wounded and missing, 1,283, of whom 104 were killed, 1,010 
wounded, and 109 missing. Brig. Gen. (Robert) Hatton was killed. Brig. Gen. (J. J.) 
Pettigrew was severely wounded and taken prisoner. Brig. Gen. (Wade) Hampton was 
seriously wounded, but was able to keep his horse and refused to leave the field. 

"After leaving the wood I heard for the first time that Gen. Johnston had been 
severely wounded and compelled to leave the field. This unfortunate casualty placed me, 
as second in rank, in command of the Army of Northern Virginia, which position I held 
until about 2 P. M. of the next day. * * * 

"Between 2 and 3 o'clock in the morning of June 1 I had a conference with Gen. 
Longstreet. * * The troops of the left wing and center remained substantially in 

the position occupied the previous day. * * * Gen. Longstreet was directed to push 
his successes of the previous day as far as practicable, pivoting his movement upon the 
position of Gen. Whiting on his left. The latter was directed to make a diversion in favor 
of Gen. Longstreet's real attack, and, if pressed by the enemy, hold at all hazards the fork 
or junction of the New Bridge and Nine-mile roads. In the morning Gen. Longstreet 
found the enemy in very large force in his front, pressing him so strongly that he con- 
sidered it advisable not to send the brigade from Gen. Huger's division, and later I ordered 
three additional brigades to his support. Meantime the enemy threatened Gen. Whiting's 
position, which was not favorable for defense. * * * Reconnaissance made during the 
morning developed the fact that the enemy were strongly fortified in the position attacked 
by my division on the previous evening. This, coupled with the necessity of holding that 
portion of our line which was nearest the Chickahominy and covered Longstreet's left flank, 
induced me to direct Gen. Whiting to assume more favorable ground a little in rear. This 
also brought his line in better relations with the troops of the center, under Gen. Magruder, 
and better secured the angle made by our line in front of New Bridge. Such was the 
condition of affairs upon the field at the time Gen. Lee took command. The next morning 
(June 2) I was compelled by illness to leave the field." (O. R. Ser. I., Vol. XL, part I, 
pp. 989-993.) 

From report of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, comdg. Army of Northern Virginia: 

"Before the 30th of May I had ascertained from trusty scouts that Keyes' corps 
was encamped on this side of the Chickahominy, near the Williamsburg road. O nthat 
day Maj. Gen. D. II. Hill reported a strong body immediately in his front. On receiving 
this report I determined to attack them next morning, hoping to be able to defeat Keyes' 
corps completely in its more advanced position before it could be re-enforced. Written 
orders were dispatched to Maj. Gens. Hill, Huger and G. W. Smith. Gen. Longstreet 
being near my headquarters, received verbal instructions. The receipt of the orders was 
acknowledged. Gen. Hill, supported by the division of Gen. Longstreet (who had the 
direction of operations on the right), was to advance by the Williamsburg road to attack 
the enemy in front. Gen. Huger, with his division, was to move down the Charles City 



216 CASEY'S DIVISION 

road in order to attack in flank the troops who might be engaged with Hill and Longstreet, 
t'nless he found in his front torce enough to occupy his division. Gen. Smith was 10 march 
to the junction of the New Bridge road and Nine-mile road, to be in readiness either to 
fall on Keyes' right flank or to cover Longstreet's left. They were to move at daybreak. 
Heavy and protracted rains during the afternoon and night, by swelling the stream of the 
Chickahominy, increased the probability or our having to deal with no other troops than 
those of Keyes. The same cause prevented the prompt and punctual movement of the 
troops. Those of Smith, Hill and Longstreet were in position early enough, however, to 
be ready to commence operations by 8 A. M. 

"In the meantime I had placed myself on the left of the force employed in this 
attack with the division of Gen. Smith, that I might be on a part of the field where I could 
observe and be ready to meet any counter movements which the enemy's general might 
make against our center or left. Owing to some peculiar condition of the atmosphere the 
sound of the musketry did not reach us. I consequently deferred giving the signal for 
Gen. Smith's advance until about four o'clock, at which time Maj. * * * Whiting 
* reporting that it [Longstreet's column] was pressing on with vigor. Smith's 
troops were at once moved forward. 

"The principal attack was made by Maj. Gen. Longstreet with his own and Maj. Gen. 
D. H. Hill's divisions, the latter mostly in advance. Hill's brave troops, admirably com- 
manded and most gallantly led, f< reed their way through the abatis, which formed the 
enemy's external defenses, and stormed their intrenchments by a determined and irresist- 
ible rush. Such was the manner in which the enemy's line was carried. The operation 
was repeated with the same gallantry and success as our troops pursued their victorious 
career through the enemy's successive camps and intrenchments. * * * Their onward 
movement was only staid by the coming of night. By nightfall they had forced their way 
to the Seven Pines, having driven the enemy back more than two miles, through their 
own camps and from a series of intrenchments, and repelled every attempt to recapture 
them with great slaughter. .Maj. Gen. Smith's division moved forward at 4 o'clock, 

\\ luting's three brigades leading. Their progress was impeded by the enemy's skirmishers, 
which, with their supports, were driven back to the railroad. At this point Whiting's 
own and Pettigrew's brigades engaged a superior force of the enemy. Hood's, by my order, 
moved on to co-operate with Longstreet. Gen. Smith was desired to hasten up with all 
the troops within reach. He brought up Hampton's and Hatton's brigades in a few min- 
utes. The strength of the enemy's position, however, enabled him to hold it until dark.'' 
(O. R. Ser. I., Vol. XL, part I., pp. 933-934.) 

The testimony of the Confederate commanders who participated in the assault on 
Casey's division corroborate Gen. Casey in every essential point, and prove conclusively that 
the stigma put on the troops that bore the brunt of the overwhelming attack on May 31 
was entirely unwarranted and did them great injustice. In his dispatch of June 5, to 
Secretary Stanton, Gen. McClellan said : 

"When the facts are clearly ascertained the exceptional good conduct will be 
properly acknowledged." Did he keep faith? On June 24, he relieved Gen. Casey from the 
command of the division, a strong implication that he held the division in derogation. 
In his official report he paid but little attention to Gen. Casey's report and absolutely ignored 
the reports of Gen. Wessells and Gen. Palmer. The only published statement made 
by him making any amend for his hasty dispatch appears in his official report 
of the operations of the Army of the Potomac, while under his command. This is dated 
Aug. 4, 1863, and appears in full in Official Records of the War Department (Ser. I, Vol. 
XI, part I, pp. 5-105). 

It is claimed, however, that in the above dispatch to the Secretary of War (dated 
June 5, 1862, 10:30 P. M.) and in his official report that Gen. McClellan made full amends 
for the wrong done to the division in his hasty dispatch. Men belonging to that portion of 
the division most unjustly calumniated have defended Gen. McClellan, believing that his 
subsequent references to the action of the division was the amende honorable. The writer 
himself was of that opinion until after he had thoroughly examined the record. Gen. 
McClellan thought so, too, there is no doubt. Under date of June 1, 1875, he wrote to Mr. 
J. A. Swearer, formerly 1st sergeant of Company C. 85th Penna. Regiment, from which 
the following excerpt is taken : 

"By referring to my report you will see that the conclusion I reached in regard to 
Casey's division at Fair Oaks was that the mass of the division did its duty, and that the 
witnesses to the contrary — on the part of small portions — were exceptional. You will find 
the whole subject discussed there." 



AT SEVEN PINES 217 

At a reception given by Civil War veterans to Gen. McClellan, Sept. 12, 1885, at the 
Palmer House, Chicago, a few weeks before his death he was jocularly twitted by the 
writer for his unjust telegram, and he left no doubt in the writer's mind by his reply, that 
he believed an injustice had been done to the division, and also that he had made the amende 
honorable in his subsequent dispatch and in his official report, and on the strength of his 
statement so earnestly made, coupled with the high regard in which he had always been 
held by the writer, not only as a general but also as an exemplary citizen, the latter has 
been loth to criticise his actions and his official report in the terms in which a sense of 
justice compels him to do. The most charitable construction that can be put on his ref- 
erence to Casey's division in his official report is that under some stress for time when 
preparing the report that he had entrusted that portion of it to some member of his official 
family who was entirely ignorant of the position of the troops occupying the advance of 
the left wing of the army. Nearly every material statement referring to the position of 
Casey's troops before and during the battle gives evidence of absolute ignorance of the 
real condition. It seems hardly credible that this portion of his official report, a paper de- 
serving the most careful preparation, especially this part of it, should have been prepared 
by the author of "Armies in Europe," or the "Oligarchy of Venice." 

It will be necessary to analyze in detail this portion of Gen. McClellan's official 
report in order to point out the injustice done to the troops of Casey's division who 
defended the redoubt and rifle pits. Numerous- paragraphs will be referred to separately. 
The first paragraph will probably explain why Fair Oaks was the Federal name for the 
battle instead of Seven Pines, in advance of which the greater part of the battle was 
fought. It is as follows : 

"On the 28th Gen. Keyes was ordered to advance Casey's division to Fair Oaks, on 
the Williamsburg road, some three-quarters of a mile in front of Seven Pines, leaving 
Gen. Couch's division at the line of rifle pits." 

Fair Oaks was not on the Williamsburg road but nearly three-fourths of a mile north 
of the Williamsburg road on the Nine-miles road where it crossed the Richmond and 
York River Railroad. The name Fair Oaks is said to have been given this particular lo- 
cality because of a cluster of oak trees that was quite noticeable at the time the railroad 
station was located at that point. Two regiments and a battery of Couch's division were at 
Fair Oaks station and the only troops of Casey's division that were near Fair Oaks on 
May 31 were the pickets and the parts of two regiments supporting the picket line, one on 
the extreme right and the other a little south of the railroad. It is important that this 
should be borne in mind in the further consideration of this report. Another paragraph 
of the report says : 

"On the 30th the troops on the south side of the Chickahominy were in position 
as follows : Casey's division on the right of the Williamsburg road, at right angles to it, 
the center at Fair Oaks. * * *" 

The facts are that two brigades of Casey's division were encamped south (or left) 
of the Williamsburg road, and a large force was engaged constructing intrcnchments south 
of the road including "the redoubt," which was fully fifty yards to the left of the road. 
No part of Casey's division was in position at Fair Oaks Station on May 31. The pickets 
from Casey's division were nearly a half mile in advance of the station. They were sup- 
ported by the 52d Penna., which was in position south of and near the railroad, several 
hundred yards in advance of the Nine-miles road, which intersected the railroad at the 
station, and by the 56th New York, north of the railroad, several hundred yards in advance 
of the wagon road leading from the station in the direction of the Chickahominy. The 
reports of Gens. Couch and Abercrombie make it very clear that Couch's division was 
assigned to defend the crossroads intersecting at Fair Oaks Station, and that two regiments 
and a battery of that division were in position north of the railroad previous to and at 
the beginning of the battle. The report gives the disposition of Casey's troops as follows: 

"At this time Casey's division was disposed as follows : Naglee's brigade extending 
from the Williamsburg road to the Garnett field, having one regiment across the railroad; 
Gen. Wessell's brigade in the rifle-pits and Gen. Palmer's in the rear of Gen. Wessells', 



218 CASEY'S DIVISION 

one battery in advance with Gen. Naglee; one battery in rear of rifle-pits to the right of 
the redoubt, one battery in rear of the redoubt and another battery unharnessed in the re- 
doubt." 

From the Williamsburg road to the Garnctt field was more than a mile and the report 
has Naglee's brigade of Casey's division covering this distance. The facts are that Spratt's 
battery of four guns, 10-pounders, were advanced about 400 yards in front of the rifle- 
pits north of the Williamsburg road and parts of three regiments of Naglee's brigade 
were sent to its support, viz. : seven companies of the 100th New York, which was located 
south of the road, and eight companies of the 104th Penna., and three companies of the 
11th Maine, north of the road, the extreme right of this advance line did not reach one- 
third the distance from the Williamsburg road to the railroad. The only troops of Naglee's 
brigade that came under the direction of Gen. Casey during the battle or that were any- 
where near the position over which he gave his personal supervision were these parts of 
the three regiments named, the balance of the brigade being completely isolated from the 
division and remained so until after Casey's line of intrenchment fell into the hands of 
the enemy. But in order to show how absolutely incorrect the last quotation is, further 
notice must be taken of it. Palmer's brigade was not in rear of Wessells' brigade either 
when in camp or in line of battle ; one regiment, the 9'2d New York, was in the extreme 
advance to the left of the 100th New York, supporting Spratt's battery, another regiment, 
the 81st New York, was deployed on the extreme left, while another, the 98th New York, 
along with the 96th New York, of Wessells' brigade, was deployed in advance of the in- 
trenchment, to protect the gap between the 81st and 9'2d Regiments, while the remaining 
regiment of the brigade, the 85th New York, was deployed in rear of the rifle-pits in 
front of its camp some distance south of the redoubt. The 85th and 101st Penna. Regi- 
ments of Wessells' brigade were deployed north of the redoubt, the left wing of the 
former occupying the space between the redoubt and the Williamsburg road and the right 
wing north of the road at nearly right angles to it, the left of the 101st reaching almost 
to the right of the 85th, the left wing of it being partly behind the rifle-pits and the right 
wing extending beyond the rifle-pits into the woods, the latter consisting mainly of sap- 
lings and undergrowth, concealing from view the contesting foes until in close proximity 
of each other. South of the redoubt in rear of the rifle-pits was a remnant of the 103d 
Penna., men who had been on camp guard and absent when the regiment had gone to 
the support of the picket line. This repetition of the position of Casey's troops may be 
considered as useless iteration, but this is an important point to be considered in explana- 
tion and refutation of other statements that are incorrect. Another paragraph of the re- 
port says : 

"On the approach of the enemy, Gen. Casey sent forward one of Gen. Palmer's 
regiments to support the picket line, but this regiment gave way without making much if 
any resistance." 

The regiment sent forward (103d Penna.) belonged to Wessells' brigade, not 
Palmer's. Had the author of the report read the official reports of the commanding officers 
of the regiment, brigade, and division, especially the testimony of the latter before the 
committee on the conduct of the war, he would have found that the regiment referred to 
had made ample resistance to an overwhelming force, statements that have been fully 
corroborated by the official reports of Gen. Garland and Col. Christie of the Confederate 
troops, who first received the fire of this regiment. But following the above quotation 
without any break from the context, the report continues : "Heavy firing at once com- 
menced and the pickets were driven in." This clearly implies that the regiment sent to 
support the pickets gave way before the pickets were driven in, although the pickets were 
driven back on the regiment and joined with it in resisting the advance of the enemy. 
However, this point is so immaterial that reference is only made to it to show the 
carelessness with which this part of the report was prepared. Continuing, the same 
paragraph of the report reads: 

"Gen. Keves ordered Gen. Couch to move Gen. Peck's brigade to occupy the ground 



AT SEVEN* PINES 219 

on the left of the Williamsburg road, which had not before been occupied by our forces, 
and thus to support Gen. Casey's left where the first attack was most severe." 

This certainly implies that Gen. Peck's brigade advanced up the Williamsburg road 
and took position south of the road to the left of Casey's troops. The absurdity of the 
statement ought to be obvious to anyone when it is understood that Casey's main in- 
trenchments were south of the road and a majority of his troops were in position also 
south of the road. The question ought to naturally arise, if Peck's brigade were sup- 
porting Casey's left how Rains' Confederate brigade could have flanked Casey's line on the 
left. Gen. Casey in his official report says with sufficient emphasis to have attracted 
attention to this error had not his report been ignored in all essential points, when he 
said : 

"Notwithstanding all these drawbacks and the fact that there were not 5,000 men 
in line of battle, they withstood for three hours the attack of an overwhelming force of 
the enemy without the reinforcement of a single man at my first line." 

But there is another statement in the last quotation from Gen. McClellan's report 
that gives evidence that the author had no proper conception of how the battle began when 
it states that the first attack was most severe on Casey's left. Casey's center was his 
redoubt, in which were planted six guns with another battery of six guns in rear of it 
south of the road. Of the troops engaged under the personal direction of Gen. Casey the 
greatest portion were south of the road, while the first severe attack, as well as the first 
light one, was made north of the road. The brigades that led the advance on Casey's 
division were Garland's and Rodes', the former, supported by Featherston's brigade, com- 
manded by Col. G. B. Anderson, and the latter by Rains' brigade. Garland's brigade first 
encountered the pickets north of the road, then the 103d Penna., also north of the road, 
and after routing the latter became severely engaged in front of Spratt's battery, which 
was supported by the 104th Penna., three companies of the 11th Maine and a fragment 
of the 103d Penna., all north of and in advance of the battery. Col. Anderson soon 
brought his brigade to the support of Garland, and Rodes' advanced some twenty minutes 
later and engaged the troops south of the road, supporting the battery, viz. : the 100th and 
92d New York Regiments. At this stage of the battle the attack was certainly severe 
and sixteen guns of Casey's artillery were fired as rapidly as they could be manned, 
repelling the attack. Later Rains' brigade made its appearance on the left but not until 
after the brigades of Garland, Anderson and Rodes had suffered severely and had driven 
Spratt's battery and its supports to the rear with great loss. In another paragraph the 
report reads : 

"In the meantime Gen. Naglee's brigade, with the batteries of Gen. Casey's division, 
which Gen. Naglee directed, struggled gallantly to maintain the redoubt and rifle-pits 
against the overwhelming masses of the enemy. They were reenforced by a regiment from 
Gen. Peck's brigade. The artillery, under command of Col. G. D. Bailey, 1st New York 
Artillery, and afterward of Gen. Naglee, did good execution on the advancing column. 
The left of this position was, however, soon turned, and a sharp cross-fire opened upon 
the gunners and men in the rifle-pits. Col. Bailey, Ma'. Van Valkenburgh, and Adjt. Rum- 
sey, of the same regiment, were killed; some of the guns in the redoubt were taken, and 
the whole line was driven back upon the position occupied by Gen. Couch. The brigades 
of Gens. Wessells and Palmer, with the reenforcement which had been sent them from 
Gen. Couch, had also been driven from the field with heavy loss." 

"The official reports of Gens. Keyes, Casey and Naglee show that a very consider- 
able portion of this division fought well, and that the brigade of Gen. Naglee is entitled 
to credit for its gallantry. This division, among the regiments of which were eight of 
comparatively new troops, was attacked by superior numbers, yet according to the reports 
alluded to it stood the attack for 'three hours before it was reenforced.' A portion of 
the division was thrown into great confusion upon the first onslaught of the enemy, but 
the personal efforts of Gen. Naglee, Col. Bailey and other officers, who boldly went to the 
front and encouraged the men by their presence and example at this critical juncture, 
rallied a great part of the division and thereby enabled it to act a prominent part in this 
severely contested battle. It, therefore, affords me great satisfaction to withdraw the 
expression contained in my first dispatch, and I cordially give my endorsement to the con- 
clusion of the division commander, 'that those parts of his command which behaved dis- 
creditably were exceptional cases.' " 



220 CASEY'S DIVISION 

One must read these paragraphs carelessly, indeed, to conclude that the official report 
of the commanding general improved in words of commendation as to the action of the 
discredited division beyond exonerating the brigade of Gen. Naglee. However, in doing 
so, the entire stigma was transferred to the two remaining brigades. There was no neces- 
sity to have done this to do full justice to Gen. Naglee's brigade. The action of this 
brigade was heroic enough to have given it the place of honor in the battle without 
giving it the credit of doing the gallant work of the two other brigades. In the judgment 
of the writer, Naglee's brigade did the most heroic work, against greater odds, than was 
done by the brigade of any other divisions engaged in either of the two days' battle on 
the Federal side. This conclusion was arrived at by personal observation and a careful 
study of the official reports of both armies, irrespective of Gen. Naglee's report. The 
commanding general gives evidence that he ignored the official reports from which he 
could have obtained accurate information and has based the report on statements the source 
of which he does not give. An analysis of the last two quotations will demonstrate this 
beyond cavil. 

A careful comparison of the reports of Gen. Casey and his subordinate commanding 
officers, with Gen. McClellan's report, justifies this conclusion beyond question. Both 
Gens. Casey and Wessells are explicit as to the position of the troops supporting the 
redoubt and the intrenchments contiguous to it. Wessells' brigade was in position on both 
sides of the redoubt with Palmer's brigade on its left, and remained there until flanked, 
when, in falling back to avoid capture or annihilation, the intrenchments fell into the hands 
of the enemy. Notwithstanding this is clearly stated in the reports of Gens. Casey and 
Wessells, Gen. McClellan gives the credit to Naglee's brigade without giving any authority 
whatever for so doing, in the following language: 

"In the meantime Gen. Naglee's brigade, with the batteries of Gen. Casey's division, 
which Gen. Naglee directed, struggled gallantly to maintain the redoubt and rifle-pits 
against the overwhelming masses of the enemy." 

No regiment or part of regiment of Naglee's brigade was at anytime near the 
redoubt or rifle-pits; neither did Gen. Naglee direct the batteries of Casey's division at 
any time when they were in and about the redoubt ; neither was there a regiment from 
Gen. Peck's brigade at or near the redoubt; Maj. Van Valkenburgh was not killed at the 
redoubt, but a fourth of a mile to the rear of it; Adjt. Rumsey was not killed, but was 
severely wounded, and years after the war served as a member of the Supreme Court of 
New York State; no reinforcements were sent to Gens. Wessells' and Palmer's brig- 
ades at the intrenchment to be driven back; neither was the division reenforced after it 
stood the attack for three hours; Gen. Naglee did not arrive on the battle-field until 
an hour or more had elapsed after the first attack, therefore he could not have been 
present at the first onslaught of the enemy to encourage the men, but Gens. Casey and 
Wessells were in the front cheering and encouraging the men from the very first until the 
lines were finally driven back. Would it have been possible for the commanding general 
to have made so many misstatements of facts had he followed the official reports of his 
subordinate commanders, whose proper function required them to accurately relate in de- 
tail the occurrences and action of their respective commands? Gen. Casey's report was 
noticed in one or two minor instances, relating circumstances which could not readily be 
overlooked, but otherwise every material circumstance related in his report was ignored. 
The official reports of Gens. Wessells and Palmer were absolutely ignored. Gen. Wessells' 
report is simple, terse and unencumbered by any useless verbiage and is intelligible to any 
one who can read English. He criticizes no one outside of his own brigade. On the 
other hand, Gen. Palmer, evidently irritated by the injustice of the criticisms so generally 
hurled at Casey's division, threw himself open to discipline by statements in his report. 
Perhaps he may have thought this the best course to pursue in order to have the truth 
laid bare Evidently, Gen. Heintzelman wanted Gen. McClellan to take the responsibility 
of disciplining him, for he merely calls attention to it by saying, "There is one state- 
ment in Gen. Palmer's report which it is necessary to notice." The statement referred 



AT SEVEN PINES 221 

to is a severe arraignment of both Gen. Heintzelman and Gen. McClellan. It was as fol- 
lows: 

"For the disasters of the day, those who placed a small force of the rawest troops 
in the army in a position where they would of necessity bear the brunt of an attack on 
the left must bear the blame." 

In other paragraphs of his report Gen. Palmer takes issue with statements in both 
Gens. McClellan's and Heintzelman's reports. At about 3 o'clock he says : 

"I believed that it would not be possible to make the men stand much longer unless 
reenforced, and I went to Gen. Keyes to beg for some of Couch's division. * * * His 
reply was that he had formed a new line to the rear." 

Where was Peck's brigade, which Gen. McClellan's report says Gen. Keyes ordered 
Gen. Couch to move on the left of the Williamsburg road to support Gen. Casey's left? 
Gen. Peck says : 

"About 3 P. M. the 93d Penna. * * * rejoined me, with colors flying and was 
placed on left of my line. At this critical juncture Gen. Keyes sent an order for my two 
remaining regiments to move on the main road in support of the front, which he coun- 
termanded immediately o'n learning of the advance of the enemy on the left. * * * 
About 3:30 P. M. * * * Gen. Heintzelman inquired if I could press forward on the 
extreme left of the line. On being informed * * * (of) the importance of the position 

* * * directed me to hold it at all hazards." 

Following the last quotation from Gen. Palmer's report, without a break from the 
context, he takes issue with the concluding paragraph of Gen. Heintzelman's report in the 
following words: 

"Shortly after this the divisions of Kearny and Hooker arrived, but not until the 
enemy had possession of the position where the engagement commenced, and which they 
continued to possess until they chose to retire, which was on Monday morning, more than 
thirty hours after the battle. I only mention this to show the injustice of attaching blame 
to anyone for retiring with a meager force from a position which was held by the enemy 
in spite of the large reenforcements in Kearny's, Hooker's and Couch's divisions. It was 
my misfortune to see a portion of the reenforcements greater than my whole command 
retire from the field before they had scarcely felt the enemy." 

Gen. Naglee says in his report : "I have shown in the history of the battle of Seven 
Pines the conduct of every one of the regiments of the First Brigade from the time the 
first volley was fired at noon, until the enemy, having driven our troops from the ground 
near dark." etc. After describing the charge of the regiments supporting Spratt's battery 
as reported by Col. Davis, he says : "The enemy endeavored to follow up this success, and 
was advancing in closed columns, when our troops being sufficiently withdrawn Col. Bailey 

* * * at my request directed the fire of the batteries of Fitch and Bates * * * to be con- 
centrated on the advancing mass." The last quotation from his report is the only justifica- 
tion for the following paragraph in Gen. McClellan's official report : 

"In the meantime Gen. Naglee's brigade, with the batteries of Gen. Casey's division, 
which Gen. Naglee directed, struggled gallantly to maintain the redoubt and rifle-pits against 
the overwhelming masses of the enemy. They were reenforced by a regiment from Gen. 
Peck's brigade." 

The language imputed to Col. Davis in Gen. Naglee's report cannot be found in the 
official report of the former; in fact, it is at variance with it, as Col. Davis implies that he 
knew nothing of the condition or whereabouts of the other regiments of the brigade. Col. 
Davis states explicitly that when the 104th fell back from the advanced position it retired 
down the Nine-mile road, which was a half-mile in rear of the redoubt and rifle pits of 
Casey's division. The colonel makes no mention of Gen. Naglee in his report, but he pays 
him a tribute in the "History of the 104th Penna. Regiment," which he published in 1866. 
Coupled with it are some complimentary words on Gen. Casey : He says : 

"I cannot close this chapter without paying a just tribute to the gallantry of Gens. 
Casey and Naglee. The former sat on his large, iron-gray horse, on the Williamsburg 
road, in the thickest of the fight encouraging his troops. He was right up at the front, 
where division commanders do not always go. I particularly noticed his exposed situation, 
and do not see how he escaped the storm of bullets. Naglee was everywhere. He is a 
sort of thunderbolt in battle. He was away on the extreme right of our lines when the 



222 CASEY'S DIVISION 

volley of the 104th announced that the battle had begun on the left. He came dashing 
toward us through field and wood to be with his brigade. In the warmest of the contest 
he dashed by the regiment, cap in hand, the men giving him three hearty cheers, and 
passed toward the left. He was now seen directing a battery, now rallying a regiment, and 
until the battle ended he was in the midst of it, wherever he could be of service. These 
two officers retain in a large degree the confidence and esteem of the men who served under 
them " 

Col. Davis in his book corroborates his official report more in detail. He says : 

"There was no order given to retire, but we were literally pushed back by the supe- 
rior force of the enemy pressing against us. Individual soldiers came almost near enough 
to strike my men with the musket. The regiment retired slowly and sullenly, not an 
officer or man running. * * * When the regiment retired from the field, the enemy 
was pressing us on both flanks, and in a few minutes our retreat would have been cut off. 
* * * When I reached my own camp, * * * I found some fifty of my men, and a 
few officers there. The others had gone down the Nine-mile road, and Capt. Rogers was dis- 
patched to halt them. The 23d Penna. * * * was drawn up in my camp, and I directed 
Capt. Walters to collect the men of the 104th, and cause them to fall into ranks on his 
left. The fire of the enemy soon became so warm at this point that our force was obliged 
to retire * » * and sought a securer position further to the rear. An hour before I 
had received a wound * * * in the left elbow joint, * * * I went to the field 
hospital, where it was * * * dressed by Surgeon Van Etton, of the 56th New York, and 
Assistant Surgeon [Surgeon] Stavely of the 103d Penna. I did not rejoin my regiment 
again that day until nearly sunset, when the battle had ceased." 

Col. Davis' report and published statement establishes one fact beyond question, that 
none of the 104th Penna. fell back to Casey's intrenchments. So far as the writer has 
been able to discover, the official report of no other regimental commander of Naglee's 
brigade is published in the official records of the War Department. However, Col. H. M. 
Plaisted, who commanded the portion of his regiment that supported Spratt's battery made 
a report and it is published in "The Story of the 11th Maine," an elaborate history of the 
regiment, prepared by a committee of the Regimental Association and edited by Brev. 
Brig. Gen. J. A. Hill, who became colonel of the 11th Regiment subsequent to the battle 
of Fair Oaks. Col. Plaisted says: 

"I retreated to my old camp ground with the remains of my three companies, and after 
a little while retired to the Nine-Mile road, 100 yards to the rear, where I supposed the 
rally would be made." 

11 c-re again is evidence that establishes a fact that no fair minded person can gainsay 
that this part of Naglee's brigade (11th Maine) when withdrawn from the front did not 
halt at the redoubt and rifle-pits. There is yet another regiment of this brigade to be 
accounted for, the 100th New York. Gen. Naglee, as has been noticed, has ignored it. The 
only notice given of the action of this regiment which appears in the official records is 
a reference made by Gen. Heintzelman in which he mentions the charge of the regiments 
supporting Spratt's battery, indicating each regiment by name, in which he quotes Gen. 
Casey as saying that this charge would have honored veteran troops. This charge, the 
most heroic one made during the battle on the Federal side, is entirely ignored by the 
corps commander and the commanding general of the army, although the latter gives 
undue prominence to charges made where the enemy made no resistance. There is a 
special reason why the 100th New York should have had conspicuous mention in the 
official reports of the battle. Col. James M. Brown ranked higher than any other officer 
killed in the First Brigade. He fell in the extreme advance early in the contest before Col. 
Bailey was killed. He ranked as high as any Federal officer killed in the battle on either 
day, and yet his name is not mentioned in any official report and the only official notice of 
his death by name in the records of the War Department is found on page 1076, Vol. XI 
(Ser. I, part II), in an appendix, giving the names of officers killed, or who died of wounds, 
not mentioned in the formal reports. Accompanying his name were those of Lieuts. Samuel 
S. Kellogg and John Wilkeson, Jr., of this same regiment, who were also killed in or near 
the abatis, in front of Casey's intrenchments. In the "History of the 100th New York 
Volunteers," published in 1870, the author, Maj. Geo. H. Stowitts, of this regiment, says: 
"The last seen of Col. Brown he was making an effort to rally the scattered fugitives and 



AT SEVEN PINES '223 

make resistance to the last." Maj. Stowitts gives the only account the writer has heen able 
to find of the disposition of the 100th Regiment after it fell back from the abatis. 

"The 100th was the first in the fight. Its commander, Col. James M. Brown * * * 
was a fighting man * * *. Though works of defence had been constructed, still 
these new troops were advanced beyond them over the open space and ordered to charge 
through slashing * * *. The order to charge had been given, and Col. Brown shouted, 
"Charge the 100th," and four regiments of Naglee's brigade did charge * * *. But it 
was madness to hold out longer against the rebel hosts. The order was given to retreat, 
and now, as these heroes turned to pass over and under fallen trees * * * the work 
of death really commenced. * * * Lieut. Col. Staunton affirms that when the enemy 
appeared in a dense mass from the woods with banners flying, resistance was useless, 
since the handful that now remained of Casey's division could not check for a moment 
the impetus of overwhelming numbers * * *. It will be seen at a glance that the order 
sending the 100th Regt. through that slashing, cost it and the country the future services 
of brave officers and men. * * * The 100th Regt. had gone to the sacrifice, though 
without dishonor. Its decimated ranks told of its brave resistance. The division had 
been forced back beyond its camps * * *." 

Had any considerable portion of the 100th Regiment rallied and made a stand at or 
near the redoubt Maj. Stowitts would not have neglected to mention it in the history of the 
regiment. He clearly states that the regiment was completely routed in the abatis, in 
advance of the redoubt and the "scattered fugitives" were not likely rallied by its chief 
surviving officer, who declares that after the charge at the abatis "it was madness to hold 
out longer against the rebel hosts," and another affirming that "resistance was useless, since 
the handful that now remained of Casey's division could not check for a moment the 
impetus of overwhelming numbers." If any part of Naglee's brigade halted at or near 
the redoubt it would have been from the 100th New York Regiment, as the position of all 
the other regiments of the brigade absolutely precluded them from rallying at or near 
there. Maj. Stowitts' account of the action of the regiment is the best evidence, that 
when "the 100th Regiment had gone to the sacrifice," in the abatis, it did little afterwards 
"to maintain the redoubt and rifle pits against the overwhelming masses of the enemy." 

Beyond his own statement, there is no evidence in the official reports to indicate that 
Gen. Naglee directed the batteries of Gen. Casey's division at any time during the battle, 
beyond ordering Capt. Regan to fix prolonges and retire firing, which was done with one 
piece. This statement of Capt. Regan's, without further reference to Gen. Naglee, has a 
tendency to contradict rather than corroborate the inference of Gen. Naglee that he directed 
the batteries of Casey's division. With the exception of misnaming a road, Capt. Regan 
in his official report fully corroborates Gen. Casey as to the position of his battery. He 
certainly makes it clear that his battery was at no time in advance of the redoubt and rifle 
pits. He says : 

"The 7th New York Independent Battery, under my command, remained in position 
on the right of the Nine-mile road [It should have been right of the Williamsburg road] 
directly in front of headquarters, awaiting the signal to commence firing. Our own troops 
were in our immediate front, in the undergrowth of pine [The right wing of the 101st 
Penna. Reg't extended into this undergrowth] which compelled us to reserve our fire for 
fear of killing our own men, and [we] were compelled to remain under a galling fire, which 
wounded 1 man and killed and wounded several of my horses, without the satisfaction of 
replying. At a signal from Maj. Van Valkenburgh we limbered our pieces and moved to 
the left, and took our position in battery, with one section in the road and the other two 
in the field to the right of the. road, and opened on their advancing column and for a 
time held them at bay. * * * Maj. Van Valkenburgh gave the order to limber up the 
four pieces in the field. As the ground was soft and the guns had settled nearly up to 
their axles, with difficulty we got the guns out and sent them to the rear, while we still 
worked the section in the road. It was at this time the major received his fatal shot and 
fell lifeless from his saddle. At this time all the batteries had left the field and all the 
infantry in our immediate vicinity had been driven back. A part of the First Brigade, 
the 56th New York, were still disputing the ground with the enemy on our extreme right. 
Gen. Naglee ordered me to fix prolonges and Are retiring, which was done with one piece. 
The Garde Lafayette (55th Regt. N. Y. Vols.) came up about this time and made a gallant 
charge, but unfortunately got in front of our pieces and prevented us from firing when we 
were able to do so. * * * With two officers and one corporal as cannoneers and no 
lanyard or friction primers, and the regiment in front terribly cut. we retired, and shortly 



^24 CASEY'S DIVISION 

after received orders from you [Gen. Casey] to collect the batteries and place them in 
position where they now are." 

"In the meantime Gen. Naglee's brigade, with the batteries of Casey's division, which 
Gen. Naglee directed, struggled gallantly to maintain the redoubt and rirle pits against the 
overwhelming masses of the enemy." 

The history of the 52d Penna. Regiment in Bates History of Penna. Vols., so far 
as it relates to the battle of Fair Oaks, is taken almost verbatim from the official report of 
Gen. Naglee. While quoting from the report of Gen. iMcClellan, "that the brigade of Naglee 
is entitled to credit for its gallantry," the paragraph crediting the brigade with defending 
the redoubt is entirely omitted. What the writer says of the position and action of the 
regiment, irrespective of his quotation from Gen. Naglee's report, is evidence that this 
regiment was at no time during the battle near the redoubt. The following excerpt con- 
tains about all that is pertinent to the battle of Fair Oaks outside of Gen. Naglee's report: 

"The regiment went into camp on the right of the Nine Mile road, a half mile beyond 
Fair Oaks, as a support to the pickets along Garnetfs field. No other regiment encamped 
so near Richmond, and during the campaign, the picket line extending from White Oak 
Swamp to the Chickahominy, was never advanced beyond the ground won by Capt. Davis 
and his sharpshooters. Seeing his isolated position, Gen. Naglee determined to bridge 
the river on his right and open communication with the headquarters of the general-in-chief, 
and the great body of the army on the opposite bank. For this purpose, the whole pioneer 
corps of bis brigade, with heavy details, was sent with minute instructions for its construc- 
tion. The point selected was, at this time above and outside the Union lines, and the 
troops on the left hank, hearing the work, opened fire on the party, and sent two regi- 
ments to drive it away. The bridge thus commenced, and rendered passable on the day 
of battle of Fair Oaks, was afterwards chosen by the engineer corps for the great highway 
between the two wings of the army. 

"The battle of Fair Oaks was fought on the 30th [31st] of May. The position of 
the 52d, a half mile to the right, and front of tin Seven Pines, brought it into action on a 
different part of the field from that of the other regiments of the brigade, and at a some- 
what later hour. Two companies were on the picket line, and a heavy detail upon the 
Chickahominy Bridge. It moved from its camp in line of battle towards Seven Pines, 
and at first held the extreme right. By the time it bad become engaged, the enemy had 
turned the left rlank and had broken through on the Williamsburg road. Gen Naglee, who 
had been upon this part of the field, in his official report, says: 'Returning rapidly to my 
New York 11th Maine, 52d Penna., etc.'" 

If the above is at all trustworthy, and it seems to be in harmony with the facts, except 
as stated by Gen. Naglee's report, which it quotes voluminously, it thoroughly substantiates 
the position which this compilation has already established, that these three regiments, the 
. r .t>t h New York, 11th Maine, and 52d Penna., were at no time within a half mile of Casey's 
redoubt, and did not participate in the action, excepting three companies of the 11th Maine 
(03 men), until after the enemy had succeeded in flanking the right of Casey's intrenched 
line; and it also clearly authenticates the position of the writer, that this part of Naglee's 
brigade was at no time connected with Casey's lines of battle, cither the advance line, sup- 
porting Spratt's battery, or the line defending the intrenchments. 

Geo. H. Johnston, A. A. G., Naglee's brigade, in an article entitled "Casey's Divi- 
sion," published in "Camp Fire Sketches and Battle Field Echoes" (page 104-107), refer- 
ring to the troops of Naglee's brigade supporting Spratt's battery in advance of the in- 
trenchments, says : 

"Receiving no reinforcements, these regiments, with Spratt's battery, retired to 
the first line of rirle pits. Here was posted the balance of Casey's 2d and 3d Brigades, 
and the battle was renewed with great fury. * * * Disputing every inch of ground, 
we retreated toward the second line, Regan's battery firing up the Williamsburg turnpike 
at the advancing enemy." 

Mr. Johnston gives the position of the other regiments of Naglee's brigade as 

follows : 

"The oCth New York and 52 Pennsylvania, with a detachment of the 11th Maine, 
were on the extreme right of Naglee's brigade, near the railroad, at the commencement 
of the battle, where they suffered heavy loss, their position having been flanked. By 



AT SEVEN PINES 225 

an order of Gen. Naglee, what was left of the 56th New York and a detachment of 11th 
Maine joined the balance of the brigade near the second line, and fought with them 
through the remainder of the battle. When the order to retreat was given to Col. Dodge 

of the 52d Pennsylvania, lie begged t<> I"' allowed to remain and light it out." 

Gen. Nagiee's staff officer was gracious enough, however, to compliment the division 
commander in the following terms : 

"Gen. Casey was in the thickest of the fight, llatless, his gray hair exposed to the 
breeze, it seemed a miracle he wasn't kill d 

Even Gen. Keyes, commander of the Fourth Corps, whilst boasting in his book, "Fifty 
Years Observation of Men and Events," of the fullness and accuracy of his report of the 
battle of Fair Oaks, and should have had some of his personal staff in the front to report 
conditions there, never had a proper comprehension of the position of the troops of Casey's 
division during the battle. In his book lie -:iys: 

"The battle of Fair Oaks was one of the most sanguinary of the war, and consider 
ing the isolation of the combatants due to an unexpected rise of the Chickahominy, the 
Union cause was in greater danger on the 31sl of May, 1862, than ai tin' dale of any other 
battle except <. - It was called bj the Confederates tin- battle of Seven Pines, and 

that is its proper designation, because there the principal fighting was done and the greatest 
losses on both sides sustained. In all the numerous histories that 1 have seen not one 
contains a tolerably fair account of the battle of Fair Oaks. In none of the reports of the 
chiefs engaged on our side except mine are the positions of the brigades of my corps at 
the beginning of the action stated. Without a char knowledge of those positions, a hun- 
dred persons might read all the reports and all arrive at wrong and different conclusions. 

* * * To comprehend the battle let it he understood that tie place called Seven Pines is 
at the junction of the Williamsburg and Nine Mile roads. At that point tin reader must 
fancy himself placed. Looking thence up the Williamsburg road towards Richmond, he 
will have Casey's redoubt half a mile from him, on the hit of that road ami near to it. 
Casey's division of three brigades of infantry, and certain artillery under Col. Bailey, forms 
the first line which extends to the right across to the railroad, and which is about a mile 
off, and to the left to the White Oak swamp, which was. owing to heavy rains, less than a 
mile distant. Most of Bailey's artillery was in and near the redoubt, the horses outside. 
Palmer's brigade is on the left. Wessells' brigade in the center, and Nagiee's brigade on 
the right of Casey's line, with two regiments across the railroad. In front of Casey's line, 
at an average distance of a long musket range, ware woods and thickets that concealed the 
enemy, whose approach was down the Williamsburg road and through other openings in 
the woods. * * * Now it is probable that none of the regiments I sent to support 
Casey's line actually got quote up to his redoubt, hut the 55th New York, the 23d and 61st 
Penna., the 7th Mass., and others under Couch and Ahercrombic supported him valiantly. 

* * * Until Casey's line was broken, and I confess he held it with masterly conduct and 
bravery, I acted the part of a corps commander by watching operations at a certain dis- 
tance, though I was not a minute out of the range of the enemy's shot and shell. * * * 
Having failed to discover in any of the printed histories of the Peninsula campaign an 
account of the services of the 4th Corps that was not imperfect, garbled, unfair, or shock- 
ingly prejudiced, 1 addressed a letter to my former chief of staff, Col. C. C. Suydam, dated 
Dec. 21, 1877, from which I extract the following: 'We owe it to the brave men with 
whom we fought in the Army of the 1'otoniac to establish the truth in regard to their 
service. * * * Those first unfinished works of ours (thai is, the chief and greatest 
number of artificial defenses), where Bailey was killed, were on the tight and left of the 
Williamsburg road, the redoubt being on the left of that road, and fully a mile from the 
railroad, astride which, on Casey's extreme right, Nagiee's brigade was posted at the be 
ginning of the action. The supports of the redoubt were Wessells' and Palmer's brigades, 
and those brigades, being hotly engaged from the beginning of the action, could not and 
did not go to the assistance of that of Naglee." 

So far as the writer has been able to glean, no one has ever called in question Gen. 
McClellan's statement as to Nagiee's brigade defending Casey's redoubt. Even Gen. Keyes, 
who in his "Fifty Years' Observation," criticises the Count of Paris for being misled by 
this statement, failed to notice where the Count secured his information. He quotes from 
the Count's history of the Civil War in America as follows : 

"The first works of the Federals, yet unfinished, simple abatis or epaulements, the 
profile of which could not protect the men, were occupied by Nagiee's brigade. This resisted 
energetically, and the division artillery directed by an old officer of Regulars, Col. Bailey, 
made great ravages in the ranks of the assailants. * * * The other two brigades of 



226 CASEY'S DIVISION 

Casey hastened to the support of Naglec, and in spite of great losses they held good against 
the Confederates whose numbers increased unceasingly." 

Gen. Keyes then comments on the above quotation as follows : 

"The above extract conveys an impression absolutely foreign from the truth, in the 
most essential particulars. Those first unfinished works of ours (that is, the chief and 
greatest number of artificial defences), where Bailey was killed, were on the right and 
left of the Williamsburg road, the redoubt being on the left of that road, and fully a mile 
from the railroad, astride which, on Casey's extreme right, Naglec's brigade was posted at 
the beginning of the action. The supports of the redoubt were Wessells' and Palmer's bri- 
gades, being hotly engaged almost from the beginning of the action, could not and did not 
go to the assistance of that of Naglec" 

Gen. Keyes, in his criticism of the Count, gives evidence that he had no proper con- 
ception of Casey's lines of battle. If Naglee's brigade was posted astride the railroad fully 
a mile from the redoubt, Casey's line of battle would have presented a front fully a mile 
and a half in length. Casey's line supporting the redoubt did not extend a fourth of a mile 
to the right of the redoubt and had no protection on its right flank. The two isolated 

regiments of Naglee's, supporting the pickets on the extreme right had no connect! >r 

cooperation with either of Casey's lines— the advance supporting Spratt's battery, or the 
line supporting the redoubt. Neither of these regiments was engaged at the beginning of 
the action. The 27th Georgia, holding the extreme left of G. B. Anderson's brigade, came in 
contact with the 56th New York in the woods south of the railroad, but supposing they 
were confronted by a superior force and finding they were separated from the other regi- 
ments of the brigade, after a brief contest retired, until rcenforced by the 6th South Caro- 
lina, and the Palmetto Sharpshooters of R. H. Anderson's brigade when it was driven back. 
There is no report of this part of the action on the Federal side. Col. Jenkins, who was 
in command of the Confederate forces, says of this part of the action: "Our advance was 
now continued, with little or no opposition, through the enemy's camp and across a neigh- 
borhood road leading to the railroad." Gen. Keyes quotes further from the history of 
ili' Count, as follows : 

"The Government, always animated by a secret jealousy against Gen. McClellan, sej 
dom communicated to the public the news it received from him; but after a battle like this 
silence was impossible, and it caused the first dispatch from the commander-in-chief (Mc- 
Clellan) to be printed. Unfortunately the latter, deceived by the report of Heintzelman, 
cast unjust blame upon Casey's division. This dispatch was corrected in Washington, but 
in a manner to aggravate the pernicious effect of the error it contained. The unmerited 
censure was allowed to remain, while the praise which McClellan awarded to Sumner was 
suppressed. The general-in-chief soon reestablished the truth, and it was known that the 
army had been saved by the tenacity of Naglee & Bailey, by the order that Kearny had com- 
municated to the brigades of Jameson and Berry, and finally by the indomitable energy of 
the aged Sumner." 

Commenting on the above quoted paragraph Gen. Keyes says: 

"I am ignorant of the circumstances which led to the conclusion that the army was 
saved in the way and by the officers above referred to, but the justice of that conclusion I 
deny emphatically. Leaving myself apart and my name to be placed where, after a careful 
examination of all reports in which my name occurs, it properly belongs, I can with con- 
fidence assert that it would have been more in accordance with equity and truth to say the 
army had been saved liv the tenacity of Naglee and Bailey, by the order that Kearnv had com- 
ner." * * * 

After again quoting from the Count's history, in which the latter refers to Kearny in 
complimentary terms Gen. Keyes continues : 

"It is true that Kearny came up and got into action 15 or 20 minutes after 4 o'clock 
P. M., but he came in obedience to the orders of his corps commander. He was opposed by 
greatly superior numbers, and in a short time his force and all around him were repulsed 
and scattered." 

"For my part I am unable to consider Gen. Naglee's report of the battle of Fair Oaks 
as a reliable document for its history. Gen. D. N. Couch's report is essentially important. 
The credit given to Naglee's report, and to its author, by the Count of Paris, if by chance 
they met, justifies me in speaking further of Naglec and of his peculiar traits as an officer, 
his bravery and energy being considered by me unquestionable. In all armies there is a 



\ I SEVEN PINES 227 

class of men who arc at variance with their commanding officer. Of that class, so far as 
my reading and military experience extends, Henry M. Naglee is entitled to stand head. 
He came to the corps from Gen. Hooker's division, and at his first interview with me he 
discharged a tirade of maledictions against that officer, which made so slight an impression 
that, if Hooker had rifled me of my fondest hopes, it would not have occurred to me to 
allege a word that Naglee had said against him by way of revenge or justification. (It 
should be remembered that the same order assigning Gen. Naglee to Casey's division re- 
lieved him from arrest in Hooker's division. Ed.) I am not certain that Naglee was ever 
under the command of Gen Sumner, but the following circumstance induces me to suppose 
he had been subject to that old hero's orders. Not long after the battle of Fair Oaks, several 
members of Congress came down to the camps. Naglee, being informed of their approach, 
went down the road and intercepted them. He told me afterwards that he found an oppor- 
tunity to tell them what had been done, and he trusted he had told them enough to prevent 
old Sumner from getting a brevet I" 

It is relevant in Ibis article to call attention to what yet seems to be an unsettled con- 
troversy between writers favoring the respective armies engaged in the battle of Seven Pines 
— as to which army was entitled to claim the victory. This is relevant and also necessary 
to do full justice to Casey's division. Gen. McClellan not only traduced the raw division 
in his dispatch to Sec. Stanton but in a subsequent dispatch to the Secretary robbed them 
of what was then considered a distinction — holding the most advanced position before the 
enemy's lines in proximity to the Confederate capital. The fact is worthy of note here, that 
the picket line defended by Casey's troops on May 31, 18G2, was never again reestablished or 
maintained, and that this division advanced to and maintained a position closer to the capital 
of the Confederacy than any other Federal troops during the war, until its capitulation in 
1865. 

Another fact worthy of note is, that notwithstanding Gen. Heintzelman had received 
instructions from Gen. McClellan to "hold the Seven Pines at all hazards," that the 4th and 
3d corps of the Army of the Potomac were driven back a mile in rear of the Seven Pines 
and did not attempt to retake the position until after the enemy had peaceably retired. It 
is not necessary to refer to the Confederate reports or to Confederate writers to establish this 
fact; the official reports of the Federal commanders who were competent to speak on the subject 
settle this point beyond question. Notwithstanding these reports are explicit on this point, 
the impression made on the country by the first dispatches of Gen. McClellan to Secretary 
Stanton, and in a measure substantiated in his official report, has been so strong that writers 
who personally should have known better have written critically and dogmatically on this 
phase of the battle, evidently without taking the trouble to read these reports. At so late 
a date as May, 1885, there appeared in the Century Magazine an article, entitled "The 
Peninsular Campaign," by Gen. McClellan, reproduced in "Battles and Leaders of the Civil 
War" (Vol. II, pp. lfiO-187), in which the following statement is made: 

"Well, aware of our difficulties, our active enemy, on the 31st of May, made a violent 
attack upon Casey's division, followed by an equally formidable one on Couch, thus com- 
mencing the battle of Fair Oaks or Seven Pines. * * * In the morning his renewed 
attacks were easily repulsed, and the ground occupied at the beginning of the battle more 
than recovered." 

In "McClellan's Own Story," published subsequent to the death of Gen. McClellan, the 
following letter appears written by the general to Mrs. McClellan. It is dated June 2, 8 p. m. : 

"The enemy attacked on Saturday and Sunday with great ferocity and determination; 
their first attack alone was successful. Casey's division broke. As the other divisions came 
up they checked the enemy, and we gradually got the better of him ; he was badly handled 
before night. On Sunday morning he renewed the attack and was everywhere repulsed in 
disorder and with heavy loss. We had regained all the ground lost, and more, last night ; 
today we are considerably in advance of the field of battle." 

In Gen. McClellan's second dispatch to Sec'y Stanton, dated 12 P. M. June 2 in which 
he again reflected on Casey's troops he made the statement: "The result is that our left 
is now within four miles of Richmond." The basis for this telegram was Gen. Heintzel- 
man's dispatches of same date, the first sent at 6 A. M. in which the statement is made: 
"Our pickets are half a mile beyond Gen. Casey's old camp." and one sent at 11:45 A. M. : 



228 CASEY'S DIVISION 

"Gen. Hooker reports that he is two miles in advance of Casey's camp and about four 
miles from Richmond, with seven regiments of infantry and one regiment of cavalry." 

In his official report Gen. McClellan describes the termination of the battle on Sunday, 
June 1, as follows : 

"On the opening of the firing in the morning Gen. Hooker pushed forward on the 
railroad with two regiments (5th and 6th New Jersey), followed by Gen. Sickles' brigade. 
* * * He at once made the attack with the two New Jersey regiments, calling upon Col. 
Ward to support him with Gen. Birney's brigade. This was well done, our troops advancing 
into the woods under a heavy fire, and pushing the enemy before them for more than an 
hour of hard fighting. A charge with the bayonet was then ordered by Gen. Hooker with the 
5th and Gth New Jersey, 3d Maine and 38th and 40th New York, and the enemy fled in 
confusion, throwing down arms and even clothing in his flight. Gen. Sickles, having been 
ordered to the left, formed line of battle on both sides of the Williamsburg road and 
advanced under a sharp fire from the enemy, deployed in the woods in front of him. After 
a brisk interchange of musketry fire while crossing the open ground, the Excelsior Brigade 
dashed into the timber with the bayonet and put the enemy to flight. On the right the 
enemy opened fire after an hour's cessation, which was promptly responded to by Gen. 
Richardson's division. * * * In about an hour Gen. Richardson's whole line advanced, 
pouring in their fire at close range, which threw the line of the enemy back in some confu- 
sion. This was followed up by a bayonet charge, led by Gen. French in person, with the 
57th and 66th New York, supported by two regiments sent by Gen. Heintzelman, the 71st 
and 73d New York, which turned the confusion of the enemy into precipitate flight. One 
gun captured the previous day was retaken. Our troops pushed forward as far as the lines 
held by them on the 31st before the attack. * * * On the next morning a reconnoissance 
was sent forward, which pressed back the pickets of the enemy to within 5 miles of Rich- 
mond ; but again the impossibility of forcing even a few batteries forward precluded our 
holding permanently this position. The lines held previous to the battle were therefore 
resumed." 

Gen. Heintzelman in his report says : 

"Our troops pushed as far forward as the battlefield of the previous day * * *. 
On the next morning I sent forward Gen. Hooker with the portion of his division 
engaged the day before to make a reconnaissance, which he did in a most gallant manner 
far beyond the position we had on Saturday. As he advanced the enemy's pickets fell back. 
Our pickets got to within 5 miles of Richmond. In the afternoon our troops fell back and 
occupied the positions we held before the battle." 

Gen. Hooker's report says : 

"The following morning (Monday) * * * all the ground we had lost on Saturday 
was reoccupied and held." 

Gen. Sickles in his report says : 

"The enemy having been driven from that part of the line, I recalled Col. Graham 
and Maj. Holt, posting the former on the right of the Fourth and holding the First in 
reserve, covered by some timber in the rear on the right of the road. In this position the 
enemy opened a desultory and harmless fire upon my left from a field battery in front, 
the shot and shell falling in the woods in front, and in the field to the rear. * * * 
Maj. Toler * * * reported to me that the enemy were in force about half a mile to the 
front and moving toward our left. Lieut. Col. Potter, with six companies of the Second 
Regiment, was then pushed forward to establish outposts and advance to the Seven Pines, 
being a porion of the battle ground of Saturday. * * * During the night the enemy 
fell back a mile or more on Richmond, moving their artillery and wagon train along a 
road leading from the left of Casey's camp." 

Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, the commanding general of the Army of Northern Virginia 
during the first day of the battle of Fair Oaks, is the author of an article which appeared 
in the "Century War Series," and also published in "Battles and Leaders of the Civil War" 
(Vol. II, pp. 202-218), entitled "Manassas to Seven Pines." In this article the general 
refutes the Federal claim of victory in the following mild terms : 

"Officers of the Federal army have claimed a victory at Seven Pines. The Confed- 
erates had such evidences of victory as cannon, captured intrenchments, and not only sleeping 
on the field, but passing the following day there, so little disturbed by the Federal troops 
as to gather, in woods, thickets, mud, and water, 6,700 muskets and rifles." 

To the above the editors of "Battles and Leaders" have a foot-note which takes issue 
with Gen. Johnston as follows : 

"The Union position at Fair Oaks was, in general, maintained on both days of the 



AT SEVEN PINES 229 

battle. Part of the field east of Seven Pines (but not Casey's camp, which was west) was 
regained on the second day by Gen. Heintzelman, who reported that 'our troops pushed as 
far forward as the battle-field of the previous day, where they found many of our wounded 
and those of the enemy.' Gen. Daniel E. Sickles, who advanced to Casey's camp on June 2d, 
the Confederates having withdrawn in the night, states in his report that 'the fields were 
strewn with Enfield rifles, marked "Tower, 1862," and muskets, marked "Virginia," thrown 
away by the enemy in his hurried retreat. In the camp occupied by Gen. Casey and Gen. 
Couch on Saturday before the battle of Seven Pines, we found rebel caissons filled with 
ammunition, a large number of small arms and several baggage wagons.' " 

The official reports of both Federal and Confederate commanding officers fail to 
give the location of the advance lines of the respective armies at the close of the battle 
on Saturday evening, at Fair Oaks. The reports, however, of Gen. Couch and Gen. Aber- 
crombie are so clear as to the position of the Union troops at Fair Oaks during the after- 
noon of May 31, that it is difficult to comprehend why the editors of "Battles and Leaders" 
should make the opening statement in the above paragraph. According to Gen. Couch, 
the 65th New York and 31st Penna., with Brady's battery, were in position at Fair Oaks 
Station guarding the approaches to that point. Gen. Abercrombie differs somewhat from 
this statement in crediting the 61st Penna. with being there instead of the 65th New 
York. The latter being the most competent to speak, is no doubt correct. He also makes 
it clear in his report that these two regiments were north of the railroad. Fully a half-mile 
in advance were the pickets of Casey's division in position, with parts of two regiments of 
this division intervening as supports to the pickets. Gen. Couch says "large masses of the 
enemy were moving across the railroad to the front and right with the intention of inclos- 
ing us. Therefore, with Gen. Abercrombie, four regiments, the battery and prisoners, we 
moved off toward the Grapevine Bridge, for half a mile, and took a position facing Fair 
Oaks." Gen. Abercrombie affected, no doubt, by the atmosphere of calumny, hurled on 
Casey's "raw troops" from every direction, had to join in the hue and cry by saying, "I was, 
by the falling back of Casey's division, entirely cut off from the regiments of my brigade 
engaged in the center." There was no portion of Casey's division between his center and 
right except the pickets and supports after they were driven back from the advance. Gen. 
Abercrombie further states: "Finding my position untenable, I fell back on the road from 
the depot to Trent's house as far as Courtney's house, about half a mile, and there formed 
line of battle." * * * Here is evidence that no one can dispute that the Union position 
on the first day was a mile in rear of what it had been before the battle was opened. So 
far as the published official reports show any light, there is no evidence presented that the 
Federal forces regained the position occupied by the right of Couch's division on the first 
day. But even if they had succeeded in regaining the position occupied by Couch's division, 
Casey's pickets were a half-mile in advance of this point when the attack was made. From 
the best knowledge the writer has been able to gather, the ground immediately contiguous 
to Fair Oaks Station was in the possession of the Confederates during Saturday night. 
Gen. Johnston received his wound about dark on the Nine-mile road in close proximity 
to the railroad, and if the Confederates were not in possession of the point formerly occupied 
by the 31st and 61st Penna. and Brady's battery, they commanded the position. 

Brevet Maj. Gen. George W. Mindil, who was a member of Gen. Kearny's staff at 
the battle of Seven Pines, made a critical reply to Gen. Joseph E. Johnston's "Narrative." 
This was published at Philadelphia in 1874 in pamphlet form, 250 copies only being printed 
for private distribution. As a member of Kearny's staff and subsequently attaining the high 
rank of brevet major general of volunteers, his criticisms will be regarded as authoritative 
by many. Gen. Mindil says : 

"It is not our purpose at this time to review his book at length, nor to point out the 
many errors into which the Confederate general has perhaps unintentionally fallen, though 
this should be done at no distant day, for the sake of the historian who is yet to write the 
truthful history of our late civil war. We shall confine ourselves to his account of the 
important battle of Fair Oaks, or Seven Pines, as it was called by the Confederates, agreeing 
with him 'that no action of the war has been so little understood as that of Seven Pines.' 
To us it is certain that he did not himself understand it, for he is entirely ignorant of the 
position, strength, and morale of the Union troops at the close of the first day's battle, and 



230 I \Si-.VS l>l\ [SION 

their subsequent victorious fight and advance on the following day. * * * Gen. Heintzel- 
man was anxious to push forward with the 3d Corps, on Sunday afternoon ; but being told 
it would interfere with the plans of the commanding general, who, towards the close of the 
fight, had reached the field, he was induced to countermand his orders. Being still unsatis- 
fied, however, all reports from the front agreeing as to the complete demoralization of the 
enemy, Gen. Heintzelman ordered forward, on Monday morning, the division of Gen. 
Hooker to find out their whereabouts ; Gen. Sumner was asked at the same time to move in 
support, which he declined to do, in the absence of higher orders. Gen. Heintzelman, 
having telegraphed the movement to Gen. McClellan, permitted Gen. Hooker to continue on 
till about 4 o'clock P. M.. when he was within four miles of Richmond, and had met nothing 
but some pickets, when orders from Gen. McClellan directed him 'to return from his brilliant 
reconnoissance.' Does not all this show the activity of Gen. Heintzelman, on Sunday, in 
gallantly recovering his lost ground, and, on Monday, in assuming the offensive in pursuit 
of a retreating and defeated foe? And does not this vigorous action on his part disprove 
the charge of 'disheartened and demoralized troops' made by Johnston? Had Gen. Heintzel- 
man been properly supported, what important ends might not have been gained? — the capture 
of Richmond itself was not beyond possibility. On this point Gen. Heintzelman writes: 'I 
believe that the battle of Fair Oaks, or Seven Pines, opened to us the road to Richmond, 
and that my move on Monday, had it been supported and followed up, we would have found 
it so. I did not know this when I ordered the pursuit, but I believe in following up a 
defeated enemy. If you have suffered, he must have suffered more, or he would not have 
retreated, and then you have the moral force of an advance.' * * * That they were 
attacked in turn on Sunday morning by Heintzelman's troops, and driven back through the 
captured camps ; * * * That when all firing had ceased, about 2 P. M. Sunday, the 
entire field fought over had been regained by the Union troops, Casey's lines were reoccu- 
pied, the Confederates being in full retreat. The very best evidence of successful fighting 
is the retention at the close of an engagement of the field fought over. That on Monday 
morning, June 2, Hooker's division advanced two miles nearer Richmond, without being 
seriously resisted, and we can only infer from this, demoralization on the part of the enemy. 
* * * But Keyes did have in position along the Nine-mile road the division of Gen. 
Couch, about 7,000 strong, the gallant remnant of Naglee's brigade, some 1,200 more, and 
four or five batteries of artillery. * * * The Confederate leader contributes the pages 
of his 'Narrative' 'for the use of the future historian, and we write our answer, in the 
interest of truth only, to guide the pen of the same future authority. We have no blunders 
to hide, no false movements to explain, no acts of questionable generalship to defend We 
write the truth simply as we saw it, for we opposed Gen. Johnston at the Seven Pines 
and near Fair Oaks, as a staff officer to the brave and gifted lamented Phil. Kearny." 

Had Gen. Mindil taken the trouble to have examined the official reports of the Federal 
commanders most competent to speak on the subject, he would have refrained from making 
the hasty and intemperate criticism of Gen. Johnston's book. Gen. Hooker's bombastic claim 
is no doubt the source of all this misinformation. Before the Congressional Committee he 
testified as follows : 

"That was the end of the fighting of that battle. A part of my troops occupied the 
camp that had been occupied the day before by Gen. Keyes' corps and the ground that he 
had lost that day. On Monday * * * I received orders to make a reconnoissance in force 
through the camp and beyond it. I did so without any resistance, except a little picket 
firing, and proceeded to perhaps within three and a half or four miles of Richmond, on the 
Williamsburg road." 

This statement does not fully harmonize with his dispatch to Gen. Heintzelman on 
his return from this reconnoisance, in which he says : 

"I found skirting the swamp in front of Casey's camp, on the Richmond road, two 
roads— one leading to the railroad, the other branching toward the James River and to the 
South of Richmond. These were traversed for some distance, the former to the railroad — 
without important discoveries. In advance of these roads the enemy appeared to have a 
regiment of cavalry and three of infantry, but as the latter were mostly concealed in the 
forest, it tvas not prudent to determine their number. It may have been much greater. Our 
pickets exchanged a few shots. On my return my command encamped in rear of Casey's 
camp." (O. R, Ser. I, Vol. XI, part III, p. 209.) 

The road traversed by Gen. Hooker's troops on this reconnoissance, leading from the 
Williamsburg road to the railroad, was fully 150 yards in rear of Casey's picket line. It 
was on this road that Maj. Gazzam formed the 103d Penna. after falling back from its first 
position in support of the pickets. Authentic information as to when and how the advanced 
position held by Casey's troops on May 31, and captured by Gen. Hill's division, was 



AT SEVEN FIXES 231 

recaptured by the Federal troops, will be found in the official reports of the commanding 
officers of the various regiments of the Excelsior Brigade, who were the first to reoccupy 
the position formerly held by Casey's division. The report of Lieut.-Col. Potter of the 2d 
Excelsior (71st N. Y.) is the most comprehensive and trustworthy. He says: 

"Immediately after daybreak, June 2, I was ordered to take command of five companies 
and reoccupy the position of the evening previous. * * * As we filed through the swamp 
the lines occupied by the enemy of the previous evening seemed to be abandoned. I posted 
my command same as the evening previous, * * * After finding their position abandoned 
I immediately sent report to Gen. Sickles * * *, and, taking Co. A. from my reserve, 
advanced with it to the redoubt and line of earthworks occupied by the enemy the evening 
previous." 

This simple statement of Lieut.-Col. Potter is much more trustworthy than the official 
statements of Gens. McClellan, Heintzelman, and Hooker, who talk about "driving the 
enemy back." These three generals have informed the historians that Hooker's troops 
pressed back the enemy "to within 5 miles of Richmond" ; "far beyond the position we had 
on Saturday"; "to perhaps within three and a half or four miles of Richmond." Here again 
Lieut.-Col. Potter can speak with authority. He says : 

"After advancing all my command to the line of earthworks in front of where Gen. 
Casey's headquarters had recently been, and posting them under command of Capt. Rafferty 
accompanied by Lieut. Latta, of 8th Penna. Cavalry, and some 5 mounted men, I 
continued to advance cautiously to the front, leaving our cavalrymen in the rear of the 
swamp on the main road until past the swamp and nearly one-half mile in front of the 
earthworks above mentioned. Halting in the edge of the wood looking out on an open field 
for nearly half a mile in extent we could see in the far front of the field some persons 
moving in the skirt of the wood. * * * After joining our squad of cavalry at the rear 
of the swamp I sent Lieut. Latta to report to Gen. Sickles *,* * and then, taking one 
of the cavalry men * * * commenced to repair to the front of the swamp to take 
observance of the open field again * * * and again returned to the front of the swamp, 
and after watching the long field for nearly half an hour without seeing any movement 
whatever, was surprised to hear a bugle sounding the advance, followed by cavalry filing into 
the far front of the field. I speedily returned to the line of earthworks * * *. Soon 
after Gen. Hooker * * * and Gen. Sickles, with the Excelsior Brigade, arrived in 
advance. * * * Gen. Hooker desired me to acmompany him to the front of the swamp 
to point out where the rebel cavalry had been seen. Just as we were returning a party of 
rebel skirmishers who were concealed in the swamp fired upon the general, killing one of the 
horses of his cavalry escort. * * * The regiment (2d Excelsior) was advanced through 
the swamp, the right halted and posted upon a large field of 'slashing,' in front of which 
passes a road extending from the right of the long field in front of the swamp to the right 
through the timber to the railroad in front of the pickets of Gen. Sumner's command on the 
railroad." 

The "edge of the wood looking out on an open field" referred to by Lieut.-Col. Potter 
was the position occupied by the pickets from the 103d Penna. Regiment on May 31. Gar- 
land's brigade was in full view of the pickets for several hours preceding the battle, on the 
western side of the open field. Lieut.-Col. Potter also gives information as to the position of 
Sumner's pickets on June 2, indicating that they were several hundred yards in rear of 
where Casey's pickets had maintained the line for several days previous to the attack on 
May 31. The extracts from the official reports of the brigade and regimental commanders 
in Sumner's and Heintzelman's corps, who were in the front, on June 1, are published in 
this article as conclusive evidence that, notwithstanding the weakest division of the Army of 
the Potomac was held up before the nation in obloquy, because it was driven from its posi- 
tion by an overwhelming force, yet no attempt was made to retake the position by the five 
other divisions of the army on the right bank of the Chickahominy. This of itself ought 
to have silenced the critics of this division. 

Most historians convey the notion that the failure of the Federals to advance on 
June 1 was the result of the timidity of Gen. McClellan and that his immediate subordinates, 
such as Gens. Sumner and Heintzelman. were anxious to press forward. The letter Gen. 
Mindil credits Gen. Heintzelman with having written is completely refuted by Gen. Heintzel- 
man himself in his sworn testimony before the joint committee of congress on the conduct 
of the war, an excerpt from which appears on page 159 of this volume. Gen. Sumner 



232 CASEY'S DIVISION 

in his official report makes it very clear that Gen. McClellan had nothing to do with holding 
the army back on Sunday except to express himself satisfied with Gen. Sumner's arrange- 
ments. In his testimony before the congressional committee on the conduct of the war 
(page 182 this volume) he states that Gen. Marcy, Gen. McClcllan's chief of staff, had 
sent him word on Sunday afternoon that a very large force was moving down upon him 
from Richmond. This was after the battle had ceased, the enemy in front of Sumner 
having fled "entirely routed," and no effort made to follow up the rout. Notwithstanding 
the enemy's precipitate flight, Gen. Sumner has left evidence of being in a state bordering 
on trepidation during the night following the battle. At 11 :30 P. M., June 1, he sent 
the following communication to Gen. Marcy : 

"I have good reasons to believe that I shall be attacked early in the morning by 50,000 
men. The bridge on the Chickahominy is so broken by the recent freshets that it cannot 
be repaired at once. I shall do my utmost. The trains from Richmond are running all 
night." (O. R. Ser., Vol. LI, part I, p. 649.) 

To the above Gen. Marcy sent the following reply at 3 A. M., June 2 : "The general 
commanding says in reply to your dispatch that you must do the best you can to hold your 
own if attacked." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part III, p. 207.) 

At 6:40 P. M., June 1, the following was sent from army headquarters to Gen. 
Sumner : 

"From further information the general commanding is convinced that the dispatch 
sent you by Maj. Hammerstein exaggerates matters. The general does not think it prob- 
able that you will be attacked in the morning, and if you are he thinks it will not be in 
large force, but that you can hold the ground you now occupy. He will communicate with 
you frequently, and he would prefer that you do not fall back tomorrow, even if you are 
not attacked, until you receive orders. I will telegraph to you frequently, giving you all 
the information we receive. The best place for you to send dispatches is to Gen. Heintzel- 
man's headquarters. A. V. Colburn, Assistant Adjutant General." 

The official communications go far to show that both Gens. Sumner and Heintzel- 
man gave evidence of much more timidity than the commanding general of the army. It 
should be remembered that the latter was confined to his bed by illness on May 31. On 
June 1 the following dispatch was sent from army headquarters to Gen. Heintzelman : 

"You will move up your available force to the support of Gen. Keyes. leaving force 
sufficient to guard your left and rear." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part III, p. 206.) 

At 3 A. M., June 2, he received the following order from headquarters : 

"As Gen. Sumner thinks he may be attacked at daylight, you will please hold your 
command ready to support him if necessary." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part III, p. 207.) 

The following order was issued from army headquarters at 5 P. M., June 1 : 

"Gen. E. V. Sumner : The general commanding directs that you drive the enemy 
back opposite vour front, along the line of the railroad, in order to afford effective support 
to Gen. Heintzelman." O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part III, p. 206.) 

Gen. Hooker's report, his dispatch to Gen. Heintzelman on June 2, and his testimony 
before the congressional committee (pp. 177-178 — this Vol.) are sufficient evidence to settle 
this matter beyond controversy so far as Gen. Heintzelman is concerned. 

It is hardly within the province of this article to present more than the essential parts 
of the official reports of the commanding officers of the troops engaged north of the rail- 
road. However, as the writer on one of his visits to the scenes referred to in this narra- 
tive had the pleasure and profit of traversing the grounds on which the battle of Seven 
Pines or Fair Oaks was fought in company with Maj. Gen. Brooke, U. S. A., who was 
colonel of the 53d Penna. Regiment, of French's brigade, Richardson's division, Sumner's 
corps, and who was in command of his regiment during the battle, it will not be amiss 
to amplify his official report by information gained at first hand on the grounds on which 
the battle occurred. From notes before the writer, and which he regards as trustworthy, 
he believes a clearer knowledge of part of the action north of the railroad can be gained 
than is given in the official reports, although harmonizing with them. The position of 
French's brigade in line of battle, in front of Fair Oaks Station, about day-break Sunday 
morning, was as follows: The 66th New York on the right, with the 57th New York, 



AT SEVEN PINES 233 

53d Penna. and 5'2d New York, the position of the respective regiments being as given 
here; the 81st Penna. of Howard's brigade being in prolongation of this line to the left 
of the 52d New York. This line was scarcely formed when it received a heavy fire 
from the enemy at about 50 yards distance. Although the attack was sudden and made 
with great vigor, the fire was returned with deliberation and effectiveness. After firing for 
a time, the enemy charged the position, but was repulsed without causing the line to waver 
at any point. The enemy repeated the charge several times, but with the same result. 
After the battle had progressed for some time and the regiments engaged were nearly out of 
ammunition, Gen. Howard was ordered to relieve French's brigade, the left of which was 
being severely pressed by the enemy, which he did with the 61st and 64th New York Regi- 
ments. It was about this time that Col. Miller of the 81st Penna. was killed. This regi- 
ment was on the extreme left of this line and in front of the right of Birney's line of 
battle, of Kearny's division, of Heintzelman's corps. The onslaught of the enemy on 
the extreme left of Sumner's troops was so severe that the 81st Penna. was cut in two, 
the right wing being separated from the left. It was here that Gen. Nelson A. Miles first 
became a conspicuous figure as a military man. Although only a lieutenant on the staff 
of Gen. Howard, the latter directed him to collect the scattered companies of the 81st 
Regiment, which he did, and he retained command of the right wing of the regiment, hold- 
ing the enemy in check on the right of the railroad during the remainder of the day. 
When Gen. Howard advanced to the relief of French three regiments of the latter's brigade 
retired, but Col. Brooke's ammunition not being exhausted retained his position, when 
Howard led his two regiments through French's line. In a brief time thereafter Gen. 
Howard retired with his right arm shattered, when Col. Brooke suggested that his 
regiment be ordered forward, which was done, and these three regiments, the 61st and 
64th New York and 53d Penna., drove the enemy in haste from the field in their front, 
after which these three regiments moved out by the right flank, and crossing the railroad 
at Fair Oaks Station joined their respective brigades. 

The Nemesis that follows injustice never falters and never sleeps, although at times 
he seems tardy in showing his hand. The general who was most responsible for the 
injustice done to Gen. Casey met with speedy retribution. He was charged by his superior 
officer only a month later with fleeing from the front of the enemy, with about 15,000 men, 
from the vicinity of Seven Pines, when another battle was imminent and in violation of 
orders and to the jeopardy of the entire army (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part II, p. 50). And 
furthermore these same raw troops, who had been pilloried by the commanding general 
of the army for poltroonery, making them the butt and a byword of the entire army, were 
accorded the post of honor at the most crucial time in the history of that army. These 
same men, only a month and a day after they had been held up before the army and the 
entire nation in derision for fleeing from an overwhelming force of the enemy outnumber- 
ing them three to one, had the privilege of standing in solid line of battle and witnessing that 
same army flee from an inferior force almost as badly disorganized as was the "rawest" 
division of the army on the afternoon of May 31, 1862. For two days these discredited 
troops stood guard between the entire army and a victorious foe, and succeeded in bringing 
off in safety all the wagon trains of this army, and placing them at Harrison's Landing 
two days after the battle of Malvern Hill. For 48 hours without sleep, except as it 
could be snatched by small groups here and there, a few minutes at a time; drenched to 
the skin and chilled to the marrow by the cold drizzling rain, covered with mire to the 
knees, through which they had waded in following the trail of the army; at times so close 
to the enemy that orders were communicated in whispers; this same little group of men 
was the last to take its position with the rest of the army, which it did about midnight 
July 3, 1862. Not a word of praise or even credit is given Wessells' brigade, or even Peck's 
division (formerly Casey's), for this arduous service by the commanding general in his 
report, but he awards great credit to Gen. Keyes for his skill and energy in conducting 
the movement. An attempt has been made to rob Wessells' brigade of even the honor of 
covering the rear on the retreat to Harrison's Landing. Henry E. Smith, Brevet Major, 
U. S. A., in an article in the Century Magazine, August, 1885, says: 



234 CASEY'S DIVISION 

"Referring to the retreat from Malvern Hill, July 2, Gen. McClcllan gives Kcyes' 
corps the credit of furnishing the entire rear guard. According to the report of Col. 
Averell of the 3d Penna. Cavalry, the rear guard was made his command and consisted 
of his regiment of Hcintzelman's corps, First Brigade, consisting of the 3d, 4th, 12th and 
14th Infantry of Porter's corps, and the New York Chasseurs of Keyes' corps. The Official 
Records, Vol. XI, part II, p. 255, confirms this statement. In the same volume, p. 193. 
will be found Keyes' official report, but no mention of Averell. In fact Averell was the 
rear guard to Turkey Bridge and a mile beyond that point, where he found Gen. Wessells 
of Keyes' corps. The official reports of Fitz John Porter, Sykes and Buchanan all speak 
of Averell as having covered the retreat. The writer was a first lieutenant in the 12th 
Infantry, and in command of Co. D, 1st Battalion, and remembers distinctly that the First 
Brigade of Regulars slept on the field on the night of July 1, in the line of battle. We were 
surprised the next morning to find the entire army had retreated during the night, leaving 
Averell with his small command as a rear guard to cover the retreat, which was done in 
the masterly manner stated by Gen. McClellan, but by Averell, and not by Keyes." 

Maj. Smith discredits his entire claim by this last sentence, in which he says, "We 
[the rear guard] were surprised," etc. At such times rear guards are supposed to be on 
the alert, as was Wessells' brigade from midnight of July 1 until midnight of July 3, in 
continuous line of battle, except when following after the wagon trains. Had Maj. Smitli 
turned to page 220, of the same volume (XI — part II), of the Official Records from which 
he quoted he would have seen that Gen. Wessells gave Col. Averell due credit, as follows: 

"The march of the several corps of the army, with their artillery and wagon trains, 
was commenced during the night, and all passed the point occupied by this brigade about 10 
o'clock on the morning of July 2, the rear being handsomely covered thus far by Averell's 
cavalry and Buchanan's brigade of regular troops. Averell's command then moved forward, 
my own brigade shortly following, anil the 85th New York Volunteeers was detailed as a 
rear guard for the wagons " 

Had the major then read the conclusion of Col. Averell's report he would have found 
that Col. Averell gave Casey's old division credit for taking care of the rear. He says: 

"As soon as the artillery and infantry were well upon the road, I directed my cavalry 
* * * to withdraw * * *. The march was continued without incident until the rear crossed 
Turkey Island Bridge, which was destroyed. A mile farther on I found Brig. Gen. Wessells 
in excellent position with his brigade and a mile farther on Brig. Gen. Naglee with a second 
line. Considering our rear perfectly secure, I passed through their lines with my wearied' 
forces and came to this camp." 

Maj. Gen. Silas Casey. 

It is fitting that this article should close with a brief sketch of the most conspicuous 
figure on the Federal side in the battle of Seven Pines, a soldier who was not "raw" and 
inexperienced, but one who had grown grey in the military service of his country. As 
one studies the battle of Seven Pines and the central figures in the severest part of the 
conflict, he cannot fail to be impressed with one admirable trait of two of them, Brig. Gen. 
H. W. Wessells and Maj. Gen. Silas Casey. The former having been with the "raw" division 
only a few days, sitting quietly on his horse near the redoubt for three hours giving direc- 
tions without showing any evidence of excitement, painfully wounded with his horse killed 
under him and not retiring until near sunset, and yet with all the calumny heaped on his 
command, there is no record that he ever uttered a word of protest. As a sketch of his 
career appears elsewhere in this volume, those who desire can refer to it. But with Gen. 
Casey the position and conditions were somewhat different. Notwithstanding the calum- 
niators of Casey's division were constantly holding it up in derision because they were the 
"rawest" troops of the army, they seemed to take delight in attributing the rawness to the 
commanding general of the division, as though troops could be drilled and brought into a 
state of discipline and efficiency in a day. Under such conditions many an officer would 
have been satisfied to put the blame on the raw troops, something after the manner of 
Gen. Palmer, and call attention to the defects of the others. But from the very first Gen. 
Casey maintained that his troops, with rare exceptions, had done heroic work, and any 
report to the contrary did them great injustice. At no time did he make any attempt to 
exculpate himself from blame at the expense of his "raw" troops. 

Although brevetted brigadier general of the Regular army, and major general of 
volunteers for meritorious conduct at the battle of Fair Oaks to date from May 31, 1862, 



A I SEVEN PINES 235 

this honor was not spontaneously conferred. The following letter will give an insight into 
the humiliation he experienced through the injustice of his superior officers: 

Wellington, August 25, 1862. 
Dear General: You will probably remember that while I was at Poplar Ridge you 
informed me that you had recommended me for a brevet. Inasmuch as it has not come 
to the knowledge of the President, you would confer a great favor by informing me what 
disposition you made of the recommendation, and by enclosing me a copy. It is a sad 
thought to me, General, that my brothers in arms are unwilling to do me that justice which 
the enemy are constantly making known. 1 have felt gratified that you have been dis- 
posed to do justice in your report. Of all the generals that have commanded divisions in 
the Army of the Potomac, I have been made an exception. I am resting under severe 
injustice. If you can say anything to the president in my favor respecting this matter, and 
will enclose it to me, it shall be remembered. They may have killed me, but I am not 
buried yet. I find that I have friends left. I have been placed on the duty of receiving 
and reorganizing new troops and am busily employed. 
Maj. Gen. E, D. Keyes. Relieve me, truly yours, 

(Signed) Silas Casey, Brig. Gen. Bt. 

Yorktown or Ft. Monroe, Va. (50 years Observation of Men & Events, liy E. D. 
Keyes, Bv'l Brig. Gen. U. S. A., page 460). 

Gen. Casey entered West Point Academy in 1822, before he was 15 years of age, 
graduating therefrom in 1826. In the Mexican War he was brevetted major for gallant 
conduct in the battles of Contreras and Cherubusco. At the storming of Chepultcpec he 
was selected to lead a picked body of 250 volunteers from the Second Division of Regulars. 
While leading this battalion through a galling fire he was severely wounded in the abdomen, 
when they bad almost reached the batteries of the enemy. For this gallant exploit he was 
brevetted lieutenant colonel to date from Sept. 13, 1817, and he received the thanks of his 
native State (Rhode Island) by a vote of the legislature. from the close of the Mexican 
War until the outbreak of the Civil War he was engaged on the frontier and on recruiting 
service the greater part of the time, commanding the Puget sound district, Washington 
territory, from 1856 till 1857. He was made brigadier general of volunteers Aug. 31, 1861, 
and charged with organizing and disciplining the volunteers in and about the capital. He 
was assigned to command the 3d Division of the Fourth Corps at its organization about 
the middle of March, 1862, two or three weeks before its departure for the Peninsula. 
March 31, 

On June 23, 1862, Gen. McClellan removed Gen. Casey from the command of the 
division he had commanded at the battle of Fair Oaks and assigned him to "that important 
depot," the Whitebouse, "including t he protection of the railway and telegraphic communi- 
cation and the Army of the Potomac." By the retreat of the army from this base of 
supplies this command vanished. Gen. Casey reported to the headquarters of the Army 
of the Potomac at Harrison's Landing on July 3 and was ordered to report to Gen. F. J 
Porter for assignment to McCall's division, but Porter had no vacancy for him, and on 
July 4 Gen. McClellan relieved him from duty with the Army of the Potomac and ordered 
him to report to the Adjutant General of the Army. 

The same day the following communication was sent to Brig. Gen. Lorenzo Thomas. 
Adjutant General U. S. A., which was evidently dictated by Gen. McClellan, but signed by 
S. Williams. Assistant Adjutant General: 

"Gen. Casey has reported here to me from the Whitehouse. I have no command 
which can be given him with a beneficial result to the public service. I have great respect 
for the military information and character of Gen. Casey, but his health and years do not 
fit him for active command of troops serving under the circumstances under which this 
army has now to make its wav. I have therefore been compelled, reluctantly, to order him 
to repair to Washington." (O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI, part III, p. 298.) 

Gen. Casey was born at East Greenwich, R. I., July 12, 1807, and died in Brooklyn 
Jan. 22, 1882. He voluntarily retired from active service in the army July 8, 1868, after 
42 years of continuous service Early in the war the Government adopted for the use of 
the army his infantry tactics. 

In concluding this article the writer can think of no more appropriate words with 



236 CASEY'S DIVISION 

which to end it than the final paragraphs of the official report of the battle of Fair Oaks 
of the commanding general of the division, who witnessed the action of his troops from 
the time they were first attacked until they were completely routed. 

"If a portion of the division did not behave so well as could have been wished, it 
must be remembered to what a terrible ordeal they were subjected. Still, those that 
behaved discreditably were exceptional cases. It is true that the division after being nearly 
surrounded by the enemy and losing one-third of the number actually engaged, retreated 
to the second line. They would all have been prisoners of war had they delayed their 
retreat a few minutes longer. 

"In my humble opinion, from what I witnessed on the 31st, I am convinced that 
the stubborn and desperate resistance of my division saved the army on the right bank of 
the Chickahominy from a severe repulse, which might have resulted in a disastrous defeat. 
The blood of the gallant dead would cry to me from the ground on which they fell fighting 
for their country had I not said what I hare to vindicate them from the unmerited aspersion 
which has been cast upon them." 

COMMENTS ON CASEY'S DIVISION. 
FIRST NEWSPAPER ACCOUNTS OF THE BATTLE OF FAIR OAKS. 

Correspondence New York Tribune, June .">. 1862, written by the chief correspondent, 
Samuel Wilkeson, who was acting aide on General Heintzelman's staff: 
From New York Tribune, June 5, 1862: 

Savage Station, May 31, 1862. 

"At 1 o'clock this afternoon a musketry fire in front of the left wing and upon 
Casey's division, told us that the enemy had commenced the fight, which policy and neces- 
sity suspended on our part. The storm of last night was the most furious fall of rain 
and explosion of lightning I ever saw. Not a regiment, not a company, scarcely an officer, 
was exempt from the chilling and exhausting effects. The rebels seized upon it is an 
element of military advantage, and, having fully prepared themselves, fell suddenly on our 
pickets, scattered them inwards, and held Casey's regiments in actual battle while their 
pots and kettles were yet on the fire, and many of the men were drying their wet clothes. 
1 cannot tell in the confusion, which now reigns supreme, how the small earthwork and 
the rifle-pit at the front were so quickly taken out of our possession. The number and 
the quality of the guns in the fort I am ignorant of. But pits, fort and guns, whether 
seige or field, changed owners suddenly. Now I face the first truth in the history of the 
Union disgrace at the Seven Pines, and I shall not dodge it. The important place of 
danger, the front, was committed to a General whose division, composed of raw troops, 
marched down Fourteenth street, in Washington, in the last week of February. 13,000 
strong, and has been so neglected and so allowed to go undisciplined, that 7,060 of them 
could not by any possibility have been gathered together this morning— a division so left 
to itself, to luck and the devil, that it has lost, literally lost, 700 men and upward since it 
left Williamsburg, a division whose commander has long been conspicuous as searching 
miles ahead of his marching columns for comfortable quarters. Upon this division, out 
of place in the front, the shock of battle fell— and knocked it into disorder and ruin faster 
than I conceived it possible for Anglo-Saxon troops to be moved by any power less than 
God's thunderbolts. Oh ! how much I have learned today, and how much I have unlearned. 

"Gen. Peck's military family were at their rice and coffee in the open air at a quarter 
before 1 o'clock in the afternoon. The unmistakable rattle of musketry fired by companies 
and by columns in front brought the graduate of every battle-field in Mexico right to his 
feet. lie marched instantly and ordered his brigade under arms. * * * Before 3 o'clock 
Gen. Keyes found Casey's entire division was gone! He sent to Heintzelman for instant 
help. The brave Pennsvlvanian was already on his way to the place where he was wanted. 
He came on the ground about a quarter after three, and, gathering as rapidly as he could 
all the elements of the situation in the strange woods and unknown swamps, took com- 
mand and infused his indomitable spirit into the failing fight. He sent back for Kearny 
and Jameson and Birnev and Berry— he who so timely brought salvation upon his bayonet 
points to us at Williamsburg. While they were coming up I went ahead once more to see 
the 55th go into fire. Their movement in response to the order 'Forward !' was not im- 
pulsive from front to rear. It hitched in sections, like the drawing out of the joints of a 
field glass. Omen of evil ! In thirty minutes red-capped and red-trousered men, mostly 
without their muskets, were under the fire of the scorn and the jeering of the New York 
fiod— a fire more galling and unsupportable. as it seemed to me, than any that ever spouted 
from muskets. 'Mounsheer, the muss is the other way! Hello, lobsters! We are Union 
men we ain't Rebels. What are you running at us for? The 62d is good shelter, fall 



AT SEVEN PINES 237 

in behind.' Not a wrathful reply was made. The bursting of the rebel shells overhead, the 
screaming of their solid long shot, and the cutting off of the tree tops, made the place 
and the time totally unsuited for repartee or discussion. The 62d opened its laughing ranks 
and the gory colored but unbloody passed through and passed on. * * * The firing at 
this point at about 5 o'clock was a marvel to me. I can compare this to nothing but the 
roar of Niagara. It had no space, no cracks. It was solid, continuous, deafening. Over it 
the incessant bursting of shells and screaming of solid conical shot ribbed the rocket 
with great seams of noise, which compelled men touching each other in opposite saddles 
to shout when they talked. The straggling set in briskly from before this fire. Superhuman 
efforts, headed by Heintzelman and aided by his surgeon, Milhan, and Col. Adams and 
others, stopped a full regiment for a while, and rallied them around their colors, but could 
not long hold them against the storm of whistling bullets and case shot. The crowd rolled 
off the field, carrying away some who meant to stay. To my dying day I shall have in 
my ears the wailing shriek of a private of the 1st Long Island, shot dead beside my horse 
with a percussion musket ball, whose explosion within its wound I distinctly heard, and 
which must have overwhelmed him morally more than it did physically. Not running, nor 
terrified — only unwilling to stay — this crowd straggled partly in the road, mostly in the 
woods, back, back, to the line of the rifle pits Couch had made a week ago. On the way 
Hooker's brigade was met, and met with the hurrahs of applause due to brave men. Dark- 
ness left Sedgwick on the railroad, master of the ground occupied in the afternoon by the 
rebel forces, and from which he had gallantly driven them. Our extreme right is beyond 
the ad\ance of yesterday. We are probably behind the morning position of our center 
three-quarters of a mile, and a full mile behind our morning's position on the left. The 
loss of property and material is awful, embracing eight guns and the contents of at least 
four camps. The loss in killed, wounded and missing is more awful." 

New York Tribune, June 10, l^d-J by same correspondent: 

June 4, 1862. 

"Casey was at his dinner table when his pickets came flying in from the woods in 
front. The resistance made by them to the skirmishes as they came on the leap through 
the timber was so ineffective that Longstreet was in force upon Casey's command at a blow. 
Gen. Bailey's artillery met them, as they ran down the road, with grape and shot, making 
gaping wounds in their columns, but not staying their attack. Out of the woods to the left 
of the road, out of the woods to the right of the road, and beyond it, the rebels swarmed 
like bees, rushed courageously upon Casey's hastily formed regiments, firing as they ad- 
vanced, and bringing with them the morale of a fierce thirst for the battle and an assurance 
of victory. 

"Conflicting statements are made of the behavior of the troops of Casey's division. 
The corpses of hundreds and hundreds of them lie upon the ground, but impressive 
witnesses of the courage that can die if it cannot resist unequal numbers. On the other 
hand, the early and almost immediately set-in of the drift of skulking and straggling from 
Casey's regiments is a fact which cannot be denied, and which cannot be made to consist 
with discipline and soldierly spirit. The witnesses to this early and formidable and dis- 
graceful flood to the rear of unwounded men are thousands and thousands in num- 
bers. * * * 

"At 4 o'clock in the afternoon I saw Gen. Casey riding about on the field without a 
command. I buried a nephew yesterday, an acting captain in the New York 100th, whose 
body I recovered way in front of the bastioned fort, beyond Casey's headquarters, where 
I hear a rumor that his regiment made a charge to repel the attack that first burst upon 
the division in front of that work. He was shot in the breast and lay in advance of all 
the dead upon the field. I feel perfectly willing to accept the solution of the disappearance 
of his regiment, that it was overwhelmed by the fire of two or three rebel regiments and 
blown right off the field, as was the case, say, with all the regiments in Casey's division. 
But I will interrupt the narrative of this great battle to say that if the same care had 
been taken of the regiments in this division which had been taken of the regiments in 
Couch's division and Berry's brigade, if the same care had been taken to form them 
into soldiers which John Cochrane gave to making the Chasseurs a perfectly organized 
fighting machine, and Col. Poe gave to making the 2d Michigan as deliberate and man- 
ageable in battle as they are on parade, the field of the Seven Pines would have been 
as deadly to the rebels as honorable to us. * * * But the theme is not a grateful one, 
and my personal interest is full of pain. 

"Now, after a long pause in the writing of this letter and a careful collection of 
the facts of the case at the distance from the scene of action at which I am placed, care- 
fully collected so as to correct any errors of judgment I may have formed in the heat 
of battle, I am clearly of the opinion that the suddenness with which Casey's division dis- 
appeared will be accounted for by proofs that at least ten or twelve thousand of the 
enemy, bursting out of the woods, swept the uniformed and scarcely formed regiments 
with a whirlwind of fire and steel, right off their feet, ran around the intrenchments, and 



238 CASEY'S DIVISION 

occupied them in an instant — killing the artillery horses as they went and seizing the bat- 
teries, and in twenty minutes taking full possession of the advanced position of the Union 
army. But I am so clearly of opinion that distant picketing, and thorough picketing, would 
have averted the disaster, and, that neglected, that thorough discipline would have made 
a protracted fight of what was a sudden rout, and would have held at bay the rebel 
avalanche until Couch or Hooker could come up with re-enforcements. * * * 

"The sun went down upon the enemy in full possession of our camps for a mile 
back of the position. Two days passed before the gallant Hooker, with his Sickles' brigade 
and the New Jersey troops had recovered this lost ground. * *' * Heintzelman on Fri- 
day told McClellan that he did not consider Casey's position a safe one, and asked to be 
permitted to move up Kearny's division. He was told to act upon his own judgment, and 
Berry's troops were ordered forward within reach, on the very short call allowed us, 
when the front was so suddenly overwhelmed. Their proximity saved us." 

In the issue of the Tribune of June 2 and dated Seven Pines, May 29, 1862, the 
same correspondent wrote : 

"But to the situation right under my eye. No one knows the future, and its is not 
my habit to appoint a distant day for telling the truth. The left wing of this army only 
is across the Chickahominy. It is running wedge shaped into the enemy's country, and 
up to the fortifications of Richmond. It is doing all the dangerous and exhausting duty 
of picketing. Since the battle of Williamsburg, Keyes, Couch, Peck, Casey and Devens 
have had imposed upon them the labor of driving the enemy over the Chickahominy, of 
bridging the swampy stream, of sweeping the rebels through the unmapped and unknown 
woods, this side of the Chickahominy, of feeling and fighting their way by day — of fight- 
ing and watching their ground by night — till they stand now like a promonitory pros- 
pecting into the sea. Opposing forces surround them and will dash on them, but in vain, 
but in vain. The genius, caution, courage, experience and tenacity of Couch, Peck and 
their associates in command will hold securely the advance which they have won thus 
far for the whole army with the musket and the ax and the shovel. That will be a 
false history of this war in Virginia which omits the labor and dangers undergone with- 
out murmuring by the left wing — and unshared as well as undergone." 

From Cincinnati Commercial, by W. D. B. : 

"It is uniformly stated that he had posted but one line of pickets without the cus- 
tomary supports. I cannot ascertain definitely if that was true. Between 12 and 1 o'clock 
the pickets were driven in quietly, but the camp failed to take the alarm, and the enemy 
rushed in upon the heels of the guard. Casey's troops, taken completely by surprise, were 
thrown into utter confusion. Both he and his field staff exerted themselves bravely to form 
a line of resistance, but in vain. A few men would rally to a center but terrified at the fu- 
rious yells and terrific volleys of the swiftly advancing enemy they would break as soon as 
formed, and fly frantically over the field. The whole division was soon flying before the 
remorseless enemy like frightened sheep. Scores of them were slaughtered and captured. 
Some dashed into the forests instinctively seeking cover. The scene beggared description 
and there was no hope that the shameful tide would be stayed. Many were struck down 
by bullets, others exhausted by sinking into swamps or stupefied by terror, fell an easy prey 
to their eager pursuers. It was a pitiful spectacle. But there is palliation for their shame- 
ful conduct. They were the greenest troops in the army, commanded by a superannuated 
general, and too many of their field and line officers exhibited gross cowardice." 

CRITICISMS OF CASEY'S DIVISION IN HISTORIES OF THE BATTLE OF FAIR 

OAKS. 

From "The Great Rebellion," by J. T. Headley: 

"It was now about noon, and when the alarm was given, preparations for dinner 
were going on in the various camps. Instantly everything was in commotion, and four 
regiments and four pieces of artillery were sent forward a quarter of a mile to meet 
the advancing enemy. Casey soon discovered, however, that it was putting up a straw 
to stop the hurricane. * * * 

"The enemy * * * came boldly down like an onsweeping wave determined to 
crush all obstacles by the suddenness and weight of the onset. Some of the regiments 
and portions of regiments bore up gallantly, hour after hour, against the overwhelming 
force ; and our artillery in front, especially Regan's, with canister and grape,, and in the 
rear with shells, sent devastation through the crowded ranks. * * * Casey's line of 
battle was soon broken, some of the regiments fleeing in the wildest panic and never stop- 
ping till they reached the Chickahominy, nor even then. His second line was formed 
behind his redoubts, but this, too, after a short, vain struggle, also yielded, and many 
of our guns fell into their hands, in endeavoring to save which. Col. Bailey was killed. 



AT SEVEN PINES 239 

Regan's battery, which did fearful execution, was saved by a charge of bayonet. The 
camp was swept with such fury that nothing was saved. The panic-stricken soldiers 
thought only of themselves, and, lost alike to patriotism and honor, came pouring down 
the muddy stage road like a herd of frightened cattle. 

"Gen. Peck, with his military family, was quietly seated in the open air, taking his 
coffee and rice, when the regular and sustained volleys in front suddenly brought all to 
their feet and to the saddle. The long roll was beaten, hurried orders were dispatched 
to put the brigade under arms, and a few minutes from the time his noonday lunch was 
interrupted, Peck was spurring toward the scene of action. He had not gone far, how- 
ever, before he met the great straggling flow of the fugitives, filling up the entire road in 
their disorderly flight. The cowardly crew, when they saw the officers barricading the 
road, began to limp, and hide their hands in their bosoms, to make believe they were 
wounded — their ridiculous contortions and the shamed expression of their faces all the 
while exposing the disgraceful deception they were attempting to practice. The officers 
dashed among them, cursing them fiercely to their faces as poltroons. But still the flow 
kept deepening, while great stalwart men, with muskets in their hands, simulated sick- 
ness and gave lying excuses to each stern demand what they meant by this shameful 
cowardice ; and limped by, presenting at once a sickening and maddening spectacle. Cov- 
ered with mud. showing that they had thrown themselves on the ground in terror, to 
escape the shot and shells that screamed through the air, they presented a sad specimen 
of freemen fighting for the national flag. A guard was finally stretched across the road 
to arrest this steadily increasing stream of cowards, and drive them back to their duty. 
But it was all in vain — they heard the steady roar of guns, sounding momentarily nearer, 
and impelled onward by fear, they turned off into the fields and neighboring woods— still 
fleeing towards the Chickahominy. It was an amazing spectacle. 

"It was soon evident that Casey's division was gone, shattered into irrecoverable 
fragments; and Keyes hurried off his staff officers to Heintzelman for help. But the old 
hero was already on the march — his practiced ear had told him by the tremendous volleys 
that shook the field, that an overwhelming force was moving down upon our positions. 
As soon as he heard the astounding news of the utter rout of Casey's division, he sent 
back for Kearny's and Birney's brigades, and the chivalric Berry's, whose bayonets he 
had greeted with a shout when so hard beset at Williamsburg. Brave troops were soon 
on the march ; but what would be the effect on them of this wild panic-stricken horde, 
their own iron-hearted leaders trembled to contemplate. The 55th New York was ordered 
to march forward into the fight, but instead of advancing with firm and confident front, 
it moved spasmodically, its hitches and starts showing beforehand where it would be 
when the hurricane of fire should smite them. 

"But there were other sights, cheering to the hearts of the brave. Just then the 62d 
came up with an easy tread, and gay and confident bearing, and as they saw the shirking, 
timorous regiment ahead, instead of catching the fear, poured a torrent of scorn upon 
them, and though the great conical shot were shrieking overhead and shells bursting on 
every side, haughtily exclaimed, 'Fall in behind, the Sixty-second is good shelter,' and 
moved steadily forward into the rain of death. Officers, with their arms in a sling, arose 
from their sick beads to lead their troops to the charge ; soldiers with mutilated fingers 
left their ranks only long enough to get their wounds dressed, and hurried back into 
the fight. It was passing strange, that men of the same blood, and fighting under the 
same flag, should differ so widely in bearing. But this shameful rout was to be stopped 
at the point of the bayonet by true men. 

"It was now nearly four o'clock, and ever since half-past one, the rebels had had 
it all their own way. Couch and Peck, finding the enemy moving down in heavy masses 
towards Fair Oaks, on our right, crossed the field at right angles to the road, and meeting 
them in the woods, held them fiercely at bay till, overwhelmed by superior numbers, they 
were compelled to fall back. Peck's horse, while dashing through the fire, received a ball 
through the neck — the next instant another pierced his flank. Still unhurt, this gallant 
commander was spurring on, when a cannon ball took off both of the hind legs of his 
steed, and he sank to the ground. Mounting another, he cheered on the troops by his 
dauntless bearing. 

"In the meanwhile. Kearny, of Heintzelman's division, led his regiments forward, 
who, as they met the broken battalions of Casey's division, sent up a loud hurrah of de- 
fiance and breasting fiercely the human torrent, divided it, as the strong ship parts the 
waves. 'This is not the way to Richmond!' shouted the fearless Kearny to the fright- 
ened fugitives, but he spoke in vain, and he saw that he must look to his own brave 
men to save the day, not to them. Berry led forward his glorious Michigan men to sure 
victory. A ball, carrying away his cap, he rode at the head of his column bareheaded. * * 
* Above the sulphurous canopy that curtained in the hosts, an immense balloon hung 
high in heaven, with telegraph wires dropping from it to McClellan's headquarters, re- 
porting every movement of the enemy, and reminding one of the fabled gods of old, 
looking down on the conflict. * * * 



240 CASEY'S DIVISION 

"Meagher's gallant brigade was then brought up to relieve the hard-pressed regi- 
ments. Advancing with their well-known war shout, they closed with learful ferocity 
on the foe, and for an hour mowed them down, almost by companies. * * * About 
noon McClellan rode on the field with his staff, and as he swept along the lines, the en- 
thusiasm of the troops was raised to the highest pitch, and the deafening cheers rolled 
like thunder over the field. Spurring on in search of Heintzelman, he found the tired 
hero dismounted and sitting on the ground under a tree. Handing his horse to his 
orderly, he seated himself beside him and questioned him rapidly of the state of things. 
Other generals soon joined them, forming a brilliant group there on the edge of battle. 
The reports were all alike, the enemy were falling back in every part of the field. All 
our lost ground was at length wen. * * * 

"McClellan's dispatch to the government, announcing the victory, awarded un- 
bounded praise to his troops with the exception of Casey's division, of which he spoke 
in severe terms. More accurate information obtained afterwards caused him to modify 
his charges against it somewhat; still he evidently felt that its behavior was disgraceful 
and well nigh caused his ruin. The gallant conduct of some of the regiments and por- 
tions of regiments, by which the enemy was held in check for a long time, could not shield 
the division from condemnation. The efforts afterwards made to defend its conduct 
were only partially successful. Even Casey's and Naglee's dispatches saved the reputa- 
tion only of individual regiments." 

From letters of Gen. Kearny, published in "Personal History of Philip Kearny," by 
John Watts de Peyster : 

"As the battle came off quite unexpectedly yesterday, I hasten to send you a line, 
knowing how anxious you will be, and to say I thank God that the great risks (for it was 
again a crisis of saving a runaway people) I ran have not resulted in even a light wound. 
I was visiting some friends the other side of the Chickahoininy, some five or six miles 
off, when a rattle of musketry was heard, and I instantly felt that I was concerned in it. 
So, mounting, I galloped back, and was just in time to lead my men some miles to the 
front to save a huge corps that had run like good fellows at the first attack. This time 
it was an old acquaintance in Mexico, Gen. Casey, whose men gave way most shamefully, 
filling the roads from the battle-field to our camp, three and a half miles, and ran away 
worse than at Bull Run. I am used to many strange sights, but when I saw before the 
race of the fugitives a whole line of wagons going full tilt, I thought that many a pretty 
bold man might well have his senses turned. Then came a stream of fugitives, and finally 
they poured in in masses. 

"My superior (Heintzelman) had previously ordered me to leave a brigade in 
the rear. He then first sent to me to send away one brigade by the railroad; quite away 
from my control, and then a brigade up to the battle-field. I accompanied this, ordered 
up, at my own responsibility, my absent brigade (Jameson's), and pushed on at a fearful 
pace. I got under fire, as usual, and was sent to charge, while thousands of those I came 
to help were left quietly to be passed by by me, and crouch down in the rifle-pits and 
fortifications. We put right in and I drove back the enemy; but McClellan's injustice 
has changed my men. They followed me. after a fashion, but were cold and slow; still, I 
won everything. When the enemy got behind us, and the troops in the rear ran like 
sheep, I flew to them, hurrahed at them, waved my cap, and turning them, led them into 
the fight again. I had hardly done this when another large party of the enemy stole in 
behind my brigade and I was nearly cut off from my own men; but rushing to a wood 
near by I made a stand. However, I looked back at my recent borrowed followers, and 
found them and all the others — some seven or eight thousand of that line (Keyes' Corps) 
— running like good fellows, and masses of the enemy regularly, but surely, rapidly and 
sternly pursuing them, keeping the only reported roads of retreat. Thinks I to myself, 
I am cut off, me and mine. 

"Most fortunately, I had that very morning examined, with a fine guide, all that 
secret, locked-up country of forests and swamps. I saw that they hoped to cut me off 
from retreat by getting between me and White Oak Swamp. By this time a regiment of 
mine, attracted by the firing in their rear, came along in the woods. I charged the enemy 
in rear, and would have gained the day but for continuous reinforcements. But i fought 
them long enough to enable all my intercepted regiments to retire by a secret road through 
the swamps; got back to my position — a very strong one.from which I should not have 
been taken — before the enemy arrived there, and again offered the sole barrier, when all 
else was confusion. 

"Still, this was not victory. It was the first time that I had not slept on the battle- 
field, and but for the mismanagement as to our battle at Williamsburg, I Would .have been 
victorious here, too. Still, it is most infecting to be sent for to restore a fight and see 
hordes of others, panic-stricken, disobedient, craven and downcast. Anywhere it is a dis- 
agreeable sight to see the wounded being carried off the field of battle, even from a vic- 
torious one." 



AT SEVEN PINES 241 

From "The Civil War in America," by the Count of Paris (serving on the staff of 
Gen. McClellan), published in 1876: 

"Finally, about noon, Longstreet, who had been waiting for him up to that moment, 
gave Hill the order to attack. Without sending any skirmishers ahead, that they might 
take the enemy more completely by surprise, the Confederates advanced, some in line across 
th« woods, others in deep columns along the road, sweeping before them Casey's pickets, 
together with a regiment [103d Penna.] which had been sent to reinforce them. 

"The foremost works of the Federals, which were as yet unfinished, being simply 
abatis or breastworks, whose profiles could afford no protection to soldiers, were occupied 
by Naglee's brigade. The latter made a vigorous resistance, while the division artillery, 
under Col. Bailey, an old regular officer, caused great havoc in the ranks of the assailants. 
* * * Casey's two other brigades had hastened to the assistance of Naglee, and despite 
heavy losses they held out against the Confederates, whose numbers were constantly increas- 
ing. * * * The Federal works were attacked in the rear, and their defenders decimated 
by enfilading fire. These young soldiers, who had hitherto been sustained by the excite- 
ment which springs from danger and the very exhaustion of a fierce struggle, no longer 
possessed the requisite coolness to resist this unexpected attack. They were driven back 
in disorder upon Seven Pines. Besides the number alone of their adversaries would have 
been sufficient to crush them. Some few, however, persisted in defending the redoubts, but 
soon disappeared among the ranks of Hill's troops, who, having returned to the charge, 
hemmed them in on every side. Bailey was killed by the side of the guns he had just 
spiked, and seven pieces fell into the hands of the assailants. It was three o'clock. Pre- 
cisely at this moment Peck's brigade of Couch's division was arriving from Seven Pines, led 
by Keyes, who had been informed somewhat late of the serious character of the fight. The 
Lafayette Guards, which formed part of this brigade, having deployed into line among the 
debris of Casey's division, allowed the fugitives to pass without moving, then rallying around 
them this floating mass, * * * they made a vigorous aggressive movement. Despite 
their efforts, they could recapture neither the redoubts nor the lost cannon ; but the enemy 
was checked, the remainder of Casey's artillery saved, and the Federals had time to rally. 
Regiments after regiments were sent to sustain the fight; for if the Federals were losing 
ground, they now contested it foot by foot. On the right Couch commanded at Fair Oaks 
in person, where, with the rest of his division, he held in check the left wing of Longstreet, 
whose main efforts were still concentrated upon the position of Seven Pines. The struggle 
lasted four hours, and yet, strange to say, only two divisions had taken part in it on either 
side. * * * In short, the two generals-in-chief were both unconscious of the battle in 
which their respective soldiers were engaged. McClellan, who was sick at his headquarters 
near Gaines' Mill, had heard nothing from Heintzelman, to whom the command of the 
entire left was entrusted. The telegraph which connected the various sections of the 
army was silent. Heintzelman himself, although posted at Savage Station, only a few 
kilometers from Seven Pines, had only heard of the enemy's attack several hours after the 
first musket-shot was fired. * * * The combat of the 1st of June, in which but a few 
thousand men were engaged on either side, had notwithstanding the proportions of a great 
battle. * * * Before noon the Federal outposts took possession without a blow of the 
works whose capture had cost so dear to the Confederate army and suffered it to disappear 
among the dense woods without molestation. This brilliant army, which had gone out the 
day before almost in triumph for the purpose of delivering Richmond from the grasp of 
the invader, returned to its cantonments on that same evening, with only four flags, ten 
cannon and 1,200 prisoners, more as evidence of its valor than as a token of success." 

From the "Army of the Potomac, etc.," by the Prince de Joinville, a staff officer of 
Gen. McClellan's (translated by Wm. Henry Hurlbert) (1862), published under the nom 
de plume of A. Trognon : 

"Suddenly, about 1 P. M., the weather being grey and dull, we heard a very lively 
fire of musketry. The pickets and the advance were violently driven in. * * * The 
redoubt at Seven Pines was surrounded, and its defenders fell valiantly. Here, among 
others, Col. Bailey of the artillery met a glorious death among his guns. The redoubt was 
carried, and the Northern troops fell into some confusion. In vain did Gens. Keyes and 
Naglee make a thousand efforts to rally their troops; they were wholly disregarded. At 
this moment they perceived a small battalion of French troops, known as the Gardes Lafay- 
ette, standing in good order. The generals rode up to it, put themselves at its head, charged 
the enemy, and retook a battery. * * * Meanwhile Heintzelman advanced to the rescue 
with his two divisions. 

"As at Williamsburg, so here, Kearny came up at the right moment to restore the 
battle. * * * Nearly a mile of ground had been lost, fifteen guns, and the divisional 
camp of Casey, in the advance. But now the troops begin to stand firm. A sort of line 
of battle was formed across the woods, perpendicularly to the railway and to the road, and 
there the repeated assaults of the enemy are met The left cannot be turned * * *' but 



242 CASEY'S DIVISION 

the right might be surrounded. At this very moment, indeed a strong Confederate column 
is moving in that direction. If it succeed in getting between Bottom Bridge and the 
Federal troops who are fighting at Savage Station, the whole left wing is lost. It will have 
no retreat left, and must be overwhelmed. But exactly at this moment (six o'clock P. M.) 
new actors come upon the stage. Sumner, who has at last passed the river * * * sud- 
denly appears. * * * 

"When night falls, it was the Federals who, bayonet in hand * * * charged 
furiously upon the foe, and drove him * * * as far as Fair Oaks station. Night put an 
end to the conflict. * * * It was not till one in the afternoon that the battle began. 
Sometime had been lost under the impression that the attack on the right bank might be 
a feint to draw over the Federal troops while the main body of Confederates was pre- 
paring to debouch upon the left bank. An end was soon put to all doubts on the subject 
by the vehemence of the attack." 

From "Pictorial History of the Civil War in the United States," by Benson J. Lossing : 

"Wessell's brigade was in the rifle pits, and Palmer's brigade was behind as a reserve. 
Naglee with great persistence kept the Confederates in check for some time by most gallant 
fighting, and then fell back to the remainder of the division in the rifle pits, which had 
been strengthened by the 93d Penna. The Confederates soon gained a position on Casey's 
flanks. Perceiving the peril of his artillery, that officer ordered a bayonet charge to save 
it. This was gallantly performed by the 100th New York, 104th Penna. and the 11th Maine, 
under the immediate direction of Gen. Naglee. * * * Early in the action Gen. Keyes 
had sent to Heintzelman for aid, but because of some unaccountable delay it did not arrive 
until it was almost too late. Seeing Casey's peril, he ordered forward several of Couch's 
regiments to his relief. Of these (the 55th New York and 23d, 61st and 93d Penna.) the 
tempest of battle fell most destructively. These were followed by the 7th Massachusetts 
and 6'2d New York, but all were pressed back to Fair Oaks station. * * *" 

From "The Peninsula-McClellan's Campaign of 1862," by Gen. Alex. S. Webb, LL. D. : 

"The pickets reinforced by the 103rd Regiment, Pa., soon broke and joined by a large 
number of sick camp followers and skulkers, flowed in a steady stream to the rear, thus 
giving the impression that Casey's division had broken in a panic and left the field without 
making any firm or prolonged resistance. * * * The examination in detail of the re- 
ports of the brigade commanders will show the facts." 

From "The Peninsular Campaign" by William Swinton : 

"The pickets were quickly driven in, and the more so that a regiment [103d Pa.] 
sent forward to support the picket line gave way without making much if any resistance. 
The first blow fell upon Naglee's brigade, which held a position in advance of the redoubt, 
where it made a good fight and held the enemy in check for a considerable time, and then 
retired and fought with the rest of the division in the redoubt and rifle pits." 

From "The American Conflict" by Horace Greeley: 

"Meantime, the remaining division (Casey's) of Keyes' Corps was advanced to and 
encamped about the station known as Fair Oaks, on the Richmond and York River Railroad, 
to the right and rather in advance of Couch's position. * * * Casey's division was sur- 
prised as well as largely outnumbered." 

From "The Peninsular Campaign" by Lt. Col. B. L. Alexander, in the Atlantic 
Monthly, March, 1864: 

"We had then only Bottom's Bridge, the railroad bridge and the two bridges built 
by Gen. Sumner some miles higher up the river. Bottom's Bridge and the railroad bridge 
were too distant to be of any service in an emergency such as a battle demands. At the 
time of the enemy's attack, which was sudden and unexpected, completely overwhelming 
Gen. Casey's division, our sole reliance to reinforce the left wing was by Sumner's corps, 
and over his two bridges." 

From "The Great Civil War," by Robert Townes, M. D. : 

"The advance division of this position of the army was that commanded by Gen. 
Casey. Its position was in the fields on the right and left of the Richmond and York River 
Railroad to the north, and the turnpike road from Williamsburg to Richmond at the south, 
near Fair Oaks Station on the former, and a place called Seven Pines on the latter, about 
seven miles from the enemy's capital. The fields where Casey was encamped were bounded 
in front and on the left by dense woods, the edges of which had been cut down to form 
abatis, in order to obstruct the approach of the enemy. A line of earthworks had been 
hastily thrown up, consisting of a redoubt on the left and some rifle pits. Behind these 
slight defenses Casey had posted his troops, with the First Brigade on the right, the Second 
in the center and the Third on the left, while his picket guards were pushed forward 



AT SEVEN PINES 243 

into the edge of the wood in front. * * * When the Union pickets were driven back it 
was not suspected that the enemy were coming in great force, and only a single regiment, 

* * * The 103d Penna. was sent to check the advance. * * * Taken by surprise and 
receiving a fire which struck down nearly 200 men at the first volley the Pennsylvanians 
turned and fled in panic, crying out that their regiment had been all cut to pieces. * * * 
An effort was made to check the flight of the panic-stricken troops of Casey, who were 
hastening in disorder to the rear, but without avail, and the full force of the enemy's attack 
now fell upon Couch's division. At about half past four the enemy, after a pause on the 
field from which they had driven Casey's division, advanced to meet Couch's line. * * * 
These regiments yielded their ground, and then in good order, fighting as they retired, only 
when the enemy reinforced by fresh troops, threatened completely to overwhelm them. 

* * * The enemy now succeeded in forcing back our line for more than a mile, ceased 
from further effort in that direction." 

From "Major General McClellan and the Campaign on the Peninsula," by Fred'k 
Milnes Edge : 

"The enemy * * * surprised the division under Gen. Casey, driving it from its 
works and capturing its camps and artillery. From the reports of my different informants, 
I gather that the Confederates have achieved a perfect surprise, suddenly rushing into our 
works at the point of bayonet, capturing all the guns and turning them upon our troops. 

"The second division of the Corps, under Couch, managed to hold its works until re- 
enforcements arrived at double quick from Hooker and Kearny; but so overwhelming 
were the numbers and determination of the enemy that, had it not been for the unex- 
pected appearance of Sumner's divisions, the entire force of the Union army south of the 
Chickahominy might have been driven pell-mell into White Oak Swamp. * * * Yester- 
day morning the engagement was renewed by mutual consent of both parties, and we 
really achieved a triumph, the enemy being driven in disorder at all points, and the Union 
lines considerably advanced towards Richmond." 

From "Story of the Civil War," by John Codman Ropes: 

"They drove in the pickets of Casey's division and their supports without difficulty; 
and on being checked at the first line of works, west of Seven Pines, Hill promptly sent 
one of his brigades — Rain's — to the south of the road, thus taking the Federal troops in 
flank, and compelling the evacuation of the lines. The task of the Confederates in this 
part of the battle was the easier, because eight of the thirteen regiments of Casey's division 
were 'raw' regiments. The other five, however, composing the brigade of Naglee, consti- 
tuted a serviceable organization, and many of the 'raw' troops behaved creditably. * * * 
Couch's division was brought up to the support of Casey's, and the contest was maintained 
with great obstinacy by these troops for some hours." 

From "After the Fall of Yorktown," by Brev. Brig. Gen. Francis W. Palfrey: 

"There has been much controversy about the behavior of our troops, especially of 
Casey's. It is within my personal knowledge, that it was stated at the time and on the 
ground (that is, within the days immediately succeeding the action), that discipline was 
slack in Casey's division ; and that, when the pickets were driven in, as many as a thousand 
of them were straying to the front, without arms and equipments, 'prospecting' and amusing 
themselves generally, and that their rush back to camp, when the first shots were fired, had 
a very confusing and demoralizing effect. * * * 

"Johnston's language in regard to the behavior of Casey's division is decidedly com- 
plimentary. He says the division 'occupied a line of rifle-pits, strengthened by a redoubt, 
and covered by abatis. Here the resistance was obstinate, for the Federal, commanded 
by an officer of tried courage, fought as soldiers usually do under good leaders.' It is to 
be remembered that Johnston did not see this fighting himself. The truth I take to have 
been, that there was much bad behavior in Casey's division, and some good, especially in 
the artillery, and in Naglee's brigade, and that the conduct of Couch's men and Kearny's 
two brigades was generally good. * * * My reasons for not going into more detail 
as to the main battle of May 31 are two. In the first place, there is little of interest in the 
execution of the plan. In the second place, the occupants of the main battle are to a large 
extent the accounts of commanders who were not present, as was the case with Johnston 
and McClellan, or of the commanders of beaten troops, like Keyes and Casey. Experience 
has taught me to distrust extremely the reports of fighting made by officers who have 
been defeated, and, as both Keyes and Casey practically disappeared from the field shortly 
after the events I am describing, it is a question whether their superiors believed they did 
as well as they said they did. Heintzelman, too, was on the defensive when he wrote his 
report, for he was not only the ranking officer on his side of the river, but the command- 
ing officer. * * * He knew what the position was, he knew that Casey's defensive 
works were poor, he had not entire confidence in Casey's troops ; and yet, when the attack 
came, he totally failed to enable him or Keyes to hold their positions. 



244 ( \ I'.Y'S DIVISION 

From "Martial Deeds oi Pennsylvania," I >y Samuel P, Bates (biographical sketch of 
( .c ii I [eintzelman ) : 

"A division oi the 4th < " « . i r ■ ^ . Keyes, under Gen, Casey, was assaulted by superior 
numbers al Fair Oaks, Heintzelman, in command of the :!<l and 4th Corps, went to liis 

assistance, and by hard CikIii ii»K saved Casey from des ion, On the following day, at 

Seven run-:,, he renewed the battle, and wiih the aid of other troops brought to his assist- 
ance was driving the foe, having arrived within four miles "i Richmond, and aided by the 
consternation which prevailed was hopeful of carrying the rebel capital, when he was ar- 
n ted and ordered back." 

From "Battles for the Union," by Willard Glazier: 

"The battle oi Seven I'ines opened somewhat disastrously to the Union army. Can- 
nonading and picket hung had been K< i>i up so continuously that it was difficult to know 
when a Battle was in progress. Suddenly, while our troops were at dinner, the enemy made 
a vigorous attack upon our picket lines, wliieli unfortunately were not more than 80 rods in 
advance oi oui camp The retreating pickets were vigorously pursued into camp, and in 

an nea, mi tin artillery .mil sketry oi Hie rebels brought our forces to a realization of 

the fact that 

Fi "The Anny of the Potomac," by Samuel Livingston French: 

A terrific battle ensued in which Casey's division was overwhelmed and driven from 
theii position with much loss. Gen. Sumner, however, with liis corps had succeeded late 

that aii. ii in crossing the river, when the rebels were driven back in confusion and the 

Ii i a ground fully recovered." 

From "The American Educator, a Library oi Universal Knowledge" (Vol, ll, p. (Mti) : 
"(in the banks i>i iliis rivei [Chickahominy] at Fair Oaks, 7 miles from Richmond, 

the advance guard of the National armj lei Gen Casey was attacked by the Confederates 

undei 1 1 M command of Gen Lee, Maj 81, 1862. and defeated with the loss of 19 guns and 
nil iiieu baggage and camp equipment The Union commander however, pushed forward 
fresh bodies oi troops, compelled the Confederates to take shelter in their Intrenchments 

bl fori l-'i' hi id, June I." 

CRITK ISMS IN REGIMENTAL HISTORIES. 
I' i "History oi the First Regiment Massachusetts Infantry" by Warren II, Cud- 
worth : 

"After waiting from daylight till noon, the forces oi Longstreet and Hill made a 

fierce and sudden attack Upon Casey's division, just ;is the men were eating then dinner. 
A tremendous volley ,,| musketry, followed by a bay I charge alone; (lie whole line, scat- 
tend the I08d I'cnna , who Were deployed as skirmishers, in a moment, and brought the 
rebels upon a hue ol men, hall o| whom, ten minutes before, had been crouching over cook- 

ines, or lying asleep in their shelter tents, t ti course the entire front was broken, and gave 

way in utter ...illusion. Camps, tents, stores, baggage, Kims, clothing, were left; and, while 
(he enemy weie temporarily ehi eked by the plunder lints exposed, the line was reformed near 
a redoubt in the rear, with an extensive range of rifle pits on the wings. * * * Gen. 
McClcllau now oid.ied his troops to assume the offensive, mid along the entire line the 
rebels were slowly forced back, leaving their dead and wounded in our hands. The light 
Continued Bt intervals till long alter dark, and the Union troops finally bivouacked upon the 
ground the enemy had held nearly all the afternoon. At daybreak the next morning, Sun- 
day, June 1. the three Union eoips weie ordered forward simultaneously. * * * They 
encountered the enemy at the start, receiving a severe and well directed lire, which was 
returned with a will; and our men, loading as they advanced, pushed rapidly forward. * * * 

li was here that Gen, Howard displayed such signal gallantry. * * * He utterly re- 
fused to leave his men; and following Ins splendid example, they pressed on amid a din of 
musketry and cannon perfectly deafening, ami bore down everything before them." 

From "History of the Seventh Massachusetts Volunteers," by Nelson V. Hutchinson: 
"About two o'clock on M.iy 111 the rebels moved up to the attack m overwhelming 
numbers, brushing away the skirmishers of Casey's division its a broom sweeps cobwebs 
flout a ceiling, and soon struck Naglcc's brigade, which, after a brisk tire, was forced back 
upon the- reserves On came the labels in magnificent style; and soon Casey's division, or 
the largest portion of it, was routed by superior numbers, some parts of it doing excellent 
lighting, while others were altogether loo active in gelling away from the roaring shot and 

shell and whistling ping of the minie," 

• ♦ ♦ "The battle Oi Fail Oaks was fought under ureal disadvantages on the part 
ol the- Fourth corps, its poorest and weakest division being in the advance under a super- 
annuated general, whose personal ui.ien.ii in and bearing amounted to but very little as a 
factor in holding green and undisciplined tioops up to the work in severe action." 



AT SEVEN PINT'S 245 

From "Annals of luih Regiment Mass. Volunteers," by Capt, Joseph Keith Newell: 

"May the 10th * * * made a reconnaissance of the enemy's posil , passing through 

our outer picket. The picket duty was being performed by details from Casey's division, 
and their shameful neglect, in a great measure, caused the surprise "i our troops, three days 

afterwards. Nearly every picket post had a fire, the smoke 01 which was plainly discernible 

to the rebels, giving them the exact position of every post, Some of the men were sitting 
down with their hacks to the enemy, and their muskets lea g against trees, busily engaged 

reading dime novels, and the enemy within a hundred rods of them. As soon as out re 
connoitering party was discovered by the rebels, thc\ opened lire with a sis pounder, doing 

no damage, the shells bursting harmlessly among the trees, and before they had secured 
accurate range oi our position, the object of the expedition was accomplished I die oi the 
■hells struck the trunk of a tree, hcind which Conners of Company I was sitting down, 

jarring it from stem to root. 'Be jabcrs,' said Conners, looking up in astonishment, 'I hap 
pened to be on the right side of the tree that time.' * * * 

"Just after noon commenced the battle of Fair Oaks, which came upon our army like 
a clap of thunder from a clear sky. The first intimation received was a furious and in- 
cessant firing just in front of us, and was occasioned by thi enemy falling like an avalanche 
on Gen. Casey's position. * * * Down they came through Casey's pickets, and on to 
his main line like a thunderbolt, carrying everything before them, and the luih was hardly 

in line before Casey's stragglers cnniiinn.nl poiiiing down the road to the real 

"The 55th New York was ordered up and tool position in a slashing In front "i the 
10th, and commenced firing, They found this an extremely hot place, and in a few minutes 

they began to melt away, and those that were left fell hack bi fore the murderous lire of 

the enemy, At ibis juncture the Tenth were moved forward some J6 rods, where they 
formed line of battle on the north side oi a narrow strip of cleared land, and jusi in n at ol 
the position iust left by the 55th. * * * While thus situated the left companies discov 
ered that our hue was being flanked on the left, and that a line ia. inc. the i a st had been 

formed in the w Is, a short distance from the left Hank of the 10th, completely enfilading 

the hue The Regiment then fell hack * * * until they reached theii camp; again moved 
forward as far as the rifle pits, From here they foil.. we. I Cm Key. across the road to 
a position considerably to the right of any they had previously occupied, and again engaged 
the enemy."* * * Here Col, Briggs was wounded, about five o'clock in the afternoon. * * * 

The command devolved upon Cap! Miller, fie instantly rallied the men on ih. eolot . in. I 

formed line of battle, his left resting upon the road He held his ground until darl 

From "llistorv of :'<Hh Massachusetts Volunteers" by George A Hruce 

"Gen. Longstreet opened the battle at I P, M. With 1) II Hill's foui brigades, sup- 
ported by two of his own, be made a fierce attack down the William burg road on I a eys 
division These troops were the rawest and least disciplined in the Federal army, and 
some of them behaved badly. But probably the majoritj ..i them showed couragi and 

made as good a Stand as could be made by green Iroops, vvilh their Organization! r i.l.i 

abb In. .l.ii, against twice their number; for then the rebels had six brigades actually fight 

ing (besides three in support) again i threi However, the> were quickly driven back to 
their sec. .ud line, (ouch's division of their corps; but they were thoroughly broken up, 

having lost very heavily in killed, wounded, and prisoners, besides an end I iiiinil"! "I 

stragglers, and as an organization wen of lore use in ibis battle. Coi.< h's division 

made a good land here, but was gradually forced back beyond Seven Pines and nearly to 

Savage's Station Here they wen reinfi I by two brigades of Kearny's division of the 

3d Corps, and by the stout fighting of these five brigades (one of which was si i ofl 

north of the railroad). Longstreet wa stopped at dark, although he had in the meantime 

put in two more of his brigades, making eight in all engaged. 

"Between 6:30 and 7 A. M, of Sunday, June I, si. me ol lb. troops .ai the s.iulh of 

lb. railroad, who had slept on their anus within half musket range oi each other, came 
into collision by accident and without the intention of the commandei on a ithi i idi * * * 

This action lasted about tWO hours, when the rebels were driven back, and their whole army 

then retired to the defenses of Richmond; when the troops south oi the railroad reoccupied 
the position captured from Casey, throwing pickets out in front, while we. on the north oi 
the railroad, took position on the Nine Mile road beyond our held of bailie" 

From "111 lory of Ihe 10. r >th I'enna. Regiment," by Kate M. Scott : 

"May 31st, about lu o'clock a, m., firing began in front, rapidly growing heavier. * * * 
So impetuous and deadly was this change that the rebels gave way and wen driven u ro 

and out ..i ( ,. .. v's .amp, * * * Tb.- 105th, after driving the enemy out oi Casey's .amp, 

pursued them until the entire line on the right gave way. 

"'All our men bad fled from the abatis in the vicinity of Richmond road At last lb' 

enemy broke and ran ami McKnighi pursued them through Casey's camp."' 



246 CASEY'S DIVISION 

From "History of the 3d Excelsior (72 New York Volunteer Infantry), by Henri 
Le Fevre Brown : 

"May 31, at four P. M., marching orders were received. Marched seven miles to the 
front near Seven Pines, where Casey's division had been surprised and severely handed by 
the rebels. The front was reached at seven P. M., the brigade going into line of battle at 
once, and lay on their arms, a very heavy rain falling all night. Sunday, June 1, at seven 
A. M., the 3d Regiment advanced in line of battle about one mile, the 2d and 4th Regiments 
making a gallant charge on the right. * * * Monday morning, June 2, an advance was 
made, the rebels falling back into their main lines about Richmond." 

From "History of Company D, 11th Regiment, Maine Infantry, Volunteers," by Albert 
Maxfield and Robert Brady, Jr. : 

"When about noon of the 31st of May, the rebel commands of D. H. Hill, Huger, 
Longstreet and G. W. Smith swept down on Casey's division, D, and other companies of 
the regiment were on the picket line, D on the extreme right. The few members of D left 
in camp joined regiments moving to the front as they came forward, and with the rest of 
Naglee's brigade, to use the language of Gen. McClellan's official report concerning our 
brigade, 'struggled gallantly to maintain the redoubt and rifle pits against overwhelming 
masses of the enemy.' " 

FAVORABLE COMMENTS ON CASEY'S DIVISION. 

From "Memoirs of Rhode Island Officers," by John Russell Bartlett : 

"When it is considered that a body of less than five thousand men for three hours 
resisted the advance of more than five times their number, doing it with an immense loss 
and under a murderous fire of cannon and small arms, the conduct of Casey's division 
deserved praise instead of censure. The unavoidable rout of the 103d Penna. caused the 
storm of censure which has been so undeservedly heaped upon a body of troops who nobly 
fought their first battle." 

From "Peninsular Campaign," by Rev. J. J. Marks, Chaplain 63d Pa. Vols. : 
"And here, for three hours, less than 5,000 men held back 20,000, for the force of 
Gen. Casey, at the commencement of the action, was not more than 6,000 men, and 1,000 
were hors de combat ; and thus crippled the division had to sustain this unequal contest for 
so long a time. Many of the Confederate officers whom I met in Richmond, and before it, 
uniformly spoke in the highest terms of the bravery of Gen. Casey; and that his troops 
fought as well as they had ever known fresh and undisciplined regiments, and that they had 
met from them a far more vigorous resistance than they had anticipated." 

From "Civil War in America" by John S. C. Abbott : 

"In the earliest dawn of Saturday morning, the 31st of May, sixty thousand rebels 
were thus stealthily on the march for destruction of Gen. Casey's corps. The military sagac- 
ity of Gen. Casey enabled him fully to comprehend the peril of his position. He had re- 
monstrated against the exposure, and was now doing everything in his power to prepare 
to meet an assault in which no possible courage or sagacity could give him victory. About 
11 o'clock in the morning, a mounted vedette came riding at full speed into the camp, re- 
porting that quite a large body of rebel troops were seen approaching on the Richmond 
Road. The firing of the pickets almost immediately commenced, and at the same time two 
shells from the rebel artillery came shrieking through the air, and fell beyond the encamp- 
ment. The troops were instantly called to arms. All the men at work upon the intrench- 
ments were dispatched to their regiments; the artillery was harnessed up, the batteries 
placed in position, and the One Hundred and First [103d] Regiment Pennsylvania Volun- 
teers was sent down the road to check the force and support the picket. Thus far no one 
knew the magnitude of the advancing force, and it was generally supposed that nothing was 
impending but one of those sharp skirmishes in which the troops had engaged on both 
preceding days. The Pennsylvania troops, about six hundred in number, marched briskly 
along the Richmond Road, little imagining that they were throwing themselves upon the 
bayonets of sixteen thousand rebels. Just as this little band of patriot troops emerged from 
the forest upon a clearing, to their surprise and consternation they encountered an army 
but a few rods before them, and were instantly assailed by a murderous discharge of bullets, 
which swept thickly as hailstones through their ranks. One-fifth of their whole number, 
at the first volley, fell dead or wounded. There was no refuge for this handful of men but 
in precipitate flight. In twenty minutes they would have been entirely surrounded, and 
every man would have been killed or a prisoner. Gen. McClellan, who was in the far rear, 
and who did not always know what was going on in the front ranks of his army, inconsid- 
erately, and with unintentional cruelty, telegraphed Secretary Stanton that Gen. Casey's 
division gave way 'unaccountably and discreditably.' The retreat of this feeble band, before 
such overwhelming numbers, reflects not at all upon their heroism. The Old Guard of 
Napoleon, under similar circumstances, would have retired. * * * * Three hours and 



AT SEVEN PINES 247 

a half had passed. During all this time Gen. Casey's division had held the enemy in check 
without a single man being sent to his aid. There was surely grievous fault somewhere' 
But for this heroic resistance, the troops on the other or northern bank of the Chickahominv 
would have met with a fearful resistance." 

From "Three Years in the Army of the Potomac," by Capt. Henry N. Blake 11th 
Mass. Infantry : 

of the'mnV^wTr Visi t ble , '" l , he monli,1 S to the eyes of the soldiers, who beheld one 
swollen Td W^lr^ eCtad /l th V h , 3S 1 V " , been witnessed. Scores of horses and the 
snot. v ,, I " ? f hundreds of ^els were stretched upon the ground and in 

L tin" y unon g t r h°e UP nut ^f'f Sh0WCd f fearfuI waste of life, and myriads of^naggots we e 
without Kw P,tnd forms ; and swarmed upon the earth so that it was difficult to walk 
had 'sent H h g , 6m fe^'f feet Ma "y soldiers - in the obscurity of the night 
5m T loathsome worms" Z tle bodl f s ° f t,le sIai ». supposing that they were comrades, fnd 
Som w ho had rnmnlnt . I f"" ( haversacks and cre Pt "P°» their blankets and overcoats. 
o 'The form of „« " £ \-° r l° 0t that int "^red with their personal comfort, 

PS «r fa l,H P r ° Ver W ,' 10m they had stumbled when groping their way to their 
Graves we re " 3S£ in C ° V r tHat & c ° r P se t . had bee " the subject of their oaths * * * 
buried and when the W* ^T * h f T the h ° rSeS had been burned and tlie dead were 
oo ure 1SV , W n S , adva r ced some were seen in the swamp, standing in the 

^sZ^^^z:^^jr^js^^^ com ^ d '- *- weeks *- 

From Critical History of the War, by Asa Mahan : 

,.; f i ■ T K e ! W ° divi . s , ions ° f Keyes' were advanced far beyond any immediate support to 
the YorlT S,X p m , ,,eS ° f ^'"ond, Casey's division being stationed atTai -Oaks on 
£e W&S&FSS* *" d * C ° UChS 3t SeVe " Pi " eS ' 3b0Ut °" e miIe '° the -'^east on 

char ? ed In th^ S r.S'w - Gen ' McClellan ' as if t0 div ert attention from his own errors, 
did Caseys division gave way unaccountably and discreditably. That division 

bloody field "^ m ° re tHan ° ne " third ° f itS nUmber la * dead or wounded upon [he 

From "A Birds-Eye View of Our Civil War," by Theodore Ayrault Dodge: 
m ,t l/'J' is , now w e'! P ro yeii that Casey's men fought staunchly; but they were over- 
™, d ; a "f. so ° n C,r l ven , ln ^ Sad confusion t00k Possession of their ranks; destruction 
nIXVVT ; ; and . "'y by heavy reinforcements from Heintzelman were we able by 

thfr fl°iU ° rm * a * d ™' d 3 , n ne near Sava - ge Station ' We llad been driven back more 
than a mile. * * * The following morning the battle was renewed. * * * The 

before 3 " X OW " bUt dr ° Ve " le e " emy fr0m the g round occupied the day 

From "History of the Southern Rebellion," by Orville J. Victor: 
"The defeat of Casey elicited from McClellan a severe and damaging dispatch re- 
flecting upon the courage and discipline of the entire division. It was censure quite' un- 
merited; and though afterward retracted by the General-in-Chief, the impression of the 
first dispatch prevailed. The facts regarding Casey's command are, of themselves, his best 
defense; his force was largely composed of raw regiments, said one of the officers familiar 
with the tacts : 

" The division was, by all odds, the weakest in numbers, in physique and morale of 
the whole army, and that from no fault, that I am aware of, on the part of its experi- 
enced and gallant division and brigade commanders. To Gen Casey fell the last raw 
regiments which arrived at Washington, and they took the field scarcely organized not 
at all drilled or but slightly, and a portion of them before having drawn their arms Their 
officers, however well intentioned and brave, were as green and raw as their men The 
result was just what might have been expected. When, from long marches and insufficient 
food, and damp beds and malarious atmosphere, even the regulars suffered, in spite of the 
care and watchfulness of officers and men, these raw regiments were fairly wilted The 
climax of their miseries was reached when, by the drift of the events, they were suddenly 
marched from their swampy camp, near Yorktown, without the opportunity of taking their 
tents knapsacks or blankets, and were exposed to wet and cold, and probably hunger dur- 
ing the many weary hours which preceded the battle of Williamsburg. No wonder 'from 
that date the division was weakened by 700 men.' 

"When the division fell in for battle on Saturday the regiment to which I am attached 
had about one-third of its force unfit for duty, and these men remained in camp, their com- 
rades taking their position leisurely and in ample time. Those unfitted for the fight by 
reason of their disability, at once sought the rear, bearing with them their arms and 



248 CASEY'S DIVISION 

accoutrements. Among the latter may have been a large number of real 'skulkers,' but it 
is conclusive that the division, as such, fought stubbornly until pressed back by over- 
whelming odds." 

From "History of the American Civil War," by John Wm. Draper: 

"Casey's division * * * advanced as far as Fair Oaks Station ; Couch lay at Seven 
Pines, * * *. [Then followed a diagram on same page, 384, Vol. II., showing Casey center 
west of Fair Oaks Station, his extreme left about midway between the railroad and the 
Williamsburg road.] Casey resisted the Confederate shock, which occurred at about 1 
P. M., very resolutely. The day was dark and gloomy, and from an air balloon it was 
seen that the entire Confederate army was advancing. Casey was outnumbered and over- 
whelmed. He was driven back, after a three hours' struggle, more than a mile; he lost six 
guns and his camp was taken. He was compelled to retire on Couch." 

From "History of the United States," by E. Benjamin Andrews: 

"May 31st the Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston fell upon the part of 
McClellan's army south of the river, at Fair Oaks, and in a bloody battle drove it back a 
mile. McClellan sent re-enforcements across the river, and the retreat was stayed. The 
lost ground was regained next day and the enemy driven into Richmond." 

From "History of the 2d Army Corps" by Gen. Francis A. Walker : 

"That battle ought really never to have been fought, for it had no purpose, no plan 
of action, no place in any scheme of operations. It is a question to this day, which was 
the attacking party. On the Confederate side, the lack of co-ordination, which made the 
fighting so desultory and so ineffectual, was due to the great overshadowing fact that the 
commander-in-chief, probably the best soldier in the Confederate service, had been struck 
down on the 31st. 

"On the Union side there was equal lack of commandership. Sumner and Heintzel- 
man were certain to fight, and to defend each his own line stoutly, if attacked. * * » 
Neither the first nor the second day's action, in which the Second Corps participated at 
Fair Oaks, was of the nature of a desperate battle. In each affair the division engaged 
had driven its antagonist from the field, without itself being shattered or suffering very 
heavy losses." 

COMMENTS ON CASEY'S DIVISION. 
CONFEDERATE ACCOUNTS OF THE BATTLE OF SEVEN PINES (FAIR OAKS). 

From Richmond Dispatch, June 2, 1862 : 

"Between eleven and twelve A. M. the 28th Georgia and 2d Mississippi were em- 
ployed as skirmishers fronting the works, and began the advance without much opposition ; 
but as they proceeded along the turnpike, and in the woods, the enemy, concealed behind 
a fence and in force, opened a furious rifle fire, which, for a moment, caused our brave 
boys to wink and stagger. Yet, recovering themselves in an instant, they delivered a mur- 
derous volley in reply, and, with hearty cheers, dashed through the woods after their dis- 
comfited and frightened foe, driving them helter skelter before them, and making many 
bite the cold, wet and muddy ground. Observing the strength of the enemy's line in front, 
our commander ordered up the 4th North Carolina, who, advancing in force, broke through 
the 2d Mississippi battalion in their hurried progress, and divided the latter corps in such 
a manner that, subsequently, their whole force could not be again collected. Brilliant in 
conception and execution, the finely drilled North Carolinians flanked the enemy's dense line 
of skirmishers, and did such sad havoc by their flanking fire that the enemy precipitately 
fell back." 

From Richmond Dispatch, June 2, 1862: 

"Our killed may not exceed 500 ; our wounded are nearly 5,000 * * * The fruits of 
the victory are meagre — some 25 pieces of cannon [only seven], several stands of colors, 
and four or five hundred prisoners at the outside. The enemy's loss, except at the intrench- 
ments, is not large. Protected by his earthworks and the dense undergrowth into which 
we drove him, he poured a decimate fire into our devoted ranks. This without rhodomon- 
tade is the result of the battle. * * * The city is one vast hospital. Women's minis- 
tering hands are not wanting to alleviate the sufferings of our wounded." 

From Memphis Appeal, June 2: 

"From the breastwork, fortification, house, woodpile and adjacent woods the enemy 
kept up a murderous fire, and the head of a regiment could not appear before fearfully 
assailed by the combined defenses. Nor was this all. Gen. Casey and other Federal gen- 



AT SEVEN PINES 249 

erals, finding that equal forces could not withstand ours successively brought up brigade 
after brigade, and gun after gun — their roads being passable — and Hill's division was fight- 
ing fearful odds, when some of Longstreet's division opportunely arrivel and changed 
the aspect of things materially, for although always advancing, our troops now took things 
at a run, and cheer after cheer rent the air as regiment after regiment got into action and 
closed with the enemy. Thus from 12 o'clock until past two. Hill had borne the brunt of 
the fight alone, but at that hour some wearied troops being withdrawn and fresh ones put 
in front instead, the fighting and firing became fast and furious. Yet no artillery was 
present on our side up to this time. Some of the Lynchburg (Latham's) battery now ar- 
rived on the scene, together with one or two pieces of Carter's battery; and although horses 
were goaded almost to death it was found almost impossible to move them. * * * The 
fight now (about 3 P. M.) was terrific. Our forces being about equal, the men were per- 
fectly wild, and shouted, and whooped, and hallooed, like very demons, firing and charging 
in wood and open to the right and left of the enemy's works, while scores were falling 
at every moment." 

From Memphis A f peal, Richmond, June 3, 1862 : 

"The Missippians and Georgians had scarcely entered the timber when the enemy's 
strong outposts and pickets opened a terrible fire upon them, and slowly fell back to a 
heavy line of support about one-quarter of a mile to the rear. Advancing upon these, the 
skirmishing regiments had reached a high and strong fence, when instantly the enemy arose 
from a crouching posture, and delivered repeated volleys, presenting a perfect sheet of 
flame across our whole front. The skirmishers fought splendidly against such odds, but 
would have been forced back but in the "nick of time" Anderson's splendidly-drilled Fourth 
North Carolina regiment advanced along the road at double quick, unobserved, broke our 
skirmishing line very unceremoniously, and, flanking the enemy, poured volley upon volley 
with such rapidity and precision that the foe retired in haste, relieved the skirmishers, and 
the fight soon became general for half a mile on each side of the road, but not extending 
to the railroad on the left, or more than five hundred yards to the right." 

From Preface to Military Memoirs of a Confederate Officer, by Brig. Gen. E. P. 
Alexander : 

"History, meanwhile, has been following the incomplete reports of the earlier days 
which, sometimes as at Seven Pines (or Fair Oaks) have deliberately concealed the facts, 
and has always felt the need of the personal accounts covering the incidents of every 
march, skirmish and battle." 

From "Military Memoirs of a Confederate Officer," by E. P. Alexander, Brigadier- 
General in the C. S. A., Chief of Artillery, Longstreet's Corps: 

"In a conference with Longstreet during the afternoon of May 30, the battle for 
the next day was planned in accordance with the intimation given D. H. Hill about noon. 
* * * Accordingly on the 20th, and again on the 30th. one or two regiments were ad- 
vanced and drove in the enemy's pickets on our extreme right flank, developing his presence 
and that he was fortifying. This being reported to Johnson by D. H. Hill soon after noon 
on the 30th, Hill was informed in reply that lie would lead an attack upon the enemy next 
morning. The conference was prolonged by the coming up of a violent rain storm, scarcely 
second to any in violence, according to my recollection, that I saw during the war. Over 
three inches of rain must have fallen in the first two hours, and it kept up more or less 
until late at night. It was hoped that this rain would make our task easier by rendering 
the Chickahominy impassable for re-enforcements to the enemy. Indeed, it did 
have this effect, but not until the night of tne day after the rain. The immediate effect was 
only to make all of our marchings and maneeuvers slower and more difficult, and the flat, 
swampy country of much of the battlefield was entirely inundated. * * On the Fed- 

eral side the battle was opened by Casey's division, moderately well fortified with trenches, 
batteries and abatis, and soon supported by Peck's brigade of Couch's division. These four 
brigades were finally routed from their first line by the Rains flank movement." 

From "Southern Generals," in a sketch of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, by William 
Parker Snow : 

"Early in the morning of the 31st, however, it was rumored that Johnston intended 
attacking the enemy's left, and that because, as the bridges were washed away, it would 
prevent McClellan sending re-enforcements to this position of the army. The movement 
began between six and eight o'clock A. M., Longstreet and Hill in the advance, toiling 
through the mire on the Williamsburg road. The plan of operation was as follows: Gen. 
Hill, supported by the division of Gen. Longstreet (who had the direction of the opera- 
tions on the right), was to advance by the Williamsburg road to attack the enemy in front; 
Gen. Huger, with his division was to move down the Charles City road in order to attack 



250 CASEY'S DIVISION 

in flank the troops who might be enraged with llill and Longstreet, unless he found in his 
front force enough to occupy the division. Gen. Smith was to march to the junction of 
the New Bridge road and the Nine Mile road to he in readiness either to fall on Keyes' 
right think or to cover Longstreet's left. * * * The wound Gen. Johnston received came 
while lie was in front. * * * A battery opened from a thicket, and a piece of shell 
struck him severely, at the same time a Minie ball entired his shoulder and passed down 
his back." 

From "Biography of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston," by Robert M. Hughes: 

"The first enemy encountered was Casey's picket line, which he had re-enforced with 
a regiment almost as the combat opened. These were soon swept away, and his main line, 
partly protected by intrenchments, was encountered. Here the resistance was more obsti- 
nate, for this division, though maligned by McClellan in his official report, held its ground 
with tenacity, and only yielded when attacked in front by Garland, Anderson and Rodcs, 
and threatened in flank by Rains." 

From "Johnston's Narrative," by Gen. Joseph E. Johnston : 

"No action of the war has been so little understood as that of Seven Pines. The 
Southern people have felt no interest in it, because, being unfinished in consequence of the 
disabling of the commander, they saw no advantage derived from it; and the Federal com- 
manders claimed the victory because the Confederate forces did not renew the battle on 
Sunday, and fell back to their camps on Monday. Gen. Sunnier stated to the committee 
on the conduct of the war, that he had, in the battle of Fair Oaks, five or six thousand 
men in Sedgwick's division, part of Couch's, and a battery, and that after the firing had 
continued some time, six regiments, which he had in hand on the left of the battery, charged 
directly into the woods; the enemy then fled, and the battle was over for that day. 

"Gen. I leint/c linan, before the same committee, claimed the victory at Seven Pines 
upon no other ground that I can perceive than the withdrawal of the Confederates to their 
camps on Monday, although his statement shows clearly that all bis troops and Keves' that 
fought there were defeated, and driven hack six or seven miles to the shelter of intrench- 
ments previously prepared by bis forethought. And thai they remained Sunday under the 
protection of these intrenchments while llill was gathering the anus scattered in woods and 
thickets, more than two miles in extent. The proofs against t lust- claims are * * * that 
Sumner and 1 leiiitzebnan stood on the defensive the day after the battle, while the Con- 
federate right covered all the ground on which it fought the day before." 

* * * "The ardor and greatly superior numbers of (be Confederates soon over- 
came their resistance, and drove them hack to the main position of the first line of Keyes' 
corps — Casey's division. It occupied a line of rifle pits, strengthened by a redoubt, and 
covered by abatis. Mere the resistance was obstinate ; for the 1'Ydcral troops, commanded 
by an officer of tried courage, fought as soldiers usually do under good leaders, and time 
and vigorous efforts were required to drive them from their position. I'.ut the resolution 
of Garland's anil George B. Anderson's brigades, that pressed forward on the left through 
an open field, under a destructive lire; the admirable service of Carter's and Bondurant's 
batteries, and a skilfully combined attack upon the federal left, under Gen. Mill's dire, lion, 
b\ Rodes' brigade in front, and that of Rains' in Hank, were finally successful, and the enemy 
abandoned their intrenchments. Just then re enforcements were received from their second 
line and they turned to recover their lost position. But to no purpose — they were driven 
back, lighting, upon their second line — Couch's division, at Seven Pines. * * * Keyes' 
corps, united in this second position, was assailed with such spirit by the Confederate troops 
that, although re-enforced by Kearny's division of I leint/ehuan's corps, it was broken, di- 
vided, and driven from its ground — the greater part along the Williamsburg road, to Gen. 

1 leini/elman's intrenched line, two miles from Bottom's Bridge, and two brigades to the 
southeast into While Oak Swamp. Gen. llill pursued the enemy towards Bottom's Bridge, 
more than a mile; then night being near, he gathered bis troops and reformed them, facing 

to the east, as they had been fighting. The line thus formed crossed the Williamsburg road 
at right angles. The left, however, was thrown back to force Sumner's corps at Fair Oaks." 

From "Battles and Leaders of the Civil War," by Gen. G. W. Smith: 

"Casey's troops, in falling hack from their earthworks, endeavored to make a stand 
at the abatis in front of Comb's line, and Gen. Keyes sent forward one regiment of 1 Veen's 
brigade to assist in cheeking the advance of the Confederates. Casey's nun were driven 
through the abatis, and the regiment of Deven's brigade was hurled hack in disorder, and 
could not be rallied ttntil thej had retreated beyond the earthworks from which they had 
advanced. A large proportion of the men of Palmer's and Wessell's brigades having been 
thrown into great disorder whilst retiring through the second abatis, and finding the earth 

works of the second line already clouded, continued to retreat; but some of them, with 
nearly the whole of N'aglee's brigade, remained upon the field." 



AT SEVKN PINES 251 

From "War Pictures," by B. Estman: 

"Gen. Hill commenced a furious attack on the enemy's left wing, which being in a well 
intrenched position, was enabled (o make a good defense, and all Hill's efforts to storm the 
position were in vain. Anderson, with his division and two batteries, rushed to his sup- 
port, and a most desperate struggle ensued, the enemy defending bis position with great 
resolution; and the ground was ere long covered with the dead and dying. Anderson so 
placed bis batteries as to establish a cross lire, and under the protection of these guns again 
led bis men to the assault, A determined fight now commenced on the parapet of the 
enemy's works, whilst the tire from the two batteries frustrated any attempt on his part to 
bring up re-enforcements. The Federal troops defended themselves obstinately; disputing 
every foot of ground with their assailants, and as yet the Confederals bad no advantage. 
The commander of the Inderal troops strenuously urged bis men to bold iheir ground and 
they responded to bis appeal by standing by their guns till numbers of them were cut to 
pieces. At this moment their leader was cut down by a bullet, and at this sight their stulv- 
born resistance began to falter, and they gradually fell back. Thus the Confederate troops 
by degrees got a firm footing on the obstinately contested position. Another impetuous rush 
was made by the Confederates, and the enemy was driven headlong from bis works and 
sought safety in lligbt. * * * An indescribable panic seized the enemy, and they gave 
way along their whole line * * * It seemed as if no human power could stop them in their 
disorderly flight." 

From "Published Letters of J. W. Reid, private of the 4th South Carolina Regiment: 

"Of my own company of ten or twelve men. Ceo, Oliver was shot in the mouth and 
killed; Judd McLees, killed, shot in the head; Wheeler Gilmore, mortally wounded, besides 
several others more or less injured. Elijah Herring was slightly wounded and fatally 
scared. Of the battallion Maj. Mattison was wounded, l>oth the Harlans wounded, and so 
many others killed and wounded that 1 cannot at present give their nanus. All this was 
done in less than ten minutes. When Maj. Matteson fell some one called out 'Retreat !' My 
captain, D. L. Hall, and about ten others of my company were all there were left of us. 
The other companies of the battalion, what was left of them, remained and we did what 
shooting we could while lying on the ground among our dead and wounded comrades. 
It was but a short time before the expected reinforcements joined us, when we drove the 
enemy out of the woods with considerable loss on their side. By this time the lighting be- 
came hot on both sides and in the center, Longstreet's position as usual. 1 cannot convey 
an idea of the terror of the next few hours. As I said at the beginning of this letter, 
The sulphur and smoke o'ershadowed the earth, 

Atid the cannon they did rattle, 
And many brave men lie cold in the earth, 
Who were slain in the Seven Pities battle. 

"We in the center kept driving the enemy back slowly until they got to their camp 
when they made a bold stand, but they could not stand the Southern charge. They linallv 
gave way and left all their camp equipment behind them. We followed them about a mile 
farther." 

From "Reminiscences of the Civil War," by Gen. John B. Gordon : 
"Whatever rank may be assigned in history to the battle of Seven Pines, or Fair 
Oaks, as the Union men call it, it was to my regiment one of the bloodiest of my war ex- 
perience. Hurled, in the early morning, against the breastworks which protected that por- 
tion of McClcllan's lines, my troops swept over and captured them, but at heavy cost. As 
I spurred my horse over the works with my men, my adjutant, who rode at my side, fell 
heavily with his horse down the embankment, and both were killed. Reforming my men 
under a galling fire, and ordering them forward in another charge upon the support- 
ing lines, which fought with the most stubborn resistance, disputing every foot of ground, 
1 soon found that Lieut. -Col. Willingham, as gallant a soldier as ever rode through fire 
and who was my helper on the right, had also been killed and his horse with him. Maj. 
Nesmith, whose towering form I could still see on the left, was riding abreast of the 
men and shouting in trumpet tones : "Forward, men ; forward 1" but a ball soon silenced 
his voice forever. Lieut-Col., major, adjutant, with their horses, were all dead, and I was 
left alone on horseback with my men dropping rapidly around me. My soldiers declared 
that they distinctly heard the command from the Union lines, "Shoot that man on horse- 
back !" In both armies it was thought that the surest way to demoralize troops was to 
shoot down the officers. Nearly or quite half the time officers of the twelve companies 
had by this time fallen, dead or wounded. Gen. Rodes, the superb brigade commander, had 



252 CASEY'S DIVISION 

been disabled. Still I had marvellously escaped, with only my clothing pierced. As I 
rode up and down my line, encouraging the men forward, I passed my young brother, only 
nineteen years old, but captain of one of the companies. He was lying with a number of 
dead companions near him. He had been shot through the lungs and was bleeding pro- 
fusely. I did not stop ; I could not stop, nor would he permit me to stop. There was no 
time for that — no time for anything except to move on and fire on. At this time my own 
horse, the only one left, was killed. He could, however, have been of little service to 
me any longer, for in the edge of this flooded swamp heavy timber had been felled, making 
an abatis quite impossible on horseback, and I should have been compelled to dismount. 
McClellan's men were slowly being pressed into and through the Chickahominy swamp, 
which was filled with water; but at almost every step they were pouring terrific vollies into 
my lines. My regiment had been in some way separated from the brigade, and at this 
juncture seemed to reach the climax of extremities. My field officers and adjutant were 
all dead. Every horse ridden into the fight, my own among them, was dead. Fully one- 
half of my line officers and half my men were dead, or wounded. A furious fire still 
poured from the front and re-enforcements were nowhere in sight. The brigade com- 
mander was disabled, and there was no horse or means at hand of communication with 
his headquarters or any ether headquarters, except by one of my soldiers on foot, and the 
chances ten to one against his living to bear my message. In water from knee- to hip-deep, 
the men were fighting and falling, while a detail propped up the wounded against stumps 
or trees to prevent their drowning. Fresh troops in blue were moving to my right flank 
and pouring a raking 1 fire down my line, and compelling me to change front with my 
companions there." 

From "Pickett and His Men," by Mrs. Gen. Geo. E. Pickett : 

"Shortly after seven he [Gen. J. E. Johnston] was slightly wounded by a musket 
shot. A little later he observed that one of his colonels was trying to dodge the shells. 
He turned towards him and said, 'Colonel, there is no use dodging; when you hear them 
they have passed.' Just then a shell exploded, striking him on the breast, and he fell 
unconscious into the arms of one of his couriers, Drury L. Armistead. When he regained 
consciousness he found that his sword and pistols were gone. 'The sword was worn by 
my father in the Revolutionary War,' he said, 'and I would not lose it for ten thousand 
dollars; will not someone please go back and get it and my pistols for me?' Armistead 
returned to the field, found them and carried them safely off through a storm of artillery, 
receiving one of the pistols as a token of the gratitude of the wounded chief. * * * 

"This battle brought the war closer to me than any other had yet done. The school 
had closed and my vacation was just beginning. * * * The library and parlors of the 
beautiful home of my friends had been given up for the comfort of the wounded soldiers. 
The city was in tears ; the horrors of war had become a reality. Busy, bustling, sad enough 
scenes were being enacted on every side. New regiments from the far South had just 
arrived and were marching through the streets, cheering and waving their hats as they 
passed. Batteries of artillery were hurrying along the thoroughfares, all going toward 
the front, down Main and Broad streets, into the Williamsburg road. Long lines of 
ambulances coming from the opposite way toiled slowly along, filled with the wounded 
from the battlefield who were being 1 carried to the various hospitals, the long, torturing 
way marked by the trail of blood that oozed drop by drop from human veins. Here and 
there might be seen a wagon load of dead, piled one upon another, their stiffened, rigid 
feet exposed to view, showing to the horrified spectators that for just so many the cares 
and sorrows of this life, its pains and miseries, were passed forever. Every vehicle of any 
description was utilized and crowded to its utmost capacity. The less severely wounded 
were made to walk, and long lines of them could be seen hobbling along the street, their 
wounds bound up in bloody rags. The citizens turned out in full force and did all in their 
power to alleviate the sufferings of the soldiers. Not a home in all the city where some 
wounded were not taken to be nursed with the tenderest care. Every possible space, parlors, 
passages and chambers were converted into temporary hospitals, and everything done that 
unwearied nursing and gentlest attention could devise, and that for the roughest soldier in 



AT SEVEN PINES 253 

the ranks, as readily as for the general who wore the stars. Women stood before their 
doors with wine and food, ministering it unsparingly to the wounded going by. * * * 
This battle had thrilled the city to its center. Richmond authorities were unprepared for 
so extraordinary a call upon their accommodations. Buildings were hastily fitted up with 
the barest of comforts ; medical and all other stores were inadequate to the demand. The 
doctors were employed day and night. The women, young and old, volunteered their serv- 
ices as nurses. In every house soups and other delicacies were made for the wounded. 
Though much suffering was in a measure mitigated, many a precious life, which otherwise 
might have been saved, was lost for want of ordinary attention. For days and nights 
wagons and ambulances never ceased to empty their wretched loads before the doors of 
each of these hastily improvised hospitals until the building overflowed with maimed 
humanity. There was not an empty store in which rude pallets were not strewn over the 
floor and counter. In the dressing of the wounds — rough it must have seemed, in spite of 
every effort to make it gentle— the racking of quivering nerves passed all bounds of patient 
endurance. Screams of agony would sometimes break out upon the open air with startling 
emphasis. Here was a poor fellow being taken from an ambulance, with an arm shot 
nearly off that needed only the knife to finish the work; another with a mangled leg. It 
were better to look away from such a piteous spectacle. Here a boy with his face so torn 
by a shell that his mother would not have recognized him, and there, a dying soldier, his 
countenance already pallid in the fast-coming chill of death. 'And this one is dead ; died 
on the way,' they said as they lifted a corpse from the wagon, while the passer by, grown 
rapidly familiar with such fearful sights, glanced hastily and passed on. So the long 
procession of wounded, nearly five thousand, young boys, middle-aged and white-haired 
men, from the private to the highest ranks, hurt in every conceivable manner, suffering in 
every way, parched feverish, agonized, wearing a look of mute agony no words may 
describe or else lapsed into a fortunate unconsciousness, wended their way to the hospitals. 
There went men from every state, pouring out blood like water and offering up lives of 
sacrifice for the cause they had espoused. No city in the world was sadder than our 
Richmond in those days. All the miseries and woes of Seven Pines had been emptied into 
her fair homes and streets. She had 'no language but a cry.' an exceedingly bitter cry, 
that rose in its might to God on high 'if the heavens were not brass.' As you walked the 
streets some scene to make the heart ache would be enacted before your eyes. The 
dreaded ambulance might draw up before some residence whose doors would open to 
receive a burden borne in tenderly, brother, son or husband. There would gather hastily on 
the steps members of the family to receive him dead or hurt. From some wife, sister or 
mother you heard words of tenderest meaning, or bitterest weeping, or scream of agony 
as you passed along; or it might be that you caught only a look of mute despair as if she 
had turned to stone, for we receive such things differently, we women. Black waved its 
signal from door to door. It was no unusual thing to see four or five funeral processions 
at the same time on their way to the City of the Dead. People realized with a sudden 
shock the actualities of an internecine strife; it was brought to their very doors. Before 
they had seen only its pride and pomp, and its martial showing. They had heard only 
the rattling of artillery over stony streets and the tread of passing columns. All at once, 
with the sound of hostile guns, gaunt, grim-visaged war touched their hearts and sickened 
their souls with horror. It rendered them more determined, more earnest, more sincere. 
It made them feel that it was time to perform their part of the great tragedy and not waste 
the hours in light comedy, vain regrets or childish longings. In one day Richmond was 
changed from a mirth-loving, pleasure-seeking place, into a city of resolute men and women 
nerved to make any sacrifice for their cause." 



254 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 



THE POINT OF VIEW. 

When the writer assumed the functions of Regimental historian he obligated 
himself to tell the part his Regiment played in the great drama of the Civil War. 
With a full sense of the duties implied by this obligation he has carefully examined 
the official records and all authentic writings, giving special attention to all mooted 
questions, which had a direct bearing on the activities of the Regiment. Fully 
forty per cent of the original Regiment leaving the State March 2, 1862, for the 
seat of war sleep in Southern graves. This excessive mortality was chiefly due 
to confinement in Southern prisons. Therefore, to tell the full story of the Regi- 
ment, reference must be made to the darkest page in the history of the war, life 
in Andersonville and Florence military prisons. 

The writer has no sympathy with the charge that the Southern people were re- 
sponsible for the inhuman brutalities that occurred at Andersonville and Florence. 
Neither does he believe the Confederate authorities in any way desired to add 
to the rigors of imprisonment. That atrocities were committed by individuals that 
were indefensible will not be disputed by any candid person examining the record, 
but it should be remembered that abnormal conditions obtained ; the two sections 
of the country were engaged in a life and death struggle ; both believed they were 
right ; and human passions were aroused, as never before on this continent. 

The paraphrased indictment against war used, describing conditions in 
Andersonville prison may seem harsh and overdrawn, yet the writer believes the 
compilation which follows justifies its use. It is in no sense aimed at the Con- 
federate authorities or the Southern people, but is used because of the graphic 
description of the terrible conditions prevailing in Andersonville prison, which, in 
an attempt to describe in an official paper, one of the most eminent physicians 
of the Confederacy, a man of the highest probity and universally esteemed where- 
ever he was known, Dr. Joseph Jones, said : "The Iwggard distressed countenance 
of these miserable, complaining, dejected, liznng skeletons, crying for medical aid 
and food, and cursing their government for its refusal to exchange prisoners, and 
the ghastly corpses, with their glazed eyeballs staring up into z'acant space, with 
the flies swarming down their open and grinning mouths, and over their clothes 
infested with numerous lice, as they lay amongst the sick and dying, formed a 
picture of helpless, hopeless misery, which it zt'oidd be impossible to portray by 
zvords or by the brush." 



ANDERSONVILLE. 255 

LIFE IN ANDERSONVILLE AND FLORENCE CONFEDERATE MILI- 
TARY PRISONS. 

Appeals made for an Exchange of Prisoners — Why the Exchange was 
not Made — Confederate Official Reports of Conditions. 
We have the testimony of those most competent to speak with authority that 
"War is hell." If any one should doubt it let him read the story of Andersonville 
and Florence military prisons as compiled in this volume. Not the story as mag- 
nified by rumor and report, or colored by partisan imagination, or tinctured by 
the hate which war breeds in the minds of some of the best of men, but the 
records of unbiased witnesses whose testimony needs no corroboration. 

Some of the evidence presented here has already had wide circulation in the 
South by Dr. R. Randolph Stevenson, for a time Chief Surgeon of Andersonville 
prison, in his book published in 1876, entitled "The Southern Side" or "Ander- 
sonville Prison." In the preface to this work Dr. Stevenson says: 

"The task of writing this, the darkest page in the history of the struggle between the 
States, is certainly not as grateful nor as inspiriting as that' of recording deeds of valor on 
bloodstained fields of battle; yet I feel that in compiling this work I am performing a sacred 
duty, in vindicating the memory of fallen heroes, as well as erasing a dark stain most unjustly 
cast upon the character of the Southern people. * * * I do not seek, at this late date, to stir 
up strife, or rekindle the dormant fires that lie smoldering in the land that gave me birth; but 
believing that all should be known." 

In the same spirit, but with a different purpose, Life in Andersonville and 
Florence Confederate Military Prisons appears in this volume. It is, indeed, 
"the darkest page in the history of the struggle between the States" ; "a tale of 
horror, of woe and death before unheard and unknown to civilization." This 
compilation can be summarized by slightly paraphrasing the words of another: 
"The history of Andersonville and Florence prisons has startled and shocked the 
world with a tale of horror, of woe and death before unheard and unknown to 
civilization. No pen can describe, no painter sketch, no imagination comprehend 
its fearful and unutterable misery. It would seem as if the concentrated madness 
of earth and hell had found its final lodgement in the prisons at Andersonville 
and Florence, for there was the most terrible human sacrifice which has occurred 
in any war in the history of the world. Into these narrow walls were crowded 
more than thirty thousand enlisted men, many of them the bravest and best, the 
most devoted and heroic of those grand armies which carried the flag of their 
country to final victory. For long and weary months there they suffered, mad- 
dened, were murdered, and died. There they lingered unsheltered from the 
burning rays of a tropical sun by day, and drenching and deadly dews by night, 
in every stage of mental and physical disease, hungered, emaciated, starving, 
maddened ; festering with unhealed wounds ; gnawed by the ravages of scurvy 
and gangrene : with swollen limb and distorted visage ; covered with vermin, 
which they had no power to extirpate ; exposed to the flooding rains which drove 
them drowning from the miserable holes in which, like swine, they burrowed ; 
parched with thirst and mad with hunger ; racked with pain or prostrated with 
the weakness of dissolution ; with naked limbs and matted hair ; filthy with smoke 
and mud : soiled with the very excrement from which their weakness would not 
permit them to escape ; eaten by the gnawing worms which their own wounds 
had engendered ; with no bed but the earth ; no covering but the cloud or the 
sky; these men, these heroes, born in the image of God, thus crouching and 



256 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 

writhing in their terrible torture will stand forth in history as an indictment of 
the demoralization and cruelty and horror of war." 

This story is not presented in this volume with any desire to arouse the 
passions engendered by the Civil War, nor to revive controversies as to the 
responsibility for the indescribable suffering of these pestilential spots. The 
investigation which this compilation has involved has thoroughly convinced the 
writer that the "tale of horror, of woe and death" was not confined to one side 
alone, as the official records show the percentage of mortality was nearly as great 
in the Federal military prisons as in those in the South. The function of the 
Regimental historian, however, makes it incumbent on him to show the part his 
Regiment played in suppressing the Rebellion. Death on the field of battle has 
been so exalted, that the idea generally prevails that the men who die leading 
the forlorn hope exhibit the highest degree of courage. In the judgment of the 
writer, the men who languished and died in the military prisons of the South, 
after enduring the horrors and miseries of these places for months were not 
surpassed in indomitable courage and heroic devotion to duty by any who fell in 
charging the ranks of the enemy, and that these men did fully as much in con- 
quering peace as those who comprised the armies of Grant and Sherman. 

After a four days' contest against a superior force of the enemy, and when 
further resistance was not only futile, but absolutely reckless, the 103d Regiment 
(excepting one company) with three other regiments, and several small detach- 
ments of infantry, cavalry, and artillery capitulated April 20, 1864, at Plymouth, 
N. C. According to "Regimental Losses in the Civil War," (p. 524) by Col. Wil- 
liam F. Fox, of the four infantry regiments captured at Plymouth, 715 died in 
Confederate prisons as follows: 16th Connecticut, 154; 85th New York, 222; 101st 
Pennsylvania, 158; 103d Pennsylvania, 181. The aggregate number of these four 
regiments captured was less than 2,000, officers and men. On the same day the 
Plymouth captives entered Andersonville prison, May 2, 1864, Gen. Meade issued 
orders for the Army of the Potomac to move towards the armies of Gen. Lee. 

Gen. Grant was commissioned Lieutcnant-General on March 9, 1864, and 
assigned to the command of the armies of the United States. On the following 
day, March 10, he visited the Army of the Potomac and announced to Gen. Meade 
his intention of making his headquarters with that army. The reasons for this 
determination mentioned in the "Military History of Gen. Grant," by Gen. Badeau, 
were, "the transcendent importance of the issues in Virginia upon which the fate 
of both the national and rebel capital depended," and the fact that the force op- 
posed to the Army of the Potomac "was the strongest, the best led, and the best 
appointed" army in the Confederate service. On April 14, Secre- 
tary Stanton submitted the report of Gen. Butler in respect to his regulations with 
Mr. Ould, Confederate commissioner of exchange, touching the exchange of pris- 
oners and requested him to give Gen. Butler such instructions as he deemed proper. 
On the same date, referring to the above report, Gen. Grant wired Gen. Butler as 
follows: "Until examined by me, and my orders thereon are received by you, 
decline all further negotiations." On the very day the Plymouth garrison became 
prisoners of war the following telegraphic correspondence occurred (O. R. Ser. 
II. Vol. VII. page 76.) : From Gen. Butler to Gen. Grant: "Instructions in re- 



ANDERSONVILLE. 25T 

gard to exchange of prisoners received and will be implicitly followed. I assume, 
however, that they are not intended to interfere with the special exchanges of sick 
and wounded prisoners on one side and the other now going on." To this Gen. 
Grant replied: "Receive all the sick and wounded the Confederate authorities will 
send you, but send no more in exchange." 

The campaign of Gen. Grant against the army of Gen. Lee was simultaneous 
with the suffering and mortality of Andersonville, and Florence military prisons. 
Andcrsonville prison was established during the last week of February, 1864, and 
became crowded a few weeks later. The total number confined there from that 
time until the war ended was 45,613, of whom 12,912 died during confinement 
there. The men confined at Florence were largely from these 45,613, confined at 
Andersonville. The total number of deaths given as at Andersonville were buried 
there during the time the prison was there. There is no record of those who died 
enroute, and at Florence, Charleston, Wilmington, etc., but the aggregate must 
have been several thousands more. Certainly the mortality resulting from the 
imprisonment at Andersonville and Florence equalled the 15,139 killed in Gen. 
Grant's armies from the Wilderness to Appomattox. Meade's army, at Gettys- 
burg, approximating 100,000 nun, l«>st in killed, and died of wounds received in 
action, 5,291, considerably less than half the number of the deaths at Anderson- 
ville alone. 

The official statements of Gen. Grant leave no doubt, that in his judgment, 
an exchange of prisoners of war during the campaigns of 1864, would have caused 
the defeat of Sherman's army, and imperilled the safety of the armies under his 
immediate command. That President Lincoln concurred in these views the action 
of the Federal Government conclusively proves. Nothing but the general welfare 
of the Nation could have gained his acquiescence to Gen. Grant's position. While 
investing the commanding general of all the armies with full authority t<> dispose 
of these armies according to his best judgment he at no time abdicated the func- 
tions as Commander in Chief. "From the hour Abraham Lincoln crossed the 
threshhold of the White House to the hour he went thence to his death, there was 
not a moment when he did not dominate the political and military situation and all 
his official subordinates." From the 4th day of March, 1861, until 10:30 P. M., 
April 14, 1865, he was Commander-in-Chief of all the armies and navies of the 
United States. 

Abraham Lincoln was a great man ; among the statesmen of the nineteenth 
century he towered above them all. In a superlative degree he possessed the qual- 
ities most essential to human greatness — courage, integrity, intellect, compassion, 
and thorough consecration to his ideals. In him these attributes were so perfectly 
blended as to make him the master spirit of his time. If either of these qualities 
was more predominant than the others it was his compassion. The appeals that 
were made to him on behalf of the men suffering in Southern prisons must have 
caused him agony second only to that of Gethsemane. Only a supreme military 
necessity, in which he believed the very integrity of the nation was at stake, could 
have made him apparently obdurate, in face of the petitions that were made to 
him for an exchange of prisoners. His concurrence in Gen. Grant's policy is 
evidence that he, too, believed that the success of the armies of Sherman and 
Grant made it necessary for the men in Andersonville to continue to battle against 
misery, squalor, and death. What they suffered is best told by the official state- 
ments of the Confederate surgeons and inspector-generals whose proper function 
it was to report the condition of the prisons and the inmates. They certainly had 
no motive for exaggerating the misery and suffering that occurred there. 



258 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 

APPEALS MADE TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN ON BEHALF OF THE PRISONERS 

OF WAR. 

GEN. FOSTER TO GEN. HALLECK. 

Hdqrs. Dept. of the South, Hilton Head, S. C, Aug. 4, 1864. 

Maj. Gen. H. W. Halleck. Chief of Staff, Washington, D. C. : General: The in- 
formation given by our prisoners of war, now liberated, and by deserters, also by the late 
rebel papers, represent that our soldiers now prisoners at Andersonville, Ga., are destitute 
of comforts and necessaries, and are rapidly dying. The number of deaths per day varies, 
according to reports, from 30 to 70. I do not know what the wishes of the Government 
may be, but if it desire that our imprisoned soldiers may be exchanged, so as to relieve 
them from their distress, I can easily have the matter arranged with the Confederate au- 
thorities so as to effect an exchange here. The exchange can be made by way of the 
Savannah River, and we can easily arrange to guard any number of prisoners on our 
islands here, and to supply them at least as bountifully as our own men are supplied that 
are in the hands of the enemy. I think the Confederate authorities are very desirous to 
have an exchange effected, both of officers and men. The insecure position in which our 
prisoners have been confined probably causes this desire. They have already been obliged 
to remove our officers from Macon, and 600 of them have already arrived in Charleston 
and the others are to follow ; this from its being the only secure place and the hope that 
it may induce to a still further exchange. I shall notify Maj. Gen. Samuel Jones that no 
more exchanges will be made through Charleston Harbor, and that if any are authorized 
by the Government they will be made by the Savannah River. The effect of this is to 
induce them to remove our officers from Charleston to Savannah, so that our fire may be 
continued on the city without the risk of hurting our friends. I have, however, taken 
pains to ascertain where our prisoners were confined so as to direct the fire to the other 
parts. * * * 

J. G. FOSTER, Major-General-Commanding. 

(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XXXV, part II, p. 213.) 

Headquarters Dept. of the South, Hilton Head, S. C, Aug. 18, 1864. 

Maj. Gen. H. W. Halleck * * *: The rebels are anxious to exchange. They say 
that their desire is that two old regular officers like Jones and myself may have charge of 
this matter, so that it may be fairly done without any political jars and interruptions. They 
desire to have all exchanged, both officers (1,800) and men (37,000). Although the men 
are not now in Gen. Jones' command, he can have them sent forward at any time. Jones 
seems well disposed, so our released prisoners say. He sent an apology to Gen. Wessells 
for placing 600 officers under fire in Charleston. He stated that he did not place them 
there to be under fire, but that they were merely en route. The truth is that they are so 
short of men as guards that they have no place to put their prisoners in except Charleston 
and Savannah. If an exchange is authorized I shall specify that those in Charleston be 
first exchanged, and that no others be placed there. As far as injury to them goes there 
can be none, for I know their exact position and direct the shells accordingly. * * * 
There is a growing discontent and misery in the enemy's lines. Every one is trying to get 
out through our lines. * * * 

J. G. FOSTER, Maj. Gen. Commanding. 

(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. XXXV, part II, pp. 247-248.) 

GEN. STONEMAN, COLS. DORR AND HARRISON TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

C. S. Prison, Charleston, S. C, Aug. 14, 1863. 
The President of the United States : ^ 

The condition of the enlisted men belonging to the Federal armies now prisoners to 
the Confederate rebel forces is such that it becomes our duty, and the duty of every com- 
missioned officer, to make known the facts in the case to the Government of the United 
States and to use every honorable effort to secure a general exchange of prisoners, thereby 
relieving thousands of our comrades from the horrors now surrounding them. For some 
time past there has been a concentration of prisoners from all parts of the rebel territory 
to the State of Georgia, the commissioned officers being confined at Macon and the enlisted 
men at Andersonville. * * * 

Col. Hill, provost-marshal-general, C. S. Army, at Atlanta, states to one of the under- 
signed that there were 35,000 prisoners at Andersonville. * * * About one-third have 
various kinds of indifferent shelter, but upwards of 20,000 are wholly without shelter or 
shade of any kind and are exposed to the storms and rains which are of almost daily oc- 
currence. The cold dews of night and the more terrible effects of the sun striking with 
almost tropical fierceness upon their unprotected heads, this mass of men jostle and crowd 
each other up and down the limits of their inclosure in storm and sun, and then lie down 



ANDERSONVILLE. 259 

ttS^atoS 1 ^ "° C ™™* than the clothing upon their backs, few of 



m^SSs&SS^s 



appeal to the Chief 



t i' hSicW 1 Iowa Cavalr y- 

GEORGE S« 8th Ind«na Cavalry. 
(0. R. Ser. II, Vol. ^p^eilS^AN' Major-General U. S. Volunteers. 

/ » t M f NUTES OF ANDERSONVILLE MEETING 

Excerpts from the minutes of a meetina nf th„ ,~ 111NU - 

of prisoners at Andersonville, Ga torlZesmt the WV^"'/ I"*™*** detachments 
ernment at Washington: > "present the condition of the prisoners to the Gov- 

him wh; h O as e e C nduren; and itTiires JfiEffi n'otT^ "£ ^^ ™» *" 

nakedness squalor, and disease are as ^ nothing comcared ^th VT 1 '"* , BlU hlmger ' filth ' 
prisoners down, most of them young men whfs terms nf II ' 1,ea u rtsickn "s which wears 
of them nothing to attach them to the cauTe in Xh tLv ff "I have - expired ' and many 
country and of friends. Does the misfnrtnJ „f I ■ thev , suff er but principle and love of 
object of interest and value to our Go e nment? K^ch^n ^TT i™ ke " s ,eSs the 
These are no common men and it is no mm^' ? C 7. you plead - nlead t no longer 

their release from captivity We the under^eH ment that .they call upon you to aid Fin 
charge the various detachments of orisone™ ^ yearns >n the U. S. Army, havmg n 
spectfully represent: Prisoners now confined m Andersonville, Ga , would re? 

daily S^^S^J^g^^lrf™ ^ 25 '° 00 t0 30 ' 000 -«■ with 
causes such as change of climate dfrt and wan of Z" 8 them, generated by various 
frightful to contemplate, and is rapidly' increase in ff ^A™* 1 S - S bec °™ng truly 
hundreds weekly. p 3 ln creasing in virulence, decimating their ranks by 

'I^^^SZ^ S&^SiSL^ 1 ^^ TT erS - m ° St — tly ye, re- 
parole or by exchange, the dictates both 7,i h L\ f to effect our speedy release, either on 
part of our Government. h ° f humanity and justice alike demanding it on the 

* * * 

been apj/roved^ ^^^™i£^*«^™* * respective sergeant and 
and deed of the whole. unanimously authorized each sergeant to sign as w"ll 

(O R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 618-610.) 

REV. ANDERSON TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

His Excellency President Lincoln- Dear Sir- ^""j ° HI °' Sept 4 - 18 ^. 

fumtv of l y bUSineSS aS an a ^ nt for one of ou Church ITJ^ that co ™dereth the 
tunity of becoming extens vely acquainted with th„ c ■ rcn b °ards has given me an oppor- 

promment members of the Presbvterian clmrche^of'^ ,1"° M ^\ ° f the minister?^ 
everywhere the most intense feeling of d£ atisfacHnn ^ rn a /- ,d Wes,ern Ohio. I find 
relative to our suffering prisoners ft AndeVsonvHI fV Ttf P °' 1Cy ? f the Administration 
warmest political friends. Those ministers and neonl. iI h ° S 5 Pe ° ple were and are you" 
for volunteers from the beginning of our national wir ^ e,rn «tly to fill vour call 
own sons to enter the list. Man v of those m,n"ter h.J' V " y ma P y of them urging their 
in prison, taken at Chickamauga and Gettvsta r S The ' a t,th° nS f and J SCOres ° f me ™ he ™ "ow 
tenngs at Andersonville have brought severnf ' J» u au thenticated accounts of their suf- 
others to the insane asylum Fathew and mnfV,^ y S lfed m ° thers to their graves and 
such noble sons, when they heard of them f^Hng^oHn 7^' *? yet thanked God for 
^ ed ; . a "ll a i n ted under the consuming ™spen 7 A^V**™ 1 ^!*.. have sick 



ong 
the 



ened.and ted^a^in.ffjdt^ ^ ^ *«"***% "aXesi 
imprisonment and ineffable sufferings of other sons "$ ?"™ ty caused by the lo' 

hv^ Vk C r n^«tion in that tefrihle open fidd 'oen ^hf *° "I"? m ° re than f 
by day and by night, starved, eaten bv vermin the fiftfuU nf Y T naked ' without shelter 
sickening, dying rotting as they stagger and fall to rise nn Wate /; "° Soap ' no blankets, 

neaf t a s"i" ait !t d r Ur , Str ° ng arm ^ * ™™ to , h r Zi C »H nn Ma 5 y f h ° 1,e J d and pra ^d 
heart sick, and they have sunk into desnair and inVJilf I ? e deferred maketh the 

and f ou nd suc h as no n«P J " msan ,ty. From 6,000 to 8 000 have died 

that these good fathers and friends should manifest dU«t!?i ? ° W J '\J f t0 be wondered at 
Ply with the rebel proposition to a mutual exchange of I5 n S ? tls . factl0n ? Your failure to com- 
tion. Npw, ,n spite of the world, this poli" w«T fffect fcw W T aSeS this dissatisfac- 
are making use of this with effect To rendpr *hf„cf= coming elections. Our enemies 

ing parents can get no letters nor boxes to the! sons Tnd" "' the M that these sp ^w- 
ential men have come to the de.iber.te concfth"^ fcXSe^ SAJfSi 



260 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 

a heartless, cruel neglect. Dr. Steel said, "If anything could be more cruel than the rebel 
treatment of our sons, it is the criminal neglect shown them by our authorities." Dr. Gould 
pronounces it, "the result of a negligent Administration." Rev. Warner : "The grossest 
neglect and ingratitude of the powers that be toward our gallant boys." Rev. Gibson, that 
"he can never again respect Lincoln, Stanton, or Butler." All hold you responsible. Oh, 
for God's sake, interpose! It is crushing the patriotism out of the poor prisoners and em- 
bittering hundreds of thousands of their friends. Those worse than murdered men you 
will meet at the bar of God. It is everywhere considered the refinement of cruelty. I write 
in love but in earnest. We know you can have them exchanged if you give your attention 
to it. It is simple murder to neglect it longer. Your political friend, 

D. C. ANDERSON. 
I concur in these statements. 
J. H. BROWN. 
(O. R. Ser. I, Vol. VII, pp. 767-768.) 

CHICAGO BOARD OF TRADE TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

Chicago, Oct. 20, 1864. 

His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States: The undersigned 
members of the Board of Trade of the city of Chicago, having been informed from au- 
thentic sources that a large number of Federal soldiers are languishing in Southern prisons, 
especially at Andersonville, Ga., destitute of shelter from rain and from the burning rays 
of the sun, without sufficient clothing to cover their nakedness; and that they are famish- 
ing with hunger that would gladly be appeased by the flesh of horses and of mules, and are 
consequently dying in untold numbers, pray you to effect an honorable exchange of pris- 
oners without delay, or to retaliate by subjecting rebel prisoners to the same treatment in 
all respects. 

We are aware that this, our petition, savors of cruelty, and no earthly consideration 
could induce us to inaugurate the measure were it not that the sufferings of our brothers 
in the field, who have gone forth to battle for the life of the government with the assur- 
ance of all possible protection and care, appeals to us in a manner which induces us to 
urge retaliatory measures as a matter of necessity. 

We claim not to be excelled in loyalty by any portion of the country and pledge 
ourselves for the prosecution of the war until the complete restoration of the Union is 
accomplished, asking no more and urging you to submit to nothing less than that such 
measures as rebels mete to loyal soldiers shall be measured to them again, whether in 
prison or on the battle-field. 

They fire upon our pickets, we retailiate ; they meet us in the open field and engage 
in wholesale slaughter, and we retaliate; they take our soldiers prisoners and submit them 
to such treatment as is sure to engender disease, starvation, death ; but the prisoners taken 
by us are clothed, fed, and as comfortably cared for as are our own men, and when an 
exchange of prisoners is made we give them soldiers hale and hearty, ready to again enter 
the field and give us battle, but receive in return men pale and emaciated, fit only for the 
hospital. We deem it due to them, especially to those now in Southern prisons, to protest 
against this unequal warfare. If consideration and kindly treatment of prisoners could 
awaken in our enemies a sufficient sense of humanity to lead to a reciprocity of treatment 
these abuses would have been corrected long ago. 

It is not too much to say that nothing in the conduct of the war presents so great 
an obstacle to those who would otherwise volunteer, and nothing will cause the drafted sol- 
dier to take such reluctant steps to the field so much as the dread of the horrors of 
Southern prisons. The object of this petition is not to give you information upon what we 
know you lament as well as we, but to give you an idea of public opinion formed upon a 
stern necessity. This petition was presented to the full board at their session on this day 
and was unanimously adopted by them. 

With high consideration, sir, your obedient servants, 

JOHN L. HANCOCK, President. 
JNO. F. BEATY, Secretary. 

(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 1014-1015.) 

GEN. GRANT'S VIEWS ON THE EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS OF WAR 
MAJ. GEN. BUTLER TO LIEUT. GEN. GRANT. 

Fort Monroe, Apr. 20, 1864. 
Lieut. Gen. Grant, Washington, D. C. : Instructions in regard to exchange of pris- 
oners received and will be implicitly followed. I assume, however, that they are not in- 
tended to interfere with the special exchanges of sick and wounded prisoners on one side 
and the other now going on. 

BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major General Comdg. 




PLAN OF ANDERSONVILLE PRISON AND ITS SURROUNDINGS. 



1. Care-taker's House, erected by the Na- 

tional W. R. C. 

2. Providence Spring. 

3. Site of proposed National Monument. 

4. Outline of purchased property. 

5. Outline of stockade enclosing prisoners. 

6. Outline of Outer Stockade (only partly 
completed). 

7. Dead Line. 

S. Confederate Forts and Batteries. 

9. Main Fort, or "Star Fort," southwest 

corner. 
10. Site of Gallows, where marauders were 

hung. 



11. Powder Magazine in Star Fort. 

12. Site of Capt. Wlrz's Headquarters. 

13. Gate to Roadway leading to the Ceme- 
tery. 

14. Wells and tunnels dug by prisoners. 

15. Site of Dead House. 

16. Entrenched Camp for Guards. 

17. Roadway, 100 feet wide, leading to rail- 
road. 

18. Stockade Creek a branch of Sweetwater. 

19. North Gate of Stockade. 

20. South Gate of Stockade. 

21. Flag Staff. 



(The above plate is used here by courtesy of the State of Connecticut.) 



-— i I 



ANDERSONVILLE. 261 

GEN. GRANT TO GEN. BUTLER. 
[Telegram — Time sent 9 :30 P. M.] 
Office United States Military Telegraph, War Department, 

Washington, D. C., Apr. 20, 1864. 
Maj. Gen. Butler, Fort Monroe, Va. : 

Receive all the sick and wounded the Confederate authorities will send you, but send 
no more in exchange. 

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General. 
(Report on the Treatment of Prisoners of War, 1868-1869, p. 541.) 

GEN. GRANT TO GEN. BUTLER. 

City Point, Va., Aug. 18, 1864. 

Maj. Gen. Butler Commanding, etc. : I am satisfied that the object of your interview 
had the proper sanction and therefore meets with my entire approval. I have seen from 
Southern papers that a system of retaliation is going on in the South which they keep from 
us and which we should stop in some way. On the subject of exchange, however, I differ 
from Gen. Hitchcock. /( is hard on our men held in Southern prisons not to exchange 
them, but it is humanity to those left in the ranks to fight our battles. Every man we hold, 
when released on parole or otherwise, becomes an active soldier against us at once either 
directly or indirectly. If we commence a system of exchange which liberates all prisoners 
taken, we will have to fight on until the whole South is exterminated. If we hold those 
caught they amount to no more than dead men. At this particular time to release all rebel 
prisoners North would insure Sherman's defeat and would compromise our safety here. 

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 

(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, page 607.) 

GEN. GRANT TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

City Point, Va., Aug. 19, 1864. 
Hon. W. H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. : "* * * We ought not 
to make a single exchange nor release a prisoner on any pretext whatever until the war 
closes. We have got to fight until the military power of the South is exhausted, and if we 
release or exchange prisoners captured it simply becomes a war of extermination." 

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 
(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 614-615.) 

GEN. GRANT TO SECRETARY STANTON. 

City Point, Va., Aug. 21, 1864—5 P. M. 
Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War: Please inform Gen. Foster that under 
no circumstances will he be authorized to make exchange of prisoners of war. Exchanges 
simply re-enforce the enemy at once, whilst we do not get the benefit of those received for 
two or three months and lose the majority entirely. I telegraph this from just hearing that 
some 500 or 600 more prisoners had been sent to Gen. Foster. 

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 
(Report Treatment Prisoners of War, pp. 568-569.) 

GEN. GRANT BEFORE CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE. 

From testimony of Gen. Grant before the Congressional Committee on the Conduct 
of the War, at Washington, D, C, Feb. 11, 1865 : 

Question. "It is stated * * * that you are charged entirely with the exchange of 
prisoners?" Answer. "That is correct: and what is more, I have effected an arrangement 
for the exchange of prisoners, man for man and officer for officer, or his equivalent, ac- 
cording to the old cartel, until one or the other party has exhausted the number they now 
hold." 

Question. "It has been said that we refused to exchange prisoners because we found 
ours starved, diseased, and unserviceable when we received them, and did not like to ex- 
change sound men for such men?" Answer. "There never has been any such reason as 
that. That has been a reason for making exchanges. I will confess that if our men who 
are prisoners in the South were really well taken care of, suffering nothing except a little 
privation of liberty, then, in a military point of view, it would not be good policy for us to 
exchange, because every man they get back is forced right into the army at once, while that 
is not the case with our prisoners when we receive them. * * * Still, the fact of their 
suffering as they do is a reason for making this exchange as rapidly as possible." 

Question. "And never has been a reason for not making the exchange?" Answer. 
"It never has. Exchanges have been suspended by reason of disagreement on the part of 
agents of exchange on both sides before I came in command of the armies of the United 
States, and it then being near the opening of the spring campaign, I did not deem it ad- 
visable or just to the men who had to fight our battles to re-inforce the enemy with thirty 
or forty thousand disciplined troops at that time. An immediate resumption of exchanges 
would have had the effect without giving us corresponding benefits. The suffering said to 



'262 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 

exist among our prisoners South was a powerful argument against the course pursued, and 
I so felt it." (Report on the Conduct of the War, Vol. Ill, pages 76-77.) 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN TO GEN. GRANT. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, Oct. 9, 1864. 

I inclose you a copy of correspondence in regard to a contemplated exchange of 
naval prisoners through your lines, and not very distant from your headquarters. It only 
came to the knowledge of the War Department and of myself yesterday, and it gives us 
some uneasiness. I therefore send it to you with the statement that as the numbers to be 
exchanged under it are small, and so much has already been done to effect the exchange, I 
hope you may find it consistent to let it go forward under the general supervision of Gen. 
Butler, and particularly in reference to the points he holds vital in exchanges. Still you are 
at liberty to arrest the whole operation if in your judgment the public good requires it. 
Yours truly, A. LINCOLN. 

Lieut. Gen. Grant. 

(Report on the Treatment of Prisoners of War, p. 564.) 

GEN. GRANT TO GEN. BUTLER. 
Headquarters Armies of the United States, City Point, Va., Oct. 11, 1864. 
General : I inclose you the letter of the President to me, together with all other 
papers relating to the exchange of naval prisoners of war now in the James River, and turn 
the whole matter over to you to conduct. In our conversation yesterday I explained the 
point in Secretary Welles' correspondence, which the President was afraid might involve 
us in trouble if retained by him. In conducting this exchange, ignore all that has been 
done heretofore in the matter, but make the exchange man for man, yielding no point be- 
fore insisted on. 

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. 
Maj. Gen. B. F. Butler, Comdg. Army of the James. 
(Report Treatment Prisoners of War, p. 567.) 

SECRETARY STANTON TO GEN. GRANT. 

Headquarters Armies of the United States, Oct. 15, 1864. 

General : A communication signed R. Ould, agent of exchange, dated Oct. 7, instant, 
mailed at Fort Monroe, and addressed to me, is herewith referred to you, together with a 
paper that accompanied it, bearing the same signature, dated Oct. 6, and addressed to Maj. 
John E. Mulford, assistant agent of exchange. You are authorized and instructed to take 
such action in reference to said papers and the subject-matter to which they relate as you 
may deem best adapted to the relief of our soldiers held as prisoners by the rebels. You 
are also authorized to take any steps that you may deem proper to effect the release and 
exchange of our soldiers and all loyal persons held as prisoners by the rebel authorities. 
It is the desire of the President that no efforts consistent with national safety and honor 
be spared to effect the prompt release of all soldiers and loyal persons in captivity to the 
rebels as prisoners of war, or on any other grounds; and the subject is committed to you 
with full authority to act in the premises as you shall deem right and proper. 

By order of the President : 

Lieut. Gen. Grant. 

(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, p. 662.) 

EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War. 

GEN. HALLECK TO GEN. FOSTER. 

Headquarters, Washington, June 19. 1864. 
Maj. Gen. J. G. Foster, Commanding Dept. of the South: General. The Secretary of 
War authorizes you to exchange any prisoners of war now in your hands, rank for rank, 
or their equivalents, as fixed by the cartel; such exchange being a special one. 

4 H. W. HALLECK. 

GEN. HALLECK TO GEN. CANBY. 
Headquarters of the Army, Washington, Sept. 6, 1864. 
Maj. Gen. Canby, New Orleans: General: * * * I presume that Gen. Grant's 
order to make no more exchanges of prisoners was based on the fact that they gave us 
only such men as they have utterly broken down by starvation, receiving in return from 
us men fit for duty. Every exchange, therefore, gives them strength, without a corre- 
sponding advantage to us. Not so, however, with exchanges made on the battle-field or 
immediately after an engagement. Exchanges of this kind, made man for man, as provided for 
:n the cartel, Gen. Grant did not intend to prohibit. You and the officers under your com- 
mand are therefore at liberty to continue the exchanges in the field, as provided for in the 
last clause of Article 7 of the cartel of July 22, 1862. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

H. W. HALLECK, Major-General and Chief of Staff. 
(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, p. 776.) 



ANDERSONVILLE. 263 

COMMISSIONER OULD TO MAJ. MULFORD. 

War Dept., Richmond, Va., Aug. 10, 1864. 
Maj. John E. Mulford, Assistant Agent of Exchange: Sir: You have several times 
proposed to me to exchange the prisoners respectively held by the two belligerents, officer 
for officer and man for man. The same offer has also been made by other officials having 
charge of matters connected with the exchange of prisoners. This proposal has heretofore 
been declined by the Confederate authorities, they insisting upon the terms of the cartel, 
which required the delivery of the excess on either side upon parole. In view, however, of 
the very large number of prisoners now held by each party, and the suffering consequent 
upon their confinement, I now consent to the above proposal, and agree to deliver to you 
the prisoners held in captivity by the Confederate authorities, provided you agree to de- 
liver an equal number of Confederate officers and men. As equal numbers are delivered 
from time to time they will be declared exchanged. This proposal is made with the under- 
standing that the officers and men who have been longest in captivity will be the first de- 
livered, where it is practicable. I shall be happy to hear from you as speedily as possible 
whether this arrangement can be carried out. Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

RO. OULD, Agent of Exchange. 
(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 578-579.) 

COMMISSIONER OULD TO GEN. HITCHCOCK. 

Richmond, Va., Aug. 22, 1864. 
Maj. Gen. E. A. Hitchcock, U. S. Commissioner for Exchange: Sir: Inclosed is a 
copy of a communication which on the 10th instant I addressed and delivered to Maj. John 
E. Mulford, assistant agent for exchange. [See preceding letter.] Under the circum- 
stances of the case I deem it proper to forward this paper to you, in order that you may 
fully understand the position which is taken by the Confederate authorities. I shall be 
glad if the proposition therein made is accepted by your Government. 
Respectfully your obedient servant, 

RO. OULD, Agent for Exchange. 
(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, p. 667.) 

MAJ. GEN. SAM. JONES TO GEN. FOSTER. 

Hdqrs. Dept. of S. Carolina, Georcia and Florida, 

Charleston, S. C, Aug. 20, 1864. 
Maj. Gen. Foster, Commanding Dept. of the South, Hilton Head: General: * * * 
I am ready at any time to send you every prisoner of war in this department if you will 
give me in exchange an equal number of C. S. prisoners, man for man, rank for rank, or 
their equivalent. * * * 

SAM JONES, Major-General. 
(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, p. 625.) 

ANDERSONVILLE PRISON— OFFICIAL REPORTS. 
REPORT OF GEN. HOWELL COBB. 
Headquarters Georgia Reserves, Macon, Ga., May 5, 1864. 

Gen. S. Cooper, Adjutant-General, Richmond, Va. : General: Under your order to 
inform myself of the condition of the prison at Andersonville with a view of furnishing 
from the reserve corps the necessary guard for its protection and safety I made a visit there 
and have just returned, and now submit the result of my examination. There are now in the 
prison about 12,000 prisoners, in an area of less than eighteen acres, with a stockade around it 
about fifteen feet high. I presume the character of the prison is well understood at Richmond 
and therefore give no description of it. 

The danger of the prisoners escaping is not so great as I had supposed ; with a guard 
of 1,200 men, four pieces of artillery, and a cavalry company all apprehension of escape 
would be quieted. I have arranged to send two regiments of infantry there within the next 
week, which with the detached companies of Colonel Persons' regiment will be an ample 
infantry force. Capt. Gamble's battery is there, but I would recommend that it be returned 
to Florida and Capt. Tillers battery sent in its place. My reason mainly for this recom- 
mendation is that Capt. Gamble's battery is well supplied with horses and they are not needed 
at Andersonville, whereas Capt. Tiller's horses have been so reduced that he is unable to 
move his battery in the field. The exchange of these batteries would be of decided advantage 
to the service. I recommend the cavalry company because its presence would have a salutary 
effect in restraining the prisoners from any attempt to escape, knowing the means were at 
hand to pursue them, and in the event of the escape of any considerable number the cavalry 
would be absolutely necessary to their successful pursuit. 

I took the liberty of making several suggestions for rendering the prison more secure, 
and if the tools could be had I would recommend that the entire prison grounds should be 
surrounded with fortifications, which could be put up by the troops, whose health would be 
promoted by the employment. The most important change is the one suggested in the accom- 



264 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 

panying report of my chief surgeon. Doctor Eldridge; that is, the erection of hospital build- 
ings outside of the prison. Upon that point there can not be two opinions among intelligent 
men. It ought to be done at once, and such is the opinion of every sensible man that has 
examined the prison. The prison is already too much crowded, and no additional prisoners 
should be sent there until it can be enlarged. The effect of increasing the number within the 
present area must be a terrific increase of sickness and death during the summer months. I 
understand that an order has been given for enlarging the prison. If it was possible to 
make another prison it would be much better, for I doubt very much whether the water will 
be sufficient for the accommodation of the increased number of prisoners. The general 
management of the prison under Colonel Persons is good, and he manifests a laudable desire 
to discharge his duties in the most efficient manner. 

The duties of the inside command are admirably performed by Capt. Wirz, whose 
place it would be difficult to fill. 

I still think the rank of the commanding officer of the post should be a brigadier- 
general. In view of the number of troops that will be under his command it seems to me he 
should have that superior rank over those who may be ordered to report to him. 

I take the liberty of inclosing a copy of Doctor Eldridge's report. 

Howell Cobb, Major-General, Commanding, etc. 

(O. R. Ser. 11, Vol. VII. pp. 119-120.) 

REPORT OF SURGEON ELDRIDGE. 

Headquarters Georgia Reserves, Macon, Ga., May 6, 1864. 

Maj. Lamar Cobb, Asst. Adjt. and Insp. Gen., Georgia Reserves, Macon, Ga. : Major: 
In obedience to instructions from Maj. Gen. Howell Cobb, I have the honor to make the 
following report of my visit, in company with the general, to the prison camp at Anderson- 
ville : 

I found the prisoners, in my opinion, too much crowded for the promotion or even 
continuance of their present health, particularly during the approaching summer months. 
The construction of properly arranged barracks would, of course, allow the same number of 
men to occupy the inclosures with material advantage to their comfort and health. At 
present their shelters consist of such as they can make of the boughs of trees, poles, etc., 
covered with dirt. The few tents they have are occupied as hospitals. I found the police of 
the camp throughout very good — as well arranged as their crowded conditions and the 
limited number of shovels would allow. Since necessary tools have been received for ditch- 
ing, etc., which has been very recently, it is proposed to arrange their sinks so that the fecal 
matter may be at once carried away by the stream running through the enclosure, which will 
at once materially improve the condition of the camp. I found the condition of a large 
number of the Belle Isle prisoners on their arrival to be such as to require more attention to 
their diet and cleanliness than to the actual administration of medicines, very many of them 
suffering from chronic diarrhcea, combined with the scorbutic disposition, with extreme 
emaciation as the consequence. The hospital being within the inclosure, it has been found 
impracticable to administer such diet and give them such attention as they require, as unless 
constantly watched such diet as is prepared for them is stolen and eaten by the other prison- 
ers. There is a fine stream within a few hundred yards of the present inclosure, across 
which, in my opinion, there should be made another inclosure, with sufficient hospital build- 
ings, two stories high, to accommodate from 800 to 1,000 patients. Such an inclosure as I 
should suggest — a plank fence ten feet high — would require but very few additional guards, 
which guard appears to be the objection urged at Richmond to separate inclosure. 

The patients upon their admission into the hospital should be well washed, and a pool 
arranged on the side of the stream, and furnished only with a clean shirt, with which 
dress they would hardly attempt to escape. The nurses could be detailed with such dis- 
cretion that but few would attempt to escape, and with frequent roll-calls they would be 
absent but a few hours before detected, and would be readily caught by the dogs, always at 
hand for that purpose. I consider the establishment of a hospital outside of the present 
inclosure as essential to the proper treatment of the sick, and most urgently recommend its 
immediate construction. I would also recommend the construction of as many bathing 
pools within the prison as the stream would warrant, feeling assured, from the appearance 
of the prisoners, that their use would contribute materially to the health of the bathers. 
Other improvements would be suggested but for the difficulty of obtaining labor, tools, and 
materials, but with those above mentioned the urgent necessities of the prison would be 
supplied. The bakery just being completed will be the means of furnishing better prepared 
food, particularly bread, the half-cooked condition of which has doubtless contributed to the 
continuance of the bowel affections. I will add that as far as I have been able to judge 
from my short visit, the management of the medical department of the prison, under the 
direction of Chief Surg. I. H. White, reflects credit upon that officer, who seems well 
qualified for the position he occupies. 
(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, 120-121.) E. J. Eldridge, Chief Surgeon, Georgia Reserves. 





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ANDERSONVILLE. 265 

REPORT OF CAPT. WALTER BOWIE. 

Americus, Ga., May 10, 1864. 

Brig.-Gen. R. H. Chilton, Inspector-General, Richmond, Va. : General : I have the 
honor to report that in obedience to Special Orders, No. 100, Adjutant and Inspector-Gen- 
eral's Office, Richmond, Va., dated 29th of April, I proceeded to Americus, Ga., where I 
arrived on Saturday, the 7th of May. On Monday, the 9th, I visited Andersonville, ten miles 
from Americus, inspected the Federal prisoners at that place, and respectfully submit the 
follownig : 

Prisoners. — The whole number of prisoners received at this prison since it was first 
established on 23d of February, 1864, is 13,218; the number of deaths since that time to this 
date is 1,026; escaped from prison and not recaptured, 5; sent to other posts, 7; total now in 
prison, 12,180. 

The prison is composed of an area of ground sixteen and one-half acres in extent, 
situated on two opposing banks or sides of a stream of water, which furnishes an ample 
supply of good water for drinking and bathing purposes. This area is enclosed by a stockade 
made of heavy pine posts placed vertically in the ground to the depth of five feet and rising 
seventeen feet above it. This inclosure is entered by two strong gates. The space inclosed is 
in the form of a parallelogram approaching very nearly a square. On each side of the 
inclosure upon the top of the stockade, so as to overlook the interior, are arranged eight 
sentry boxes or platforms which are about forty yards distant from each other. The loca- 
tion of the prison ground is elevated and dry except that portion bordering immediately on 
the stream of water and comprising about one-fourth of the whole space inclosed by the 
stockade, which is wet and marshy and in its present condition is altogether unfit for encamp- 
ment ; so that the prisoners really occupy only about twelve acres. The space therefore 
allotted to each man is seven by six feet. 

Capt. H. Wirz. the commander of the prison, is now endeavoring to reclaim this piece 
of wet land by draining and expects to have it completed in a few days so as to make it a 
fit location for tents or barracks. Capt. Wirz informs me that this work would have been 
done sooner, but that he was unable to obtain the necessary implements to do it with. He 
also informs me that just as soon as the drainage is completed he designs constructing at 
the upper end of the stream, inside of the stockade, two dams of different altitudes, the 
upper to collect water for drinking and the lower for bathing purposes. Over the remainder 
of the stream it is designed to construct the sinks. The stream is of sufficient volume and 
velocity to carry off all the deposits. The prisoners are not supplied with barracks or tents 
and have no shelter except such as they have made with their blankets and pine boughs. 
This, I would respectfully suggest, will in my opinion be insufficient during the hot weather 
of the summer months. There being no trees or other protection from the rays of the sun 
and crowded together as they are, it will be necessary to furnish them with tents or other 
more capacious quarters than those now occupied in order that they may be divided off into 
proper streets, admitting a free circulation of air and affording better facilities for the 
enforcing of the necessary police regulations. Col. A. W. Persons, the commandant of the 
post, has engaged 1,000.000 feet of lumber to be sawed near Macon, a portion of which is 
already sawed, and he has collected a considerable quantity of it at the prison for the pur- 
pose of building barracks. He informs me that this would have been done sooner but for 
the want of transportation for the lumber on the railroad and for the lack of proper car- 
penter's tools necessary for building purposes. There are a number of carpenters among the 
prisoners who are perfectly willing to do work which will promote their own comfort. 

Discipline. — Capt. Wirz, the commander of the prison, is very firm and rigid in the 
discipline of the prisoners, and at the same time exercises towards them all proper acts of 
kindness. The whole number of prisoners is divided into detachments of 270 men each. A 
sergeant is appointed for each detachment, whose duty it is to cause the men to fall promptly 
in ranks and to call the roll at 7 a. m. daily. If any one is absent, the sergeant is required to 
report the fact and the cause of his absence immediately to the commander of the prison, a 
failure to do which is severely punished. For facilitating the distribution of rations these 
detachments of 270 are subdivided into messes of 90 each. Those detailed for work outside 
of the stockade or sick in the hospital are marked on the roll books, and as soon as their 
work is completed or they are discharged from the hospital they are returned to the squad to 
which they belong. Absentees from roll call are punished by withholding their day's rations. 
Minor offenses by work, not to exceed two hours. The sergeants are required after roll call 
to carry the sick to the hospital and to return to their quarters those who are not received. 
The prisoners are not allowed to trade with any one except the sutler appointed by the 
commandant of the post. On the inside of the stockade and twenty feet from it there is a 
dead-line established, over which the prisoner is not allowed to go, day or night, under 
penalty of being shot. 

The officer of the day alone is allowed to pass any one inside the stockade, after 
having first ascertained if the person wishing to enter is entitled to do so, or has a pass 



266 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 

from the commandant of the post. Visitors having permission to enter are allowed to 
converse with the prisoners only in the presence of the officer of the day. The officer of 
the day is required to examine every wagon that enters the stockade for the purpose of 
carrying commissary, hospital, or sutler's stores, to ascertain whether they contain any con- 
traband articles. If any prisoner makes his escape and is recaptured he is punished by hav- 
ing attached to him a ball and chain, which is to remain on him until he is exchanged or 
released from prison. All the labor about the prison, including that of clerks, is done by 
prisoners, who are under parole not to attempt to escape while on the outside of the 
stockade. 

Privileges. — The prisoners were, until a few days past, allowed occasionally to go 
outside of the stockade to collect boughs and other articles to build huts, etc., but owing to 
too great an intimacy which sprung up between the prisoners and their guard, the exchanging of 
clothing, etc., the commander found it necessary to withhold this privilege. The prisoners 
are allowed to send and receive letters, subject to the inspection of the prison commander. A 
letter box is placed inside the stockade for the reception of all communications from the 
prisoners. They are also allowed to receive boxes sent them by friends, after their contents 
are carefully examined. Those boxes received for prisoners who have died before their 
arrival are turned over to the surgeon in charge for the use of the hospital. All money that 
a prisoner may have is taken from him and placed in the hands of the quartermaster, and 
with it the prisoner is allowed to buy anything that the sutler is licensed to sell. 

Police Regulations. — Two squads of prisoners of twenty-five men each are detailed 
every day, supplied with shovels, and charged with the duty of removing from the encamp- 
ment all offal, the combustible portion of which is burned and the remainder thrown into the 
ditch through which the stream of water flows. Over each squad one of the number is 
appointed as superintendent, who is required to report daily to the commander of the prison 
any failure of the squad to do their duty, or any violation of police rules. 

Prison Guards. — The strength of the whole guard is : 

57th Regiment Georgia Volunteers, rank and file 625 

A detachment of 55th Regiment Georgia Volunteers, rank and file 153 

A detachment of 26th Regiment Alabama Volunteers, rank and file 288 

Florida battery 127 

Total 1,193 

The battery consists of four guns, two 10-pounders, rifled, and two Napoleon guns. 
The numbers of men detailed for guard duty each day is: Commissioned officers, 7; non-com- 
missioned officers, 16 ; privates, 280 ; total, 303 ; exclusive of artillery. The guard is posted 
as follows : One man in each sentry box on the top of the stockade, forty men at each gate 
in the day and eighty at night. The remainder are posted in a line around and fifty yards 
distant from the stockade. The reliefs not on duty are required to remain at or very near 
their posts. The artillery is posted, a section of two guns on the summit of a hill within 
close range and commanding the gates and one slope of the interior of the inclosure ; the 
other section of two guns is planted in a like manner on another hill commanding the gates 
and the other slope of the prison inclosure — the two sections thus supporting each other and 
commanding perfectly the gates and the whole interior of the prison. All the officers in 
command are of the opinion that the prison is secure as at present guarded, but all ask that 
I will suggest to the department that they believe it would be hazardous to the safety of the 
prisoners to make the contemplated change in the guard by substituting for one of the regi- 
ments now present a regiment of the reserve forces of the State, who are entirely unaccus- 
tomed to guard duty and liable to the numerous diseases that are incident to the commence- 
ment of camp life. 

Commissary department. — This department is amply supplied with all the stores neces- 
sary for the subsistence of the prisoners. A large bakery and other culinary arrangements 
have just been completed of sufficient capacity to cook for the whole number of prisoners 
present. The rations issued to the prisoners are the same as those issued to Confederate 
soldiers in the field, viz: one pound of beef, or in lieu thereof one-third pound bacon and. 
one-quarter pound meal, with an occasional issue of beans or peas, rice, molasses, and vine- 
gar. The rations are now issued, cooked, in bulk to squads of 270 men, who divide them 
among themselves. A small supply of wood is also furnished them in the inclosure to cook 
anything that they may have of their own. Before the completion of the bakery the great 
scarcity of cooking utensils prevented a proper preparation of the food and thus materially 
increased the number of cases in the hospital. The commander of the prison informs me 
that with the addition of two or three more boilers to the present arrangement he can pre- 
pare food for 20,000 men. 

Hospital Department. — The hospital accommodations are extremely indifferent. The 
sick have no buildings or tents — nothing but thirty-five tent flies, and they nearly worn out. 



ANDERSONVILLE. 267 

A portion of the ground inside the stockade is occupied as the hospital, a space entirely 
inadequate to the accommodation of the number of sick, who are crowded in almost as thick 
as they can be placed. The whole number of cases that have been treated since the estab- 
lishment of the prison to the present date is 4,588 ; whole number of deaths, 1,036 ; number 
now in hospital, 582. Beside the number now in hospital the surgeon in charge, Dr. White, 
informs me that there are nearly 500 others under treatment who are not in hospital because 
there are no accommodations for them. The report of the sick and wounded for the month 
of April exhibits a ratio of 316.1 cases and 57.6 deaths per 1,000 of mean strength. The 
average number of deaths per day from the establishment of the prison to the present time is 
13 2-3. 

The number of deaths during the week ending May 8 was 131, making an average of 
18 5-7 per day, thus showing a considerable increase in the mortality during the past week, 
and I am of the opinion that this increase will continue unless a decided improvement is 
made in the hospital accommodations and the comfort of the prisoners. At the earnest 
request of the officers commanding the prison and the surgeon in chief (if I may be allowed 
to do so) I would respectfully suggest that permission be granted the surgeon in charge to 
move the hospital to the outside of the stockade, and that a sufficient number of tents be 
furnished him for the accommodation of 1,000 sick. There is a shady grove within 100 yards 
of the prison which would be an excellent location for a hospital. The reasons urged for 
this change are that the hospital patients are much crowded in their present position ; the 
prisoners with their camp-fires are densely crowded around the hospital, preventing a free 
circulation of air, so necessary to the treatment of diseases, and the frequent forages of the 
well prisoners upon the hospital, rendering it impossible to keep the patients supplied with 
proper comforts. The hospital is divided into two divisions, with a full surgeon in charge of 
each. One of these divisions is subdivided into three and the other into two wards, each 
ward under the care of an assistant surgeon. A sufficient number of nurses and hospital 
stewards for all purposes are detailed from the number of prisoners. There is a surgeon 
appointed each day as professional officer of the day, whose duty it is to see that the hospi- 
tal is well policed, and that the nurses and, stewards discharge their duties promptly and 
efficiently, and this officer is required to make a daily morning report. 

In justice to Dr. White, the surgeon in charge, permit me to say that he seems to at- 
tend faithfully to his duties, and regrets exceedingly that he has been furnished with no 
better hospital accommodations. He attributed the large ratio of death to the lack of vi- 
tality in the subjects, produced by long confinement in prison with its depressing influences 
on the mind. The diseases most prevalent among the prisoners are diarrhea and dysentery. 
There is. about one mile from the prison, a smallpox hospital under the care of one sur- 
geon and one assistant surgeon, and containing only a few cases of smallpox. 

Condition of the Prisoners. — A large majority of the prisoners in their clothing and 
person are extremely dirty, and assign as the reason that they are furnished with a very 
small supply of soap. To the truth of this the commander of the prison testifies, and says 
the commissary has been unable to obtain a sufficient supply. 

General Remarks. — I have been requested by the colonel commanding the post to 
bring to the notice of the Department in Richmond the importance of having a cavalry 
company stationed at the prison, in addition to the present guard, to act as an outpost 
guard, and to pursue and recapture those who may chance to make their escape. He sug- 
gested that this company be organized out of the reserve force of the State. I take pleasure 
in this report in testifying to the ability and efficiency of Capt. Wirz, the commander of 
the prison. His activity and zeal in the discharge of his arduous duties are highly com- 
mendable. In accordance with your request, I shall await further orders at this place. 
Hoping that this report may furnish such information as you may desire. 

Walter Bowie, 

Capt. and Insp. in Adjt. and Insp. General's Dept, Richmond, Va. (O. R. Ser. 
II, Vol. VII, pp. 135-136-137-138-139.) 

Indorsement. 
File. Facts called to Gen. Winder's attention. Hospital removed and other arrange- 
ments ordered. 

REPORT OF CHIEF SURGEON ISAIAH WHITE 
„ . Mav — . 1864. 

Capt. Bowie : I have the honor to submit the following report of the sanitary con- 
dition of the C. S. military prison at Andersonville, Ga. : 

The prison is situated on two opposing banks of a stream, which furnishes an ample 
supply of good water for drinking and bathing purposes. The location is elevated and well 
drained. The soil is sandy, without vegetable mold or other cryptogamous growth likely to 
engender malaria. The prisoners are not supplied with barracks or tents, but most of them 
have provided themselves with little huts made of boughs, making themselves comparatively 
comfortable. This, however, will be insufficient during the extremely hot weather of the 
summer months. There being no trees or other protection from the rays of the sun, and 



268 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 

crowded together as they are, it will be necessary to furnish them with tents, or other more 
capacious quarters than those now occupied, in order that they may be divided off into 
proper streets, admitting free circulation of air, and enforcing the necessary police regu- 
lations. 

At the upper end of the stream it is designed to construct two dams of different alti- 
tudes, the upper for drinking and the lower for bathing purposes. Over the remainder of 
the stream it is designed to construct the sinks. The stream is of sufficient volume and 
velocity to carry off all ordure. The number of cases treated from the foundation of the 
prison up to date has been 4,588 with 1,026 deaths. The report of sick and wounded for 
the month of April exhibits a ratio of 316.1 cases and 57.6 deaths per 1,000 of mean strength. 
Among the first prisoners admitted there was a large ratio of diseases of the respiratory 
system contracted in transit from Richmond during very cold weather, and the majority 
of which resulted fatally, in consequence of the absence of barracks and hospital accommo- 
dations and the emaciated condition of the subjects due to long confinement in prison. The 
diseases now prevailing are simply those of the digestive system, diarrhea and dysentery, 
which have in most instances a scorbutic connection. The rations of the prisoners is the 
same as that issued to Confederate soldiers in the field, viz., one pound of beef, or in lieu 
one-third pound of bacon; one and one-fourth pounds of meal, with an occasional issue of 
beans, rice, molasses and vinegar. 

The bakery and other culinary arrangements have just been completed, and rations 
are now issued cooked, up to which time there had been an inadequate supply of cooking 
utensils, in consequence of which the food was improperly prepared, and increasing the 
number of cases of diarrhea and dysentery. The ratio of mortality is due to the lack of 
vitality in the subjects, produced by long confinement in prison, with its depressing influ- 
ences on the mind. The remedies employed are unassisted by the vis medicatrix naturae, 
without which remedial agencies are powerless. It is also impossible to treat diseases with 
success with the present hospital accommodations. The patients are now treated in tent 
flies, of which there is an inadequate supply. The location of the hospital is also objection- 
able. The prisoners with their camp-fires are densely crowded around the hospital, pro- 
ducing contaminating effluvia and preventing the free circulation of air, so necessary for 
the treatment of disease. In consequence of the forays upon the hospital by the prisoners, 
it is impossible to supply the sick with proper comforts. The drainage from the sinks of 
the prison passing through the hospital grounds is another objection to its location. I 
therefore most respectfully suggest that authority be granted to place the hospital outside of 
the stockade, and that an adequate supply of tents to accommodate 1,000 sick be immediately 
furnished. 
(O. R. Series II, Vol. VII, pp. 124-125.) ISAIAH H. WHITE, Chief Surgeon. 

REPORT OF CAPT. WIRZ. 

Headquarters Commandant of Prison, 
Camf Si-mter, Andersonville, Ga., June 6, 1804. 
Capt. H. D. Chapman, Acting Adjutant of Post: Captain: I most respectfully call 
the attention of the colonel commanding post through you to the following facts: The 
bread which is issued to prisoners is of such an inferior quality, consisting fully of one- 
sixth of husk, that it is almost unfit for use and increasing dysentery and other bowel com- 
plaints. I would wish the commissary of the post be notified to have the meal bolted or 
some other contrivance arranged to sift the meal before issuing. If the meal, such as is 
now, was sifted the bread rations would fall short fully one-quarter of a pound. There is 
a great deficiency of buckets. Rations of rice, beans, vinegar, and molasses cannot be is- 
sued to prisoners for want of buckets, at least 8,000 men in the stockade being without any- 
thing of the sort. If my information is correct, any number of buckets can be got from 
Columbus, Ga., if the quartermaster of the post would make the requisition for the same. 
Hoping that you will give this your attention as soon as possible, I remain, 

II. WIRZ, Captain, Commanding Prison. 
(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, Page 207.) 

REPORT OF CAPT. R. B. WINDER. 

Andersonville, Ga., June 10, 1864. 
Gen. A. R. Lawton, Quartermaster-General, Richmond, Va. : Sir: I would respect- 
fully state that I am in great need of some sheet iron to make some baking-pans to cook 
bread for prisoners of war and cannot get along at all without it. * * * I have tried 
everywhere in Georgia to get this iron but cannot succeed in finding any. Please give this 
matter your immediate attention, as the prisoners are really suffering for the want of these 
pans. I have built two large bakeries and am now constructing a third. We have 22,000 
prisoners here and are now extending the stockade, inclosing two more acres of ground. 
* * * Please answer me by telegraph in regard to this matter, and should you order these 
things shipped from Richmond please have them sent through by express. * * * 

R. B. Winder, Capt. and Assistant Quartermaster. 
(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, p. 222.) 




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ANDERSONVILLE. 269 

WEEKLY RETURN OF ANDERSONVILLE PRISON. 

June 19, Captain H. Wirz, commanding Andersonville prison, issued a return for the 
week, June 13 to 19 inclusive, showing the following: 

"Number prisoners received during the week, 3,595; recaptured, 17; escaped, 27- died 
324; in hospital, 1,222; total on hand, 23,942. (O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, page 381.) 

EXTRACT FROM CAPT. W. H. HAMMOND'S REPORT. 

June 21, Captain W. H. Hammond, Assistant Adjutant General, made the following 
report to Gen. Bragg: 

"Number of prisoners on 20th instant was 23,951. * * * The prison camp is sur- 
rounded by a stockade seventeen feet high, and covers an area of sixteen acres and a half, 
only twelve acres of which can be occupied. It is crowded, filthy and insecure. Average 
rate of mortality during present month has been thirty-six per diem. Additional surgeons 
and 150 hospital tents are immediately needed." (O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pages 392-393. 

EXTRACT FROM CHIEF SURGEON WHITE'S REPORT. 

Accompanying the above report of Capt. Hammond was the report of the chief sur- 
geon of the prison from which the following extract is taken: 

"Your inspection of the prison has no doubt convinced you of the too crowded con- 
dition of the prisoners within the stockade, which, combined with the absence of barrack 
accommodation, is a prolific source of disease. * * * The supply of tents has never 
been adequate to accommodate the number of sick. * * * There are 200 tents of all 
kinds, the majority of which are small picket tents and tent flies, illy adapted to hospital 
purposes. The capacity consistent with comfort does not exceed 800 men, but in conse- 
quence of an inadequate supply, they have been compelled to accommodate 1,020 of the 
worst cases. They are so crowded as to render it necessary to refuse admission to many 
cases who cannot be treated with success in the kind of quarters occupied by inmates of the 
prison." (O. R. Ser. 11, Vol. VII, page 386.) 

EXTRACT FROM GEN. WINDER'S REPORT. 
June 22, Gen. Winder in a communication to Gen. Cooper, adjutant and inspector 
general, said : 

"We have this morning 24,193 prisoners of war and increasing almost daily, larger 
than an army corps. * * * We have this morning discovered a tunnel under the pickets 
14 feet deep and from 90 to 100 feet long. This work will show the desperation of the 
prisoners, and the breaking out of these prisoners would be more disastrous than a defeat 
of the army." (O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, p. 396.) 

PRIVATE ANDERSON TO PRESIDENT DAVIS. 

First Regiment Georgia Reserves, Camp Sumter, June 23. 1864. 
President Jefferson Davis: 

Respected Sir: — Being but a private in the ranks at this place, consequently if I see 
anything to condemn (as I do) I have no power to correct it. Yet as a humane being and 
one who believes that we should "do as we would be done by," I proceed to inform you 
of some things that I know you are ignorant of, and in the first place I will say that I have 
no cause to love the Yankees (they having driven myself and family from our home in New 
Orleans to seek our living amongst strangers), yet I think that prisoners should have some 
showing. Inside our prison walls all around there is a space of about twelve feet wide, 
:alled the dead line. If a prisoner crosses that line the sentinels are ordered to shoot him. 
Now, we have many thoughtless boys here who think the killing of a Yankee will make 
them great men. As a consequence, every day or two there are prisoners shot. When the 
officer of the guard goes to the sentry stand, there is a dead or badly wounded man in- 
variably within our own lines. The sentry, of course, says he was across the deadline when 
he shot him. He is told he did exactly right and is a good sentry. Last Sabbath there were 
two shot in their tents at one shot. The boy said that he shot at one across the dead line. 
Night before last there was one shot near me (I being on guard). The sentry said that 
the yankee made one step across the line to avoid a mudhole. He shot him through the 
bowels, and when the officer of the guard got there he was lying inside their own lines. He 
(the sentry) as usual told him that he stepped across, but fell back inside. The officer told 
him it was exactly right. Now, my dear sir, I know you are opposed to such measures, 
and I make this statement to you knowing you to be a soldier, statesman, and Christian, 
that if possible you may correct such tilings, together with many others that exist here. 
And yet if you send an agent here he will of course go amongst the officers, tell his busi- 
ness, and be told that all is well, but let a good man come here as a private citizen and mix 
with the privates and stay one week, and if he don't find out things revolting to humanity 
then I am deceived. I shall put my name to this, believing that you will not let the officers 
over me see it, otherwise I would suffer, most probably. 

Yours most respectfully, 

P. S. — Excuse pencil. James E. Anperson. 



270 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 

(First Indorsement.) 

July 23, 1864. 
Respectfully referred, by direction of the President, to the Honorable Secretary of 
War. J. C. Ives, 

Colonel and Aid-de-Camp. 
(Second Indorsement.) 

July 23, 1864. 
Adjutant-General : 

Refer to Brigadier-General Winder. 

J. A. Campbell, 
Assistant Secretary of War. 
(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pages 403-404.) 

EXTRACTS FROM CHIEF SURGEON WHITE'S REPORTS. 

June 26, Chief Surgeon White in a report to a superior officer made the following 
statement : 

"The strength of the command having increased to 25,000 men, more than double 
that for which hospital accommodations were prepared, the hospital is filled far beyond its 
healthy capacity. I have tents of all kinds to accommodate 800 men, in which I have been 
compelled to crowd over 1,200, * * * For humanity's sake please assist me in obtaining 
200 tents at once. There are nearly 3,000 sick in the prison, many of whom require hospi- 
tal treatment which cannot be furnished because of the already crowded condition of the 
hospital." (O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pages 417-418.) 

June 30. The following extracts are taken from the report of Chief Surgeon White : 
"In the immediate camp passes a stream of water, the margins of which are low and 
swampy and have recently been drained * * * the result of which has been to expose 
to the rays of the summer sun a large surface covered with decomposing vegetable mat- 
ter. * * * The prison was built to accommodate 10,000 prisoners, in which have un- 
avoidably been placed 26,000, causing them to become so crowded as to prevent a proper 
circulation of atmospheric air. With this crowded condition there is an absence of bar- 
racks or tents, the only protection from the weather being little huts made of boughs, 
blankets and small picket tents. (O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pages 426-427.) 

GEN. WINDER REPORTS NEED OF NEW PRISON. 

July 30, Gen. Winder in notifying the war department of his action towards selecting 
a site for a new prison said : 

"It is verv important to build as soon as possible. We have now 32,235 prisoners of 
war.'' (O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, page 514.) 

RETURN FOR MONTH OF JULY. 

July 31, prison return signed by Capt. Wirz shows: 
"Total number of prisoners on hand July 31, 31,678 with a daily average for the 
month of 29,030; died (luring the month, 1,742, an average of 56 1-5 each day; in hospital, 
1,680; escaped during the month, 20; recaptured, 12; received during the month. 7,064. 
The number escaped from stockade and not recaptured from the first of April to July 31, 
27. The last 7 days of the month average daily death, 75 4-7." (O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, 
page 517.) 

REPORT OF COL. D. T. CHANDLER. 

Anderson, Julv (August) 5, 1^64. 
Col. R. H. Chilton, 

Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General, Richmond : 

Colonel: Having, in obedience to instructions of the 25th of July, ultimo, carefully 
inspected the prison for Federal prisoners of war and post at this place, I respectfully sub- 
mit the following report : 

The Federal prisoners of war are confined within a stockade 15 feet high, of roughly 
hewn pine logs, about 8 inches in diameter, inserted 5 feet in the ground, inclosing, includ- 
ing the recent extension, an area of 540 by 260 yards. A railing around the inside of the 
stockade and about 2o feet from it constitutes the "dead-line," beyond which the prisoners 
are not allowed to pass, and about ZVi acres near the center of the inclosure are so marshy 
as to be at present unfit for occupation, reducing the available present area to about 23% 
acres, which gives somewhat less than 6 square feet to each prisoner. Even this is being 
constantly reduced by the additions to their number. A small stream passes from west 
to east through the inclosure at about 150 yards from its southern limit and furnishes the 
only water for washing accessible to the prisoners. Some regiments of the guard, the 
bakery, and cook house, being placed on the rising ground bordering the stream before it 
enters the prison, render the water nearly unfit for use before it reaches the prisoners. 
This is now being remedied in part by the removal of the cook-house. Under the pressure 



ANDERSONVILLE. 271 

of their necessities the prisoners have dug numerous wells within the inclosure, from 
which they obtain an ample supply of water to drink of good quality. Excepting the edges 
of this stream, the soil is sandy and easily drained, but from 30 to 50 yards on each side 
of it the ground is a muddy marsh, totally unfit for occupation, and having been constantly 
used as a sink since the prison was first established, it is now in a shocking condition and 
cannot fail to breed pestilence. An effort is being made by Captain Wirz, commanding the 
prison, to fill up the marsh and construct a sluice — the upper end to be used for bathing, 
&c, the lower as a sink — but the difficulty of procuring lumber and tools very much retards 
the work and threatens soon to stop it. No shelter whatever, nor materials for construct- 
ing any, has been provided by the prison authorities, and the ground being entirely bare of 
trees, none is within reach of the prisoners, nor has it been possible, from the overcrowded 
state of the inclosure, to arrange the camp within any system. Each man has been per- 
mitted to protect himself as best he can, stretching his blanket, or whatever he may have, 
above him on such sticks as he can procure, thatches of pine or whatever his ingenuity 
may suggest and his cleverness supply. Of other shelter there is and has been none. The 
whole number of prisoners is divided into messes of 270 and subdivisions of P0 men, each 
under a sergeant of their own number and selection, and but one C. S. officer, Capt. Wirz, 
is assigned to the supervision and control of the whole. In consequence of this fact and 
the absence of all regularity in the prison grounds, and there being no barracks or tents, 
there art and can be no regulations established for the police consideration for the health, 
comfort and sanitary condition of those within the inclosure, and none are practicable 
under existing circumstances. In evidence of their condition 1 would cite the facts that 
numbers have been found murdered by their comrades, and that recently, in their desperate 
efforts to provide for their own safety, a court organized among themselves, by authority 
of Gen. Winder, commanding the post, granted on their own application, has tried a large 
number of their fellow prisoners and sentenced six to be hung, which sentence was duly 
executed by themselves within the stockade, with the sanction of the post commander. 
His order in the case has been forwarded by him to the War Department. There is no 
medical attendance furnished within the stockade. Small quantities of medicines are placed 
in the hands of certain prisoners of each squad or division, and the sick are directed to be 
brought out by the sergeants of squads daily at sick call to the medical officers who attend 
at the gate. The crozvd at these times is so great that only the strongest can get access to 
the doctors, the weaker ones being unable to force their way through the press; and the 
hospital accommodations arc so limited that, though the beds (so-called) have all or nearly 
all two occupants each, large numbers who "would otherwise be received are necessarily 
sent back to the stockade. Many — twenty yesterday — are carted out daily, who have died 
from unknown causes and whom the medical officers have never seen. The dead are hauled 
out daily by the wag onload and buried without coffins, their hands in many instances being 
first mutilated with an ax in the removal of any finger rings they may have. The sanitary 
condition of the prisoners is as wretched as can be, the principal causes of mortality being 
scurvy and chronic diarrhea, the percentage of the former being disproportionately large 
among those brought from Belle Isle. Nothing seems to have been done, and but little, if 
any effort, made to arrest it by procuring proper food. The ration is one-third pound of 
bacon and one pound and a quarter unbolted corn-meal, with fresh beef at rare intervals, 
and occasionally rice. When to be obtained,— very seldom — a small quantity of molasses is 
substituted for the meat ration. A little weak vinegar, unfit for use, has sometimes been 
issued. The arrangements for cooking and baking have been wholly inadequate, and though 
additions are now being completed, it will still be impossible to cook for the whole number 
of prisoners. Raw rations have to be issued to a very large proportion who are entirely 
unprovided with proper utensils and furnished so limited a supply of fuel they are com- 
pelled to dig with their hands in the filthy marsh before mentioned for roots, &c. No soap 
or clothing has ever been issued. After inquiry I am confident that by slight exertions 
green corn and other antiscorbutics could readily be obtained. Herewith I hand two reports 
of Chief Surg. White, to which I would respectfully call your attention. The present hos- 
pital arrangements were only intended for the accommodation of the sick of 10,000 men, 
and are totally insufficient, both in character and extent, for the present needs; the number 
of prisoners being now more than three times as great, the number of cases requiring med- 
ical treatment is in an increased ratio. It is impossible to state the number of sick, many 
dying within the stockade whom the medical officers never see or hear of 'till their remains 
are brought out for interment. The rate of deaths has steadily increased from 37.4 per 
i.ono during the month of March last to 62.7 per 1,000 in July. Of the medical officers but 
eleven hold commissions ; nearly all of the others are detailed from the militia, and have 
accepted the position to avoid serving in the ranks, and will relinquish their contracts as 
soon as the present emergency has passed and the militia is disbanded. But little injury 
would result from this, however, as they are generally very inefficient ; and not residing at 
the post, only visiting it once a day at "sick-call," they bestow but little attention to those 
under their care. The smallpox hospital is under the charge of Dr. E. Sheppard, Provi- 
sional Army, C. S. More than half the cases in it have terminated fatally. The manage- 



272 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 

merit and police of the general hospital grounds seem to be as good as the limited means 
will allow, but there is pressing necessity for at least three times the number of tents and 
amount of bedding now on hand. The supply of medicines is wholly inadequate, and fre- 
quently there is none, owing to the great delays experienced in filling the requisitions. 

The guard forces, under the immediate command of Col. Henry Forno, Provisional 
Army, C. S., are composed of Capt. Dyke's company, Florida light artillery, 55th Regiment 
Georgia Infantry, 1st, 2d, 3d and 4th Regiments Georgia Reserves, and Lieut. -Col. Furlow's 
battalion Georgia militia, an aggregate of 3,600 men, of whom 647 are now on the sick 
report. Capt. Dyke's company of artillery is an efficient body of men, well drilled, disci- 
plined and officered. The 55th Georgia is composed of men who were absent from their 
command at the time their regiment proper was captured at Cumberland Gap. They are 
thoroughly demoralized, mutinous, and entirely without discipline, and should be at once 
removed from this point and their places supplied with better troops. The colonel of this 
regiment, C. B. Harkie, though armed at the time, permitted his men to drag him from 
a railroad car and march him up and down the platform of the depot, and to take him 
from his tent, place him on a stump, and compel him to go through the manual of arms 
with a tent pole, and to sign and forward his resignation to the War Department. This last 
he recalled by a telegram from Fort Valley. He has recently rejoined the command, but 
dares not assume command of the regiment. 

The four regiments Georgia reserves have been newly organized, and without any 
effort being made to assign the old and young men to separate regiments, as should have 
been done. A large number are evidently within the ages of eighteen and forty-five, and I 
respectfully recommend that a reliable conscript officer be sent among them. These troops 
are entirely without discipline, and their officers are incapable of instructing them, being 
ignorant of their own duties. I recommend that one competent officer from the Invalid 
Corps be assigned to each regiment as drill officer and instructor. I found their arms in 
serviceable order, but many are lacking bayonets, cartridge boxes and accouterments. Fur- 
low's battalion of Georgia militia, temporarily serving here, is armed with muskets without 
bayonets and accoutrements. Of the whole force there are 452 men entirely without arms. 
As will be seen by the accompanying report of the commandant of the post, there are 
required daily for duty an aggregate of 784 men, and frequent details are required in addi- 
tion. At least 1,000 men more are essentially necessary in order to give the troops their 
proper rest. 

The magazine has not yet been completed and the ammunition is kept partly in the 
commissary store and partly in a tent. I also hand with this a sketch and report of Capt. 
Moreno, of the Engineer Corps, showing the nature of the defenses and the stockades 
being erected. Sixteen pieces of field artillery are now here, some of which are now in 
position; the others will be placed in position as soon as the necssary works can be com- 
pleted ; six pieces more are en route. It is believed no other point in the State offers the 
same advantages of healthy location and facilities for safe-keeping of the prisoners that 
is not more accessible to raids. Nor can I learn that any advantage on the score of cheaper 
subsistence or greater comfort to the prisoners can be gained by removal to any other part 
of this State. I am decidedly of opinion that not over 15,000 prisoners should be kept at 
this point, the running water not being sufficient for more than that number, and because 
it is impossible for one man to exercise a proper supervision over them, and that all over 
that number should be sent elsewhere. At my request a survey of the grounds has been 
made by Col. Harkie, 55th Georgia Regiment, and civil engineer, with a view to drainage. 
His report is herewith submitted, with a recommendation that his plan be carried out by 
the Engineer Department, that being the only one authorized to impress the necessary 
labor. The necessity for it is urgent. I also recommend that a supply of clothing be fur- 
nished for issue to the prisoners and that soap and antiscorbutics be regularly issued to 
them. Attention is also specially invited to the report of Chief Surgeon White relative to 
the construction of barracks and the supply of additional tents for hospital use, and I 
would respectfully suggest that commissioned officers of the medical staff be sent to replace 
the contract physicians and doctors detailed from the militia, and that they be required 
to reside at the post. The transportation of the post is entirely insufficient, and authority 
is needed by the quartermaster to impress wagons and teams and saw mills, when not 
employed by the Government or railroads, and kept diligently occupied, and instructions 
given to the quartermaster in charge ol transportation to afford every facility practicable 
for transporting lumber and supplies necessary for prisons. Bake-pans, or sheet-iron for 
making them, should at once be furnished. The telegraph line should be continued from 
Fort Valley to Andersonville, thirty-one miles. Attention is respectfully called to the 
accompanying copy of an order issued by Brig.-Gen. Gardner to convert all moneys belong- 
ing to prisoners in the hands of the quartermaster at Richmond into Confederate currency, 
and at the prices established by Government without consulting the wishes of the prisoners 
on the subject. It will be seen by the account book forwarded with this that some of these 
claim considerable amounts. The injustice of compelling them to receive our currency 
against their consent is apparent. 




The above cut is reproduced by courtesy of the State of Connecticut. It appeared in 
the published proceedings of the dedication of the state monument at Andersonville in 
memory of the Connecticut soldiers who died in southern military prisons. The granite build- 
ing shown here was erected by the Women's Relief Corps of the (hand Army of the Republic 
over the site of a stream of water that was first discovered by the inmates of Andersonville 
prison immediately after a thunderstorm in August. ISiH. Many of the prisoners attributed it 
as a direct gilt from Providence, and it soon became known as "Providence Spring." 



ANDERSONVILLE 273 

In conclusion, I beg leave to recommend that no more prisoners be sent to this already 
overcrowded prison, and that at the two additional localities selected by Gen. Winder, under 
instructions from Gen. Bragg — the one near Millen, Ga., the other some point in Alabama 
south of Cahaba — arrangements be at once made for the excess over 15,000 at this post, 
and such others as may be captured. Since my inspection was made over 1,300 prisoners 
have been added to the number specified in the reports herewith. With a view of reliev- 
ing to some extent this point as soon as possible, I respectfully suggest that 2,000 of those 
who most need the change, especially the Belle Isle prisoners, be at once sent to Macon 
to occupy the quarters vacated by the Federal officers, that being the greatest number who 
can be properly accommodated with shelter at that prison. 

It is absolutely necessary that the regulations for the government of the prisoners 
be legibly painted on boards and exposed in conspicuous places, say by nailing on the sut- 
ler's shop and on the inner face of the stockade at various points. Those established by 
Capt. Wirz, herewith submitted, are approved, with the exception of paragraph 4, which 
it is recommended shall be stricken out. 

I am, colonel, your obedient servant, 

D. T. CHANDLER, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General. 

(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 546-547-548-549-550.) 

Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, August 18, 1864. 
Respectfully submitted to the Secretary of War. 

The condition of the prison at Andersonville is a reproach to us as a nation. The 
Engineer and Ordnance Departments were applied to for implements, authorized their 
issue, and I so telegraphed Gen. Winder. Col. Chandler's recommendations are concurred in. 
By order of Gen. S. Cooper. 

R. Ff. CHILTON, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General. 
CO. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 546-550.) 

This report discloses a condition of things imperatively demanding prompt and 
decisive measures of relief. The discomforts and sufferings of the prisoners seem almost 
incredible; and the frightful per centum of mortality, steadily increasing until in the month 
of July it had attained the extent of 62.7 per 1,000 appears to be only necessary conse- 
quence of the criminal indifference of the authorities charged with their care and custody. 
No effectual remedy for all these evils seem available so long as the numbers are in such 
large excess over that for which the prison was designed ; but some things can be done 
at once to ameliorate the condition. Colonel Chandler, whose recommendations are approved 
by Colonel Chilton, suggests the relief of General Winder and substitution of some other 
commander. The state of things described in the report cannot 

[Remainder of this indorsement torn from wrapper and lost. From the testimony 
printed in report No. 45, House of Representatives, third session, 40th Congress, p. 133, 
it appears that it was written by Mr. B. R. Wellford, Jr., of the Confederate War Depart- 
ment.] 

(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, p. 551; foot note.) 

Secretary of War : 

These reports show a condition of things at Andersonville which calls very loudly 
for the interposition of the Department in order that a change mav be made. 

J. A. CAMPBELL, Assistant "Secretary of War. 

(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 550-551.) 

Andersonville, August 5, 1864. 

Col. R. H. Chilton, Asst. Adjt. and Insp. Gen. C. S. Army, Richmond, Va. 

Colonel : The following additional report of my inspection at this point is respect- 
fully submitted : 

Col. Henry Forno, in immediate command of the guard forces, deserves special men- 
tion as an active, intelligent, energetic and zealous officer. Capt. Henry Wirz, in immediate 
command of the prison, is entitled to commendation for his untiring energy and devotion 
to the discharge of multifarious duties of his position, for which he is preeminently quali- 
fied. I respectfully concur in the recommendation which has been forwarded by Gen. 
Winder for his promotion, and further recommend that not less than three captains or 
subalterns, especially selected for their fitness for the position, be furnished him as assist- 
ants. Capt. J. W. Armstrong, assistant commissary subsistence, left the post shortly after 
my arrival on sick leave, locking up nearly all his books and papers. I was consequently 
unable to make a satisfactory examination into his affairs. Enough information, however, 
was elicited to show that he is a very inefficient officer and entirely incompetent for the dis- 
charge of the duties of his position, and should at once be removed. Capt. R. B. Winder, 
assistant quartermaster, is an energetic and efficient officer, whose whole time and attention 
are requisite for the duties strictly appertaining to his position. The additional duties 



274 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 

devolved upon him by the instructions from the Quartermaster-General's office, requiring 
him to establish and superintend a large shoe factory, should be imposed on some other 
officer of the department. 

The other staff officers at this post seem intelligent and efficient in the discharge of 
their duties, with the exception of Capt. Samuel T. Baily, assistant adjutant-general, who 
is mentally and physically incapacitated for their performance, and Surg. E. Sheppard and 
Asst. SurgS. R. E. Alexander and A. Thornburgh, who are represented by the chief sur- 
geon as being incompetent and inefficient. 

My duty requires me respectfully to recommend a change in the officer in command 
of the post, Brig.-Gen. J. IT. Winder, and the substitution in his place of some one who 
unites both energy and good judgment with some feelings of humanity and consideration 
for the welfare and comfort (so far as is consistent with their safe keeping) of the vast 
number of unfortunates placed under his control ; some one who at least will not advocate 
deliberately and in cold blood the propriety of leaving them in. their present condition until 
their number has been sufficiently reduced by death to make the present arrangements 
suffice for their accommodation, and who will not consider it a matter of self laudation and 
boasting that he has never been inside the stockade, a place the horrors of which it is 
difficult to describe, and which is a disgrace to civilisation; the condition of which he might 
by the exercise of a little energy and judgment, even with the limited means at his com- 
mand, have considerably improved. 

In obedience to instructions I shall next proceed to the headquarters of the Army of 
Tennessee and request that any communications for me be forwarded there to the care of 
the chief of staff. 

I am, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

D T. CHANDLER, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General. 

(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 551-552.) 

REPORT OF MAJ. CARVEL HALL. 

Wytheville, Nov. 22, 1864. 
Col. R. H. Chilton, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector General, Richmond: 

Colonel : I am surprised to see that Capt. Wirz, commanding prison at Anderson- 
ville, Ga., in his report of 27th of September, makes me responsible for the following: 
"Maj. Hall remarked that it, the prison at Andersonville, was about on a par with the Fed- 
eral prison at Johnson's Island." I did not express any such opinion, nor did I ever use 
any language, which the utmost ingenuity could pervert into such a misrepresentation of 
my conviction. 

The report of inspection of the post and prison at Andersonville, forwarded by Col. 
Chandler, assistant and inspector general, 5th of August, ultimo, was made from him by 
notes taken by both of us on the spot. He consulted with me while preparing it, and as 
you will perceive, the fair copy is in my handwriting. I fully concur in it. Col. Chandler's 
communication to you of this date is also entirely in accordance with my observation of 
the facts and the statements in which reference is made to me and with my full knowledge 
and consent My recollection of Gen. Winder's language, quoted by Col. Chandler and 
Capt. Wirz, relative to the issue of peas, rice, fuel, &c, is clear and distinct. No vestige 
remained of the 1,000 posts to which Capt. Wirz and no allusion to them was made. The 
only hut or other building in the stockade was a small frame house used exclusively as a 
sutler's shop. On each of my visits of inspection to the interior of the stockade I noticed 
a large number of men digging in the marsh for roots and learning their purpose called 
Col. Chandler's attention to the fact. At my request, Capt. Wirz went with me to the 
stockade on one occasion specially to attend "sick-call," as I desired to obtain accurate 
information in regard to the manner of conducting it. 

I am, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

W. CARVEL HALL, Major and Assistant Adjutant-General. 

(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, p. 1156.) 

EXTRACT FROM SURGEON JONES' REPORT. 

Dr. Joseph Jones, a surgeon in the Confederate army and one of the most eminent 
physicians and surgeons of the South, was sent to Andersonville by the Confederate au- 
thorities for pathological investigation. He arrived there in August, 1864, and remained 
several weeks and after careful observation made a voluminous report, which is published 
in full in the Official Records of the War Department, Series II, Volume VI, pages 588- 
632. The following extracts are taken from this report: 

"The waters of the stream issuing from the stockade and hospital are contaminated 
by the excrement filth and offal of the Federal prisoners, and contain not only these mat- 
ters, and various salts resulting from their decomposition, but also numerous maggots, 
animalculae, and cryptogamous plants. As these waters loaded with filth and human excre- 
ment flow sluggishly through the swamp below, filled with trees and reeds, coated with a 
filthy deposit, they emit an intolerable and most sickening stench. Standing as I did over 
these waters in the middle of a hot day in September, as they rolled sluggishly forth from 



ANDERSONVILLE. 275 

the stockade, after having received the filth and excrements of 20,000 men, the stench was 
disgusting and overpowering, and it it was surpassed in unpleasantness by anything, it was 
only in the disgusting appearance of the filthy, almost stagnant waters, moving slowly 
between the stumps and roots and trunks of fallen trees and thick branching reeds and 
vines, with innumerable long-tailed large, white maggots, swollen peas and fermenting ex- 
crements and fragments of bread and meat." * * * In this immediate locality vermin 
and insects of certain species abound to a most unfortunate extent. In this sandy soil fleas 
find a most suitable and healthy habitation and multiply with great rapidity, whilst mos- 
quitoes swarm in untold myriads and render life at night all but intolerable by their ever- 
lasting buzzing and their troublesome bites. It was almost impossible to sleep except under 
nets. During the first night that I slept at this place my face and .hands were thoroughly 
peppered with the bites of these insects, and throughout my stay at Andersonville my face 
appeared as if covered with an eruptive disease. I observed that many of the prisoners 
and Confederate soldiers had been similarly treated by the mosquitoes. * * * The Fed- 
eral prisoners were gathered from all parts of the Confederate States east of the Mis- 
sissippi and crowded into this confined space, until in the month of June the average num- 
ber of square feet of ground to each prisoner was only 32.2 or less than four square 
yards. These figures represent the condition of the stockade in a better light even than 
it really was; for a considerable breadth of land along the stream flowing from west to 
east betwen the hills was low and boggy and was covered with the excrements of the 
men, and thus rendered wholly uninhabitable, and in fact useless for every purpose except 
that of defecation. * * * From the want of proper police and hygienic regulations 
alone, it is not wonderful that from February to Sepember 21, 1864, 9,479 deaths (nearly 
one-third the entire number of prisoners) should have been recorded. * * * The low 
grounds bordering the stream were covered with excrements and filth of all kinds, which, 
in many places, appeared to be alive with working maggots. An indescribable sickening 
stench arose from the fermenting morass of human dung and filth. There were nearly 
5,000 seriously ill Federals in the stockade and C. S. military prison hospital, and the 
deaths exceeded 100 per day, and large numbers of the prisoners who were walking about, 
and who had not been entered upon the sick reports, were suffering from severe and in- 
curable diarrhea, dysentery and scurvy. The sick were attended entirely by their fellow- 
prisoners, appointed as nurses, and as they received but little attention, they were com- 
pelled to exert themselves at all times to attend to the calls of nature, and hence they re- 
tained the power of moving about to within a comparatively short period of the close of 
life. Owing to the slow progress of the diseases most prevalent, diarrhea and chronic dys- 
entery — the corpses were as a general rule emaciated. * * * The sick lay upon the 
bare boards, or upon such ragged blankets as they possessed, without, as far as I observed, 
any bedding or even straw. Pits for the reception of faeces were dug within a few feet 
of the lower floor, and they were almost never unoccupied by those suffering with diarrhea. 
The haggard, distressed countenance of these miserable, complaining, dejected, living skele- 
tons, crying for medical aid and food, and cursing their government for its refusal to ex- 
change prisoners, and the ghastly corpses, with their glazed eyeballs staring up into vacant 
space, with the flies swarming down their open and grinning mouths, and over their ragged 
clothes, infested with numerous lice, as they lay amongst the sick and dying, formed a 
picture of helpless, hopeless misery, which it would be impossible to portray by words or 
by the brush. * * * It was too often that patients were received from the stockade 
in a most deplorable condition. I have seen men brought in from the stockade in a dying 
condition, begrimed from head to foot with their own excrement, and so black from smoke 
and filth that they resembled negroes rather than white men." (O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VI, pp. 
588-632.) 

EXTRACT FROM SURGEON R. R. STEVENSON'S FIRST REPORT. 

Dr. R. R. Stevenson, in his first report to the Surgeon General of the Confederate 
States Army, September 16, 1864, said : 

"The stockade includes twenty-seven acres of ground. A considerable stream of 
water passes through it, running east and west. In this space of ground from 30,000 to 
40,000 prisoners have been crowded ; no protection whatever from the burning rays of the 
sun, except such as could be made from blankets or dirt hovels. Along the banks of the 
stream the ground is quite boggy, and water is continually oozing from the low banks. 
Recently four sheds have been built inside the stockade. These were the beginning of a 
series of barracks capable of accommodating 270 men each. A temporary structure is 
erected on the banks of the stream and is used as a privy. All the inmates of the prison 
use this humid cesspool of excrementitious matter as a privy except the sick, and they are 
compelled to dig small holes near their hovels and use them for the deposit of feces. The 
stream that flows through the stockade overflowed its low swampy banks in the early part 
of the season, and the amount of fecal matter deposited a short distance from the outside 
of the stockade is enormous. At all times of the day and night a most noisome stench 
arises from the decomposing excrementitious matter deposited in the prison and hospital 



276 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 

grounds. From 3,000 to 4,000 sick and wounded men are inside the stockade. The number 
of medical officers is entirely inadequate for the demand of the sick. At present writing 
only four medical officers are on duty, whereas, to take the proper care of the sick and 
wounded there should be not less than twenty-five efficient medical officers, constantly on 
duty in the stockade, in order to meet the wants of the sick and keep the proper register 
and reports. Under the present regime hundreds die in the stockade and are buried whose 
names and diseases are unknown. This can be remedied by no other means than by a 
sufficient corps of medical officers. All the medical officers who have been on duty here 
are detailed men from the militia and contract physicians, and as a matter of course are 
very inefficient. 

"The hospital is situated near the southwest corner of the stockade, covering about 
five acres of ground, inclosed by a frail board fence. A sluggish stream of water flows 
through the southern part of this lot. The ground is sloping and facing the southeast. On 
the southwest side of the inclosure is a swamp about 300 yards in width and on the north- 
west side the stream which flows through the stockade, the banks being very low and sub- 
ject to overflow. From these swamps arise putrid exhalations at times almost insupport- 
able. The hospital is but a short distance from the confluence of the branch and the creek, 
and although on rolling table land, it is much lower than the surrounding country and 
very near where the branch disembogues from the stockade, occupying a position that all the 
surrounding depressing agencies would seem to center in the hospital, as well as the stock- 
ade. On examining the roster I find that twenty-four medical officers are charged to the 
hospital, and yet but twelve are on duty. In order to attend to the wants of the sick and 
wounded not less than thirty efficient medical officers should be on duty in the hospital. 
Confusion will necessarily occur without this number. From 1,800 to 2,500 patients are 
crowded into this space. Tents of a very inferior quality are the only means of protection, 
a majority of them being the small A tents. Temporary bunks are erected in most of them 
by driving forks into the ground and placing small poles or boards to lay on. A great 
number of patients are compelled to lie on the ground in consequence of the smallness of 
the tents. The cooking arrangements are very deficient ; two large kettles erected on a 
furnace are nearly all the vessels that are used. The bread is baked outside of the hos- 
pital in the stockade enclosure. The bread is of the most unhealthy character, being made 
of coarse, unbolted corn-meal. This of itself, under the most favorable circumstances, 
must prove a source of great irritation to the bowels. Scurvy, gangrene, and bowel affec- 
tions are prevailing at present to an alarming extent. The purveyor's department has been 
able to supply nearly all the necessary medicines. The indigenous remedies are being exten- 
sively used with good effect. The medical officers in charge of the different wards and 
divisions are all diligent and seem willing to discharge their duties, although laboring under 
many and great disadvantages. Great efforts have been made to make the stockade secure 
and prevent the escape of prisoners, and but little attention paid to the hygienic and sanitary 
condition of the sick. Surg. I. H. White, chief surgeon post, informed me that timely 
requisitions have been made on the quartermaster's department for the necessary materials 
to make the sick and wounded comfortable, but thus far he has been unable to procure 
anything. Without an arrangement of this kind I very much fear the hospital department 
in C. S. military prison will continue to be neglected." (O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pages 
830-831-832.) 

OFFICIAL REPORT OF INTERMENTS IN ANDERSONVILLE CEMETERY. 

Washington, D. C, Sept. 20, 1865. 
Brvt. Maj. Gen. M. C. Meigs, Quarter-Master General, U. S. A.: General: * * * 

On the morning of the 26th of July [1865] the work of identifying the graves, painting 
and lettering the headboards, laying out the walks, and inclosing the cemetery was com- 
menced, and on the evening of August 16 was completed, * * *. The dead were found 
buried in trenches, on a site selected by the rebels, about 300 yards from the stockade. The 
trenches were from two to three feet below the surface, and in several instances, where the 
rains had washed away the earth, but a few inches. Additional earth was, however, thrown 
on the graves, making them of still greater depth. 

* * * 

U. S. soldiers while prisoners had been detailed to inter their companions, and by a 
simple stake at the head of each grave, which bore a number corresponding with a similar 
numbered name upon the Andersonville hospital record, I was enabled to identify and mark 
with a neat tablet, similar to those in the cemeteries at Washington, the number, name, rank, 
regiment, etc., and date of death, of 12,461 graves, there being but 451 which bore the in- 
scription "Unknown U. S. Soldiers." 

* * * 

On the morning of the 17th of August, at sunrise, the Stars and Stripes were hoisted 
in the center of the cemetery, when a national salute was fired and several national songs 
were sung bv those present. * * * 

"JAMES M. MOORE, Captain and Assistant Quarter Master U. S. Army. 

(O. R. Ser. Ill, Vol. V, pp. 310-322.) 



FLORENCE. 277 

FLORENCE PRISON— OFFICIAL REPORTS. 
REPORT OF LIEUT. COL. W. D. PICKETT. 

Florence, S. C, October 12, 1864. 
Lieut. Gen. Hardee, Commanding Department : 

General : I have the honor to make the following report of the conditions of the 
Federal prisoners of war now confined near this post: 

Col. G. P. Harrison is in command of the prisoners as well as the troops on duty 
here guarding them. He has had charge of them only since they were removed to this 
point, about four weeks, and has, I am satisfied, used commendable energy in constructing 
the stockade and in improving the condition of the prisoners. The stockade in which most 
of the prisoners are confined is located about one mile and one-half from this point, in a 
healthy position, and with a bold, running branch of pure water running through its center. 
The area embraced in the stockade is twenty-three and a half acres, of which about six 
acres near the branch is swampy and unsuitable for an encampment. The location on the 
whole is a healthy one. 

The total number of prisoners is 12,3(52, in which are numbered 860 sick in hospital 
and 20 men out on parole. This number does not include men who have taken the oath 
of allegiance and enlisted in the service of the Confederate States. The stockade with 
platform for artillery at each angle will be finished in about one week. With proper vigi- 
lance on the part of sentinels the prison will be secure. 

The condition of these prisoners has not been much misrepresented. The great ma- 
jority of them look emaciated and sickly and are full of vermin, and filthy in the extreme. 
Three-fourths of them are without blankets and almost without clothing. Few have a 
change of underclothing. As a consequence, there is a great deal of suffering these cool 
nights and much additional sickness must follow. Most of them have erected temporary 
shelters, which will protect them to some extent from rain and dew until better shelters 
can be constructed. The principal diseases are scurvy and diarrhea, which carry off from 
twenty to fifty per day. The present sick list is 785. The hospitals are made of the boughs 
of trees, are of temporary character, and will afford very little protection from rain. There 
has been very great want of medical attention ; there is only one medical officer assigned 
them, whereas I am told ten are required for that number of men. 

The present ration issued, as fixed by the Commissary-General for all prisoners of 
war, is one and one-fourth pounds of meal, or its equivalent in peas and rice, and three 
gills of molasses. The commissary tells me he has been unable to furnish all the rations 
of molasses. Regulations are in force for the proper distribution of the ration to the men. 
The above shows, in a few words, the general condition of the prisoners. For the im- 
provement of their condition I would make the following suggestions : 

First. The Federal authorities should be informed of the condition of their men in 
regard to clothing and blankets, and they be requested to supply this very urgent demand. 
I understand there are 5,000 suits now in Charleston for them, but none have yet been 
received. They should receive at least one blanket and one suit of clothes for each man. 

Second : The requisite amount of medical officers and medical supplies should be at 
once furnished — say nine additional surgeons with proper supplies of medicine. 

Third : There is an entire want of cooking utensils, which should at once be sup- 
plied. They have not sufficient utensils with which to draw their rations. 

Fourth : Shelters of a permanent character should be at once constructed. Sawed 
lumber, I understand, cannot be had in time. As a substitute, I have directed Col. Harrison 
to construct shelters out of clapboards, and by a plan that will economize room. This work 
can be done in a short space of time and altogether by the prisoners. The only tools re- 
quired will be 200 axes and about 50 froes. Shelters on this plan can be erected before cold 
or inclement weather sets in. The quartermaster's department is very deficient in supplies. 
Eight or ten wagons are urgently required for hauling wood and supplies for the post. 

The garrison of this post consists of five battalions of "reserve troops" (about 1,200 
effective men), the Fifth Georgia Regiment detachment from artillery companies stationed 
around Charleston, and one small company of cavalry; in all, about 1,600 effective men. 
There is also one battery of light artillery. The artillery detachments have been ordered 
back to their commands. I think the 5th" Georgia Regiment should remain a short time 
until the "reserve forces" can be somewhat instructed in guard duty ; they are as yet very 
badly instructed. 

I have inspected the recruits to our service from the Yankee prisoners. They are 
mostly foreigners, and are generally good-looking men, and I doubt not will make good 
soldiers. They are woefully destitute in clothing and blankets, and their wants should be 
at once supplied. I recommend that they at once be placed in the field, either as an organi- 
zation or scattered in old commands I understand several hundred more foreigners can 
be enlisted, and if you will take Western men 1,500 or 2,000 more can be enlisted. About 



278 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 

fifty of those already enlisted are old gunners and seamen, and are anxious to go in the 
navy. I recommend that they be allowed to do so. I enclose a list of mechanics among the 
"recruits." Respectfully submitted, 

W. D. PICKETT, Lieutenant-Colonel and Inspector-General. 
(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 972, 973, 974.) 

SABINA DISMUKES TO PRESIDENT DAVIS. 

Statesburg, S. C, Oct. 12, 1864. 
Dear Sir: 

Inclosed you will find an account of the terrible sufferings of the Yankee prisoners 
at Florence, S. C. In the name of all that is holy, is there nothing that can be done to re- 
lieve such dreadful suffering? If such things are allowed to continue they will most surely 
draw down some awful judgment upon our country. It is a most horrible national sin that 
cannot go unpunished. If we cannot give them food and shelter, for God's sake parole 
them and send them back to Yankee land, but don't starve the miserable creatures to death. 
Don't think that I have any liking for the Yankee ; I have none. Those near and dear to 
me have suffered too much from their tyranny for me to have anything but hatred to them, 
but I have not yet become quite brute enough to know of such suffering without trying to 
do something, even for a Yankee. 

Yours respectfully, 

SABINA DISMUKES. 

(For the Sumter Watchman.) 
CORRESPONDENCE TO SUMTER WATCHMAN. 
THE PRISONERS AT FLORENCE. 
Mr. Editor: It may not be uninteresting to your numerous readers to hear some- 
thing from the Yankee camp at Florence. Your correspondent went over, upon the sum- 
mons of one of those ominous O. B.'s which the times have made more familiar than agree- 
able, to take a drove of cattle to the camp. Our party had in charge animals of all sizes, 
sexes, and conditions, from the patriarch of the herd, whose seamed and wrinkled front 
bore the marks of many a bloody battle, to "old crumpie,'' who had served her day at the 
milk pail, and whose constitution was evidently unable to stand the blasts of another March. 
We lost three on the way; two straggled and one fell from exhaustion. The buzzards after 
all were not cheated of their long expected prey. The country through which we traveled 
is "flat, stale and unprofitable." The crops are poor, and every cotton field destroyed by 
the "army worm," as if in imitation of its more intelligent namesake. No object of curios- 
ity was encountered on the way, unless we take into account the "long bridge," over what 
the natives call "Spawa Swamp." Most of the houses were uninhabited, with fences and 
outbuildings going to ruin. 

No product now the barren fields afford, 

But men and steel, the soldiers and his sword. 

The camp we found full of what were once human beings, but who would scarcely now 
be recognized as such. In an old field, with no inclosure but the living wall of sentinels 
who guard them night and day, are several thousand filthy, diseased, famished men, with 
no hope of relief except death. A few dirty rags stretched on poles give some of them 
a poor protection from the hot sun and heavy dews. All were in rags and barefoot and 
crawling with vermin. As we passed around the line of guards I saw one of them brought 
out from his miserable booth, by two of his companions, and laid upon the ground to die. 
He was nearly naked. His companions pulled his cap over his face and straightened out 
his limbs. Before they turned to leave him he was dead. A slight movement of the limb 
and all was over. The captive was free ! The commissary's tent was near one side of the 
square, and near it the beef was laid upon boards preparatory to its distribution. This 
sight seemed to excite the prisoners as the smell of blood does the beasts of a menagerie. 
They surged up as near the lines as they were allowed, and seemed in their eagerness about 
to break over. While we were on the ground a heavy rain came up, and they seemed 
greatly to enjov it, coming out a puris naturalibus, opening their mouths to catch the drops, 
while one would wash off another with his hands and then receive from him the like kind 
office. Numbers get out at night and wander to the neighboring houses in quest of food. 

From the camp of the living we passed to the camp of the dead— the hospital ; a 
transition which reminded me of Satan's soliloquy: 

Which way I fly is hell; myself am hell; 
And in the lowest deep, a lower deep, 
Still threat'ning to devour me, opens wide. 

A few tents, covered with pine tops, were crowded with the dying and the dead, in 
every stage of corruption. Some lay in prostrate helplessness; some had crowded under 



FLORENCE. 279 

the shelter of the bushes; some were rubbing their skeleton limbs. Twenty or thirty of 
them die daily, most of these, as I was informed, of the scurvy. The corpses lay by the 
roadside waiting for the dead cart, their glassy eyes turned to heaven, the flies swarming 
in their mouths, their big toes tied together with a cotton string, and their skeleton arms 
folded on their breasts. You would hardly know them to be men, so sadly do hunger, 
disease, and wretchedness change "the human face divine." Presently came the carts. 
They were carried a little distance to trenches dug for the purpose, and tumbled in like 
so many dogs; a few pine tops were thrown upon the bodies, a few shovelfuls of dirt, and 
then haste was made to open a new ditch for other victims. The burying party were 
Yankees, detailed for the work ; an appointment which, as the sergeant told me, they con- 
sidered as a favor, for they get a little more to eat, and enjoy fresh air. 

Thus we saw, at one glance, the three great scourges of mankind — war, famine, and 
pestilence; and we turn from the spectacle sick at heart, as we remember that some of our 
loved ones may be undergoing a similar misery. 

"Man's inhumanity to man makes countless millions mourn." 

Soon 8,000 more will be added to their number, and where the provisions are to 
come from to feed this multitude is a difficult problem. Five thousand pounds of bacon or 
10,000 pounds of beef daily seems, in addition to more urgent drafts upon her, far beyond 
the ability of South Carolina. 

The question is : Are we not doing serious injury to our cause in keeping these pris- 
oners to divide with us our scanty rations? Would it not be better at once to release them 
on parole? HOWARD. 

First Endorsement. 

Respectfully referred by direction of the President, to the Honorable Secretary of 
war. BURTON N. HARRISON, 

(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 976-977.) Private Secretary. 

REPORT OF MAJ. JOHN C. RUTHERFORD. 

Headquarters, Post Richmond, Va.. Nov. 5, 18fi4. 

Maj. Garnett Andrews, Assistant Adjutant General: Major: I have the honor to 
make the following report of the military prison at Florence, S. C. : * * * 

The prison consists of a stockade made of heavy pieces of timber set upright in the 
ground from three to four feet deep, surrounded with a ditch about five feet deep and 
seven wide, with the dirt thrown up against the stockade, making a walk for the sentinels 
about three feet from the top of the palisades. The stockade is 1,400 feet long and 725 
feet wide, inclosing about 23% acres, about six acres of which is swamp and cannot be 
used for camping prisoners. A large branch runs through the stockade, the upper part of 
which is used for washing and drinking, and the lower part carries off the filth from the 
sinks. 

The grand total, including the paroled and those in hospitals, is 11,424; On paroled 
and 599 in hospital. The majority of those paroled are confined within the limits of half 
a mile from stockade; others employed as blacksmiths, etc., in Florence are allowed a much 
larger limit, the stockade being about two miles from the town. Others are used in the 
commissary department as laborers, etc. Prisoners appear to be emaciated and in bad 
health, perhaps the inevitable result of prison life. They receive very little meat, but are 
subsisted on sorghum sirup and meal. On the day of inspection meat was being distributed 
— fresh beef — but I was informed by the authorities that meat rations was seldom issued. 
Prisoners do their own cooking and are very poorly provided with cooking utensils, com- 
pelling those without to trade off a portion of their rations for the use of pots, ovens, etc. 
Prisoners made great complaint of scarcity of wood. Wood is cut and brought by the 
prisoners and then distributed to the prison. A large quantity of wood was ready for dis- 
tribution on the day of inspection, hence I consider the complaint as only temporary. 

Prisoners have a shelter only such as they may have constructed for themselves. 
Small huts, built partly of wood and dirt, of every variety and form, some over holes dug 
in the ground, with little dirt chimneys — some comfortable and others very uncomfortable — 
constitute the interior of the prison. The prison hospital, improperly so-called, is situated 
inside of the stockade, and is simply separated from the rest of the prison by a pole-fence. 
It would require a very close examination to discover any more comfort in the hospital 
than in the regular prison, the only shelter being such rude huts as have already been de- 
scribed. A rough frame-work was in a state of completion, capable of holding about 100 
prisoners, which will provide more effectually for the comfort of the sick. With very 
little additional expense the condition of these prisoners could be very much ameliorated. 
I would recommend that logs be hauled in the prison ; the prisoners could then very easily 
construct houses for themselves. They are very poorly provided with blankets, and will 
suffer a great deal from cold and exposure this winter. Our government cannot furnish 
blankets, hence I have recommended that material be furnished them for constructing 
houses. * * * 

JOHN C. RUTHERFORD, Captain and Assistant Adjutant General. 

(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 1097-1098.) 



280 CONFEDERATE PRISON LIFE 

REPORT OF BRIG. GEN. JOHN H. WINDER. 
Hdqrs. Prisons East of the Mississippi, Salisbury, N. C, Dec. 13, 1864. 
Gen. S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General. Richmond, Va. General : I have the 
honor to report that having inspected at Florence, from whence my last communication 
was dated, * * * The site itself is entirely unfit for the purpose, as about one-fourth or 
more, probably one-third, is an impracticable morass, and cannot, without more labor and 
expense than building a new stockade, be in any manner reclaimed, as it would require the 
whole of the soil on the dry parts for three or four feet to cover the morass of marsh, and 
when covered would not be fit for use. * * * The ratio of mortality at Florence and 
Salisbury exceeds, I think, that at Andersonville. * * * 
(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 1219-1221.) JOHN H. WINDER, Brigadier-General. 

REPORT OF COL. H. FORNO. 

Columbia, S. C, Jan. 27, 1865. 

Brig. Gen. J. H. Winder, Commissary General of Military Prisons : General : In 
obedience to Special Orders, No. 15, of January 23, I have the honor to report the results 
of an inspection made by me of the military prison at Florence, S. C. The general disci- 
pline is perfectly satisfactory; everything in the interior of the stockade exhibits great 
energy and tact. The hospital department is ample and comfortable, and the patients are 
well cared for. The subsistence department is entirely deficient, and the ration issued daily 
amounts almost to starvation. There has been but two issues of meat in the last two months 
and scarcely ever sirup. This will be better explained by document marked A, from Lieut. 
Col. Iverson ; commanding prison. 

There is no officer of the Quartermaster's Department at this prison nor any transpor- 
tation, and the laborers (prisoners) are compelled to carry the timber for the construction 
of buildings necessary for the public use on their shoulders fully one mile. * * * The 
number of prisoners are as follows: In the stockade, 6,845; paroled to work, 156; in hospi- 
tal, 537 ; total, 7,538. * * * 

H. FORNO, Colonel Provisional Army. 

INDORSEMENT OF GEN. WINDER. 
[First Indorsement.] 

Columbia, S. C, June 28, 1865. 
Respectfully referred to Adjutant and Inspector General and attention asked to report 
on Subsistence Department. The ration to prisoners is very small and insufficient. Great 
inconvenience is felt from not having an assistant commissary of subsistence to the prisoners. 
I find that where we have to depend upon the staff officers of the posts we can get nothing 
but what is forced out of them. 

JOHN H. WINDER, Brigadier-General. 

INDORSEMENT OF COMMISSARY GENERAL. 
[Fourth Indorsement.] 

Subsistence Bureau, Feb. 4, 1865. 
Respectfully returned to Adjutant and Inspector General. Unless more money is fur- 
nished the bureau it will be impossible to continue to issue the present ration to prisoners 
of war, much less to increase it. 

L B. NORTHROP, Commissary-General. 

INDORSEMENT OF SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 
[Seventh Indorsement.] 

Feb. 18, 1865. 
Respectfully returned to the Honorable Secretary of War. Every effort is being made 
to supply the necessary funds for the pay of our returned prisoners. The means at the com- 
mand of the Treasury is extremely limited, and no provision has yet been made by Congress 
for the replenishment of the Treasury. 

G. A. TRENHOLM, Secretary of the Treasury. 

REPORT OF LIEUT. COL. JNO. F. IVERSON. 
[Inclosure, A.] 
Hdqrs. Florence Military Prison, Near Florence, S. C, Jan. 26, 1865. 
Col. H. Forno, Inspector Military Prisons, South Carolina : Colonel : I have the 
honor to state that the post commissary is issuing the following rations to the prisoners at 
this prison : One pound of meal, one-third pound of peas, three pounds of salt per 100 
rations per day. No soap, tobacco, or meat is issued, except one-half pound of beef per day 
to men who do duty as laborers on Government work. These rations are, in my judgment, 
totally insufficient for the sustenance of the prisoners, and I respectfully urge that, if pos- 
sible, the rations be increased. 

JNO. F. IVERSON, Lieut. Col. Comdg. 
(O. R. Ser. II, Vol. VII, pp. 137-139.) 



BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH. 281 

OFFICIAL REPORTS OF GEN. WESSELLS AND LIEUT. LUCIEN A. 
BUTTS ON THE BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH, N. C, APRIL 20, 1864. 

Cooperstown, N. Y., August 18, 1864. 
General: I have the honor to inform you that on the 20th of April I was compelled 
to surrender the post of Plymouth, N. C, to a superior rebel force, and I now report to 
you the circumstances as follows : 

For some months previous to the date above mentioned, I felt satisfied from informa- 
tion derived from various sources that a vigorous effort on the part of the enemy would 
be made to wrest the state of North Carolina from our possession. This opinion was 
expressed to you in frequent communications, with the hope that the military force would 
be strengthened and that at least one iron-clad gunboat would be added to the naval 
squadron for the protection of the sounds and rivers. My expectations were fully con- 
firmed by the movement of Gen. Pickett upon New Bern in February, and, although this 
attempt resulted in failure, the enemy still remained in strong force along the line of the 
Neuse. evidently with further designs. During the month of April, conflicting reports were 
brought as to the movements of the enemy; at one time he was said to be concentrating 
on the Roanoke, at another on the Tar river, threatening both Plymouth and Washington, 
when, on the 13th, my information was so positive as to the former, that I at once requested 
from the department headquarters direct, a reinforcement of 5,000 men, believing that they 
could not be spared from the North Carolina stations. 

On the 16th, the gunboat Tacony, Lieut. -Com. Truxton, arrived from New Bern, 
and having in the meantime learned that no considerable force of the enemy was on the 
Roanoke, but rather threatening Washington from some point on the Tar river, I per- 
mitted him to return on the following morning, April 17th, and this decision is to be 
regretted. At 4 o'clock of that day (April 17th), the extreme mounted patrol on the 
Washington road was captured by an advance guard of the enemy's cavalry, and the 
cavalry outpost dispersed and driven in ; a reinforcement under Lieut. Russell, 12th N. Y. 
Cavalry, was also compelled to retire, bringing away that officer severely wounded. The 
infantry outposts were at once strengthened, and the enemy soon began to appear on the 
Washington road in great force, having made a forced march of nearly 30 miles, in hopes 
of making a complete surprise. This design failed, as our line of skirmishers remained 
steady. Fort Gray, 2 miles above and on the river bank, was assailed at the same time, 
sustaining until dark a heavy cannonade. The garrison, composed of detachments of 85th 
N. Y. Vols, and 2d Mass. Heavy Artillery, Capts. Brown and Fiske, though much annoyed 
by sharpshooters, returned the fire of the enemy with great vigor, and, with the exception 
of a few casualties, no impression was made on the work. The line of defense extended 
from Fort Gray to the crossing of Coneby creek, below the town, a distance of 2% miles, 
the former being detached work, separated from the main line by Welch's creek and its 
marsh. The garrison was distributed along this line and was composed as follows : 

16th Conn. Vols., Col. Francis Beach ; 40o effective men. 

85th N. Y. Vols., Col. E. H. Fardella ; 450 men. 

101st Penna. Vols., Lieut. Col. A. W. Taylor ; 300 men. 

103d Penna. Vols., Col. T. F. Lehmann ; 400 men. 

24th N. Y. Ind. Battery. 6 guns, Capt. Cody. 

Detachment from Cos. A and F, 12th N. Y. Cavalry, Capt. Roche 

Two companies 2d Mass. Heavy Artillery, Capt. Sampson. 
The latter being distributed in small detachments in several earthworks. There were 
also present portions of two companies, 2d North Carolina Vols., native troops, under 
Capts. Johnson and Hoggard. The naval force at that time consisted of gunboats Miami, 
Lieut. Com. Chas. W. Flusser, U. S. Navy, one of Kentucky's most noble and chivalrous 
sons ; Southfield, Lieut. French ; volunteer service with smaller boats, Whitehead and 
Ceres, the whole under the direction of Capt. Flusser. 

It was the design of Capt. Flusser to fight this formidable antagonist in the river 
with his own boat lashed to the Southfield, running in at close quarters, whilst the White- 
head was to use every effort to disable her propeller, and great confidence was felt as to 
the result of this plan. 

The line of defense surrounding the town was divided into three nearly equal por- 
tions, the right commanded by Col. Fardella, the center by Col. Lehmann, the left subdivision 
being under the direction of Col. Beach. The 85th Redoubt, so named from the regiment 
by which it was constructed, was a small detached work in front of the right, garrisoned 
by detachments of 2d Mass. Heavy Artillery and the 85th N. Y. Vols., commanded by Capt. 
Chapin, of the latter regiment. 

Until dark of the 17th, sharp skirmishing was kept up on the Washington road, 



282 Ob FICIAL REPORTS. 

extending across the fields nearly to the Acre road [Lee's Mills], but without any impor- 
tant results, and the night was passed in comparative quiet. The enemy was too strong to 
attempt a sortie with any hope of success. 

On the following morning (l^th;, at daylight, a severe cannonade was opened against 
Fort Gray, resulting in some fatal casualties, but the garrison remained firm, replying 
vigorously to the enemy's fire. The 200-pounder in Battery Worth was also brought to 
bear in that direction, but without any decided effect. The armed transport, Bombshell, 
in communicating with Fort Gray, received several shots below her water line, being barely 
able to return to town, when she sank at the wharf. The transport Massasoit made two 
trips to Roanoke Island, carrying away a large number of children and women, contrabands 
and other non-combatants. The gunboat Ceres, being above Fort Gray at the time of its 
imcnt, passed down the river under a destructive fire and rejoined the squadron with 
a loss of '.) men killed and wounded. During the whole of this day incessant skirmishing 
was maintained along and between the main approaches in front of the town, at a distance 
of 1,200 yards from the line of defense, but soon after sunset the enemy advanced his 
batterii I, supported by an overwhelming force, and appearances indicated a general attack. 

' >nr line of skirmishers fell back, firing, in good order, and the enemy, under cover 
of darkness, opened a furious cannonade upon the town in every direction. This fire was 
replied to by Capt. Sampson from Fort Williams with great coolness and precision, inflicting 
heavy damage and loss upon the enemy. Finding our front too well prepared for an 
assault, the attack was discontinued at about 8 o'clock and the attention of the enemy 
directed upon the 85th Redoubt. This work, after a desperate resistance, was surrendered, 
and, as 1 have understood, under a threat of no quarter. Its gallant commander, Capt. 
Chapin, 85th N. Y. Vols., fell nobly at his post, and Col. Mercer, commanding the attacking 
column, was killed. No report has been received in regard to this transaction, and I am 
therefore unable to detail the circumstances attending either the attack or the surrender. 
A demand was then made for the surrender of the town, which was declined. 

On the following morning (April 19th), at 3 o'clock, the enemy again opened upon 
Fort Gray, and soon after, under cover of night and the shadows of the trees on the 
opposite bank, the iron-clad ram Albemarle passed down unnoticed and without injury 
from the 200-pounder in Battery Worth She was immediately engaged by the Miami and 
Southfield, I have no particulars in regard to this conflict, but the Southfield was soon 
sunk by the collision, and Lieut. Com. Flusser fell on his own quarterdeck with a lanyard 
in his hand. In the death of this accomplished sailor, the navy has lost one of its 
bright) l ornaments, and he will be long remembered by those who knew and loved him 
for bis intellectual worth, his social qualities, and his manly bearing. 

The wooden gunboats being unable to contend with so securely mailed an antagonist, 
moved down the river, leaving it in full possession of the enemy. He was now on every 
side of the town, and this unlooked for disaster created among the troops a moral effect 
oi the mo i .li .-on raging charade! Hitherto everj hardship and exposure met with cheer 
fulness and confidence. A series of covered excavations bad been constructed along the 
line, affording shelter under heavy lire, causing my loss to be comparatively slight. During 
the day the enemy planted a battery near the 85th Redoubt, and, partly covered by that 
work, opened fire upon the town. The Albemarle also opened from below; both were 
returned from Fori Williams and Battery Worth, but without effect. The enemy was very 
aeiive, moving in different directions, withdrawing most of his force from the vicinity of 
I oil dray and apparently making a serious demonstration on my right. Skirmishing was 
severe in that quarter, and many casualties occurred on both sides. This state of things 
continued until dark, when the enemy in strong force succeeded in effecting the crossing of 
i oneby creek below the town, and massed bis column on my left. This disaster is unex- 
plained and placed me in a most critical position. Some changes were made during the 
night in the disposition of the troops, and arrangements made to repel attack on both 
righl and left. 

At daylight on the following day, April 20th, while my right and front were most 
seriously threatened, the enemy advanced rapidly against my left, assaulting and carrying 
the line in that quarter, penetrating the town along the river and capturing Battery Worth. 
A line of infantry was formed from the breastworks perpendicularly towards the river, 
in hopes of staying the advance. This effort succeeded for a time, but the troops seemed 
discouraged, and finally fell back to the intrenchments. At the request of Gen. Hoke, com- 
manding the rebel forces, a personal interview was granted, at which a surrender was 
demanded in consideration of my untenable position, of the impossibility of relief, and the 
defense had been highly honorable to all concerned. In failure of this, indiscriminate 
slaughter was intimated. The bearing of Gen, I loke during this interview was courteous 
and soldierlike. Mis demand was refused, and preparations were made to renew the 
contest I was completely enveloped on every side, Fort Williams, an enclosed work in 
the center, being my only hope. This was well understood by the enemy, and in less than 
an hour a cannonade of shot and shell was opened upon it from different directions. This 
terrible fire had to be endured without reply, as no man could live at the guns. The breast- 



BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH. 283 

height was struck by solid shot on every side, fragments of shells sought almost every 
interior angle of the work, the whole extent of the parapet was swept by musketry, and men 
were killed and -wounded even on the banquette slope. 

A covered excavation had been previously constructed, to which the wounded were 
conveyed, where they received efficient medical attention. This condition of affairs could 
not long be endured without a reckless sacrifice of life; no relief could be expected, and in 
compliance with the earnest desire of every officer I consented to hoist a white flag, and at 
10 A. M. of April 20 I had the mortification of surrendering my post to the enemy with all 
it contained. It is to be remarked that during the siege, and in the night, a considerable 
number of North Carolina soldiers (many of them deserters from the enemy, and all of 
them fearing bad treatament in the event of capture) left their companies without authority, 
escaping in canoes, being picked up, as I understood, by boats in the sound. 

The foregoing statement is made after an interval of four months, entirely from 
memory, not having received a single report from my subordinate officers. Most of them 
are still in captivity, and the others scattered over the country beyond my control ; in fact, 
they have had no opportunity, until now, to perform this duty. Myself and officers were 
plundered of all our effects, except such as were upon our persons ; in every other respect, 
I was treated by Gen. Hoke and his officers with kindness and courtesy. 

For the reason stated above, I am unable to report the losses on either side, but have 
reason to believe that my own casualties did not exceed 150, while from information derived 
by medical officers who remained in Plymouth the lowest loss of the enemy in killed and 
wounded is given at 850 ; many believe it to be far greater. With my personal staff I was 
at once separated from the troops, and on Saturday, the 23d, I was conveyed to Richmond 
via Weldon and Petersburg, and then confined in Libby Prison April 26th. The enlisted 
men with regimental officers were marched to Tarboro and thence by rail to Macon and 
Andersonville, Ga. On the 7th of May, in company with 850 captive officers, I was conveyed 
to Danville. Leaving that place on the 12th, I was taken to Macon and there confined until 
the 10th of June. On that day. 50 senior officers, including myself, were ordered to proceed 
east, and, passing through Savannah, arrived in Charleston on the 12th. At this place the 
party was confined in the city, under the fire of the batteries at Morris Island. No incon- 
venience, however, was experienced from this unusual proceeding. On the 3d of the present 
month an exchange was effected under the direction of Maj. Gen. Foster, commanding 
Department of the South, and with the whole party I arrived in New York on the 9th. 

It may be proper to state that a few days prior to the completion of this exchange, a 
detachment of officers, prisoners of war, numbering 000, arrived in Charleston from Macon 
and were confined in the city jail and its yard. I visited them in the evening of the 2d. 
and found them very uncomfortable, being much crowded and poorly sheltered. I was 
assured, however, by the rebel authorities that this condition was only temporary, and that 
they should be soon removed to more suitable quarters. As soon as sub-reports are received 
and examined, they will be forwarded as accompaniments of this statement. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, H. W. YVessells. 

Maj. Gen. J. J. Peck, late Commanding Dist. of N. C. 

Note. — In the foregoing report I have neglected to state that on the morning of the 
19th, subsequent to the marine disaster, Capt. H. I. Hodges, assistant quartermaster of 
volunteers, in endeavoring to communicate with the gunboats, was accidentally drowned by 
the upsetting of a canoe. No further information in regard to his fate has ever reached 
me. I should also add that on the following day, during the bombardment of Fort Williams, 
Capt. Coats, of 85th N. Y. Vols., acting as assistant inspector general of the district, was 
severely wounded in the face by a fragment of shell. It is difficult for me at this time, 
without the aid of subordinate reports, to detail with accuracy all the incidents of the siege, 
and other important omissions may have been made. H W W 

(O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 296-300.) 

Report of Lucien A. Butts, 85th New York Infantry : 

Annapolis, Md.. April 5, 1865. 
Brig. Gen. H. W. Wessells, Washington, D. C. : 

General — I inclose to you a report, made from such memoranda as I could make after 
I reached Macon, of the defense of the redoubt in which I was captured. I have not yet 
received the report from Lieut. Clark I expected to send with this. I arrived here from 
Richmond the 27th ultimo, having escaped from Charlotte. N. C. and been recaptured at 
Fayetteville. I am awaiting an order for muster-out on account of expiration of my term 
of service, the order being very disagreeably delayed some days after the reception by 
others of theirs, applied for at the same time. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

L. A. Butts, 1st Lieut. 85th N. Y. Vols. 



284 OFFICIAL REPOB 

Annapolis, Md., April 1, 186-5. 

General — I have the honor, at this earliest practicable time after my release from 
prison, to report the operations at the 8.",th Redoubt, Plymouth, N. C, preceding the sur- 
render of that work, April 18, 1804, the command, by the mortal wounding of Capt. Kelson 
Chapin, having fallen upon me as senior officer present. 

The garrison of the redoubt consisted of 42 enlisted men of Co. K, 85th X. Y. Vols., 
with its officers, Capt. N. Chapin, Lieut. L. A. Butts, and 2d Lieut. S. S. Peake, and 23 
enlist'd men of Co H. l'\ Mas-. Heavy Artillery, commanded by 2d Lieut. H. L. Clark. 
Its armament was a light 32-pounder on a ship carriage, and an old pattern iron 6-pounder 
field piece. Occasional shots were mule from our guns as parties of the enemy made their 
appearance in the vicinity of the Washington road after our pickets were driven in on the 
ling of the 17th and the morning of the 18th. About 10 A. M. of the [8th three rifled 
guns opened fire from near the Fagan house upon our pickets near the redoubt, replying 
also to our guns. During two hours or more good practice was apparently made by our 
32 pounder against these guns. No damage was done to the redoubt, though several shells 
struck it. Firing was discontinued during the greater part of the afternoon until near 
night, when a few shells were thrown upon the line of battle advancing upon our skir- 
mishers between the Washington and Long Acre [Lee's Mills] roads. While our attention 
was drawn in this direction, a battery was brought into position in the field on the southern 
front of the redoubt, which opened a rapid fire before our large gun could be shifted to 
bear upon it. The 6 pounder only could be used. It was well served under a close fire, two 
of the infantry helping to man it at the last in place of the artillery, who failed to come to 
the work. One of its earliest discharges exploded a caisson. Under cover of the fire of 
this battery, and nearly hidden in the obscurity of the night by the ground descending 
ard the swamp, and by the proximity of the woods, a heavy column of infantry was 
advanced to assault the redoubt. This column was opened upon by our musketry when 
aboul 100 yards distant, but it advanced steadily and soon enveloped the redoubt on every 
ide, pouring in a heavy fire. The abatis was soon penetrated, when hand grenades were 
used by us, apparently with great effect, as the attacking force soon retired, to rally again, 
however, in a short time. This was three or tour tune repeated, but with little order or 
getting through the abatis. The enemy finally passed in line toward the town, 

;• om< stragglers in our vicinity. Twenty-six of these, some of them wounded, but 
mostly unhurt, surrendered in small squads, and were assisted to scale the walls into the 
redoubt Our loss in repelling this assault was 1 killed and 8 wounded (3 mortally). The 
wounded included the only competent gunners fit for duty. 

After an interval of about half an hour, several guns opened upon the redoubt from 

a knoll about 250 yards from the south wall, and two or three guns at a distance of 100 

oppo ite the southwest corner, the fire from the two positions crossing at a right 

angle The last-named guns were placed under the bank of the swamp, so that neither of 

could bear upon them. The darkness prevented the enemy from being seen while 
plat ing his guns, and an attempt to use our field piece where a movement could be heard 
iva abandoned after one or two discharges as useless. The enemy's sharpshooters were 
active while their batteries played upon the redoubt. The small building in the corner of 
the work, upon which the fire was concentrated, proved a source of great danger. The 
percussion shells from the enemy's guns struck its roof and chimney, exploding and 
sending deadly missiles to nearly every part of the redoubt. Capt. Chapin was struck by 
a fragment of one of these shells during the second cannonade, about 9:30 o'clock. The 
fire was also very effective upon the walls of the redoubt, penetrating deep and throwing off 
much earth by the explosions. I lie sandbags were broken and thrown off the parapet, so 
as to destroy the loopholes on the sides of attack. After the second cannonade had been 
some time continued, tire was opened in that direction by our gunboats, but their shells 
passed over and exploded far beyond the enemy's batteries. Some shells from the town 
eemed to be better elevated and better timed, but were without apparent effect. The last 
two shells from the gunboats struck and exploded, one on the parapet, the other upon the 
traverse covering the door of the magazine, both in perfect range for the magazine. 
Shortly after the firing ceased, and demand was made for a surrender. The officers 
present, including Capt. Chapin, were consulted before replying. A large force was known 
to be between the redoubt and the town cutting off communicatioin. The cartridges were 
nearly expended, only half a dozen grenades were left, our gunners were disabled, the pris- 
oners were a great embarrassment; there was no means of spiking the guns or of making 
signals. There appeared in the darkness no hope of efficient help from the gunboats or 
from th( town batteries, and the fire received from the gunboats, if repeated, left no safe 
place in the work. It was unanimously derided to be a useless waste of life to continue 
the contest longer, and that it was best to surrender. Posession was given the works about 
11 P M 

The total casualties in Co. K, 85th N. Y. Vols., were Capt. N. Chapin, mortally 



BATTLE OF PLYMOUTH. 285 

wounded, 1 sergeant killed, and 3 other enlisted men wounded (1 mortally) ; and of Co. H, 
2d Mass, Heavy Artillery, 6 wounded (2 supposed mortally). 

I cannot speak too highly of the spirit and conduct of the men of my own company, 
to whom, in the subordinate position I held during the greater part of the engagement, my 
attention was principally confined. No fear of their readiness to fight as long as required 
was among the considerations leading to the surrender. Wagoner Dana E. Allen and 
Private Nason F. Chace were especially worthy of praise for their bravery in helping to 
man the guns when partially deserted, the first, after he himself was wounded. 

For the details of the operations of the artillery of the redoubt, and a report of 
the conduct of the men of that service, I refer you to the report of Lieut. Clark. 

I am able to learn no more of Capt. Chapin after he was left in care of the enemy 
than that he died at some temporary hospital, or on his way to one, before morning. 

The force making the assault was Kemper's brigade and the 21st Georgia Regiment, 
all led by Col. Mercer, of the 21st Ga., who was killed before the redoubt. We were told 
that the enemy lost before the redoubt GO in killed alone, and a large number of wounded. 
Appearances in the vicinity, so well as we could judge in the darkness, indicated that they 
nad lost severely. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

L. A. Butts, 1st Lieut. 85th N. Y. Vols. 
Brig. Gen. H. W. Wessells, Late Comdg. District of the Albemarle, N. C (O. R., Ser. I, 

Vol. XXXIII, pp. 301-303). 






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